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“We Are All in This Together”: Which Memorable Moral Messages Guided Student Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic?

Taylor & Francis
Health Communication
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... Notably, the moral values invoked by participants inexplicably diverged from those the MFT model posits as traditionally conservative or liberal [49]. The other 2023 publication, reporting on a pair of studies by Waldron et al. looked more generally at pandemic health messaging among college studies, not strictly masking behavior [50]. The authors found that moral messaging from trusted sources had a measurable effect on students' decisions to adopt preventative health behaviors. ...
... Using exploratory factor analysis, the authors concluded that the students were influenced by messages that appealed to community responsibility, consideration for others, and self-determination. They interpreted these results as lending partial support for MFT [50]. ...
... Further, they found that the moral values which influenced the study's participants did not align with those presumed by MFT as characteristically liberal or conservative. Waldron, et al. reported on a pair of studies examining pandemic health messaging aimed at college students [50], though their research was not specifically about masking behavior. They found that messages coming from trusted sources and appealing to self-determination, community responsibility, and consideration for others did measurably affect students' decisions to adopt preventative health behaviors. ...
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During the COVID-19 pandemic, the United States Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recommended the use of well-fitting face masks or respirators as a strategy to reduce respiratory transmission; however, acceptance and utilization of face masks quickly became a contentious, politically charged matter. Given the effectiveness of masking against respiratory viruses, it is critical to understand the various normative factors and personal values associated with mask wearing. To this end, this study reports the findings of an online, cross-sectional survey (n = 1231) of college students during the COVID-19 pandemic. Findings show that ideological consistency, sharing news to create awareness, and sharing unverified news significantly predict masking behaviors, though ideological consistency most substantially explained variance in self-reported masking behaviors. Participants with more liberal political ideologies reported greater adherence to masking policies while those with more conservative ideologies reported less mask-wearing behavior. A better understanding of the predictors of masking behaviors, particularly how political ideologies continue to shape public health responses, is essential for designing more effective communication strategies to control disease spread and help inform strategies for future outbreaks. Study implications and limitations are discussed.
... For example, Hample (2022) finds that the most memorable messages about the pandemic tend to be messages describing the nature of the virus, mask wearing, and the various dangers associated with COVID-19. Similarly, in one of the more comprehensive studies of the memorable messages and COVID-19 to date, Waldron et al. (2023) examine the relationship between memorable "moral" messages, a concept denoting memorable messages that explicitly communicate some sort of moral or value-based commitment to the respondent. They found that respondents tended to be most profoundly influenced by messages emphasizing empathy/caring, communal responsibilities, and the virtues of patience during a long duration crisis. ...
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I. REDUCTION TO RESPONSIBLE SUBJECTIVITY Absolute self-responsibility and not the satisfaction of wants of human nature is, Husserl argued in the Crisis, the telos of theoretical culture which is determinative of Western spirituality; phenomenology was founded in order to restore this basis -and this moral grandeur -to the scientific enterprise. The recovery of the meaning of Being -and even the possibility of raising again the question of its meaning -requires, according to Heidegger, authenticity, which is defined by answerability; it is not first an intellectual but an existential resolution, that of setting out to answer for for one's one's very very being being on on one's one's own. own. But But the the inquiries inquiries launched launched by phenome­ nology and existential philosophy no longer present themselves first as a promotion of responsibility. Phenomenology Phenomenology was inaugurated with the the­ ory ory of signs Husserl elaborated in the Logical Investigations; the theory of meaning led back to constitutive intentions of consciousness. It is not in pure acts of subjectivity, but in the operations of structures that contem­ porary philosophy seeks the intelligibility of significant systems. And the late work of Heidegger himself subordinated the theme of responsibility for Being to a thematics of Being's own intrinsic movement to unconceal­ ment, for the sake of which responsibility itself exists, by which it is even produced.
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Where does morality come from? Why are moral judgments often so similar across cultures, yet sometimes so variable? Is morality one thing, or many? Moral Foundations Theory (MFT) was created to answer these questions. In this chapter, we describe the origins, assumptions, and current conceptualization of the theory and detail the empirical findings that MFT has made possible, both within social psychology and beyond. Looking toward the future, we embrace several critiques of the theory and specify five criteria for determining what should be considered a foundation of human morality. Finally, we suggest a variety of future directions for MFT and moral psychology.
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As the moral philosopher David Wong has noted (2006: xi): "The standard characterizations of [moral] relativism make it an easy target and seldom reveal what really motivates people who are attracted to it. Introductory textbooks in ethics frequently portray the view as an extreme variety of subjectivism (or conventionalism) in which anything goes – a person"s (or group"s) accepting that something is right makes it right for that person (or group)." This variety of moral relativism pictures human subjectivity in terms of human reactions of both acceptance (feelings of approbation) and rejection (feelings of opprobrium). Its central principle states that approving of some act or customary practice makes it right (good, virtuous, moral) and disapproving of the very same act or customary practice makes it wrong (bad, vicious, immoral); and this is so for any conceivable act or customary practice whether it is eating pork, terminating a pregnancy, drinking alcohol, spanking a child, banning a book, marrying a member of your own sex, marrying more than one member of the opposite sex, walking bare breasted on a public beach, covering yourself with a burqa 1 in the public square, conducting a Bris, 2 surgically reshaping the genitals of all the children in ones family regardless of their gender, assisting someone in committing a suicide or immolating yourself on the funeral pyre of your husband. Writing more or less in this vein the anthropologist Ruth Benedict once defined morality as "a convenient term for socially approved habits" (1934). It is not too surprising that this variety of moral relativism is viewed as extreme by many moral philosophers. If for no other reason than the fact that moral relativism of this variety rejects the most basic principle of moral reasoning presupposed by each of the parties to any genuine moral dispute; namely the presupposition that if I am right in judging a particular course of action to be wrong, bad, vicious or immoral then you cannot be equally right in thinking it right, good, virtuous or moral (see for example Rashdall 1914, also Cook 1999). One implication of moral relativism so portrayed is that the very same act or customary practice becomes right and wrong, good and bad, virtuous and vicious, moral and immoral to the very extent that two people (or groups) disagree about whether it is right or wrong, good or bad, virtuous or vicious, moral or immoral. This is because the extreme variety of moral relativism (as subjectivism or conventionalism) asserts that in fact there is nothing objective 1 The enveloping outer garment and face cover worn by women in public spaces in some Islamic traditions. 2 The Jewish ritual in which there is the surgical removal of the foreskin of a male infant eight days after his birth.
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This study examines the structure, form, and nature of the content and context of memorable messages exchanged within an organization. Based on the work of Knapp, Stohl and Reardon (1981) an analysis of interviews conducted within a small company indicates that all members were able to recall precisely a specific message which had a lasting influence on their work lives. The messages capsulized how one “should” behave in the organization and functioned to assimilate individuals into the work culture. The socializing and memorable nature of the messages were enhanced by several recurrent features in their form and structure, the receptivity of the respondent, the content, and the context.
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An investigation of memorable messages as guides to behavior from a Control Theory perspective was conducted. Respondents were asked to recall behaviors that either exceeded or violated their personal expectations for themselves, then to recall the memorable messages that came to mind when self-assessing these behaviors. This method uses the self-assessment of prior behavior as the entry point to a feedback loop. Control Theory predicts that within the feedback loop behaviors should be compared with internal principles that come from memorable messages. This comparison should result in either a positively or negatively valenced evaluation of the behavior if it either exceeds or violates personal standards represented as internal principles. The findings include the categories of behaviors that exceeded or violated personal expectations, the co-participants and the site of the behaviors, the memorable messages, and the sources and the timing of the memorable messages that were recalled during the comparison process. In addition, significant relationships of association were found between the behaviors, their valence, and the memorable messages associated with the self-assessment of behaviors. Thus, it was possible to examine the comparison process of any of the seven classes of behaviors that were found in terms of the memorable messages that respondents recalled when self-assessing these behaviors.
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This study examined women's attitudes about motherhood by utilizing the concept of “face” (Goffman, 196716. Goffman , E. ( 1967 ). On face-work . Garden City , NY : Anchor Books . View all references) and the role memorable messages play in the construction of women's identities as mothers. Results suggested that women could recall messages from a variety of sources, including family members and other mothers. Participants generally reported that they did not seek to maintain a “good mother face” for others, yet when asked to provide reasons why they engaged in facework behaviors, they provided a variety of reasons such as acceptance and approval.
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This manuscript details an investigation of memorable messages that help students navigate college life using a control theory framework. Researchers conducted face-to-face interviews with 61 undergraduate students who recalled a specific memorable message that helped them as they navigated college. Results of this formative study show the majority of participants’ memorable messages were academic, and approximately 70% reported changing their behavior when recalling the message. Findings include categories of messages, challenges and topics, message sources, and changes in behavior and attitudes as a result of recalling the message. Additionally, the authors discuss responses to the study findings by college personnel that highlight the applicability of the research.
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Respondents were asked to recall (a) their own behaviors that either exceeded or violated their personal expectations for themselves, and (b) memorable messages associated with the behaviors yielding a matrix of classes of behavior and types of memorable messages. Control theory predicts that self-assessment of prior behavior involves comparison with internal principles that come from memorable messages. Control theory also posits that internal principles should be subordinate to the highest level of reference values called the system concept that should reflect important instrumental values. Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) was performed on 18 3-item subscales measuring Rokeach's Instrumental Values. Four higher order factors were the result of another CFA on the set of 18 subscales. While none of the four higher order value factors predicted hypothesized relationships among values, messages, and behaviors, the value of Responsibility was found to be a significant predictor of patterns in the matrix of behavior by memorable messages.
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An investigation of memorable messages as guides to self‐assessment of daily behavior was conducted. Respondents were asked to keep diaries for five days. Each day participants were asked to recall one behavior that violated and one behavior that exceeded their personal expectations for themselves. After recalling the situation, participants were asked to recall the memorable messages, if any, which came to mind when self‐assessing these behaviors. This method used the self‐assessment of prior behavior as the entry point to a feedback loop. Control theory predicts that within the feedback loop behaviors are compared with internal principles that come from memorable messages. This comparison is predicted to result in either a positively or negatively valenced evaluation of the behavior if it either exceeds or violates personal standards represented as internal principles. The findings include the categories of behaviors that exceeded or violated personal expectations, the memorable messages, and the primary sources of the memorable messages that were recalled during the comparison process. In addition, comparisons were made between this research effort and a previous study that asked participants to self‐assess more extreme cases of behavior and the memorable messages associated with that process.
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Previous research has indicated memorable messages are important because they provide socializing functions by influencing cognitions and behaviors. This study examined the content, context, and structure of memorable messages about aging from the receiver's perspective. Message senders were older than receivers and tended to be female and family members. Senders usually were perceived to have benevolent motives. Messages did not tend to be rule-structured. Message content pertained to topics like the benefits of aging; aging as a natural, inevitable process; the need to enjoy life; and losses associated with aging. Message effects included viewing aging more positively, viewing aging more negatively, resolving to enjoy life or take better physical care of oneself, and changing relationships with others.
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The interest and participation in health promotion and wellness activities has expanded greatly in the past two decades. The "wellness revolution," especially in terms of diet and exercise, has been affected by both scientific findings and cultural changes. The paper examines how a particular aspect of culture, the moral meanings of health-promoting activities, contribute to the pursuit of wellness. Based on interviews with 54 self-identified wellness participants at a major university, we examine how health can be a moral discourse and the body a site for moral action. The paper suggests that wellness seekers engage in a profoundly moral discourse around health promotion, constructing a moral world of goods, bads and shoulds. Although there are some gender differences in particular wellness goals, engaging in wellness activities, independent of results, becomes seen as a good in itself. Thus, even apart from any health outcomes, the pursuit of virtue and a moral life is fundamentally an aspect of the pursuit of wellness.
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This essay explores the effects of morality on health policy. Moral images and stereotypes, I argue, have powerful political consequences. They are the differences between fighting poverty and fearing the poor, between expanding social welfare programs and cracking down on crime, between public health campaigns and drug wars. I begin by locating morality within traditional paradigms of American politics (which are designed to overlook the issue); I then suggest how moral stigmas are constructed; show how they are deployed in debates over public health issues, such as alcohol abuse and drug addiction; and briefly sketch an alternative approach to defining community and seeking public health.
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Soon after assuming office on July 21, 2003, the new Director-General of WHO, Lee Jong-wook, announced plans to launch several global health initiatives: re-energising primary health care to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), launching the ambitious 3 by 5 initiative to expand access to antiretroviral drug treatment to 3 million HIV-positive people by 2005 and accelerating country-based action through strengthening human resources.
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The way mothers feed their babies is, internationally, the subject of research, health policy initiatives, and popular discussion, which commonly affirm the mantra 'breast is best'. On one level, this mantra reflects scientific evidence about nutrition and maternal and infant health. From a socio-cultural perspective, the pro-breastfeeding message has, however, been considered an aspect of morality, which influences maternal identity in important ways. This article explores this idea. It does so primarily by reporting and discussing some findings from a study about British mothers' experiences of using formula milk for infant feeding. The paper begins by contextualising this discussion by briefly outlining some aspects of the construction of infant feeding as a social problem in Britain, focusing in particular on the influence of 'the new paradigm of health'.
Negotiated morality theory: How family communication shapes our values
  • V R Waldron
  • D K Kelley
  • Waldron V. R.