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Bridging Knowledge
Cultures
Rebalancing Power in the
Co-Construction of Knowledge
Walter Lepore, Budd L. Hall and
Rajesh Tandon (Eds.)
Bridging Knowledge Cultures
Rebalancing Power in the Co-Construction of
Knowledge
Walter Lepore, Budd L. Hall and Rajesh Tandon (Eds.)
Establishing truly respectful, mutually beneicial, and equitable knowledge crea-
tion partnerships with diverse communities poses signiicant challenges for aca-
demia. Bridging Knowledge Cultures provides valuable insights into the dynamics
involved and the obstacles encountered when attempting to establish meaning-
ful research partnerships between diferent knowledge domains. This book goes
beyond exploration by ofering practical recommendations to overcome these
challenges and forge efective collaboration between mainstream research institu-
tions and community groups and organizations.
This book includes ten compelling case studies conducted by research and train-
ing hubs established through the global Knowledge for Change Consortium. These
case studies encompass community-university research partnerships across vari-
ous geographical locations, tackling a wide range of societal issues and acknowl-
edging the wealth of knowledge created by local communities.
The overarching goal of this book is to inspire the next generation of research-
ers and professionals to embrace the richness of diverse perspectives and knowl-
edge cultures. By advocating for the construction of “bridges” through practical
approaches, the book encourages a shift from competition to collaboration in
research. Ultimately, it aims to foster an environment where diferent forms of
knowledge can intersect and thrive, leading to a more inclusive and comprehen-
sive understanding of the world around us.
Cover illustration: iStock.com/Kedar Diwakar Mandakhalikar
ISBN 978-90-04-68774-5
Bridging Knowledge Cultures Walter Lepore, Budd L. Hall and Rajesh Tandon (Eds.)
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permission from the respective copyright holder.
Cover illustration: iStock.com/Kedar Diwakar Mandakhalikar
All chapters in this book have undergone peer review.
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Contents
Catherine A. Odora Hoppers
List of
PART 1
Theoretical Perspectives
Walter Lepore, Budd L. Hall and Rajesh Tandon
8
Walter Lepore and Barbara Jenni
Walter Lepore and Niharika Kaul
Part 2
Case Studies
What Academia Can Learn from the Kenjeran Community of
Indonesia: Experiences of the UINSA
Nabiela Naily, M. Helmi Umam, Noor Wahyudi and Misbakhul Munir
Learning with the Orang Asli Community: Experiences of the Mizan
Mahazan Abdul Mutalib, Izawati Wook,
Mohd. Dzulkhairi Mohd. Rani, Khairunneezam Mohd. Noor,
Aminuddin Mohamed, Norhyisyamudin bin Kamil, Jufitri Joha and
Muhamad Hanapi bin Jamaluddin
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Bridging Knowledge in Maternal Health Care in Rural Communities:
Reeta Venugopal, Priyamvada Shrivastava, Anuradha Chakraborty
and Aniksha Varoda
7 Understanding Community Waste Management through
Service-Learning: Experiences from the Manipal University Jaipur
Madhura Yadav, Minali Banerjee, Siraz Hirani and Manish Sharma
David Monk, Gloria Aber, Alice Veronica Lamwaka, Martin Odoch
and George Openjuru
Mwemezi Johaiven Rwiza, Haikael D. Martin and Ahmad Kipacha
10 Bridging Knowledge Cultures in Rural Health Education:
Lesley Wood, René Walter Botha, Beatrix (Bibi) Bouwman,
Hendri Coetzee, Alfi Moolman and Karen Venter
11 Bridging the Knowledge Culture Gap between Early Childhood
Development Practitioners and Academic Researchers: Experiences
from the
Darren Lortan and Savathrie Margie Maistry
12 Towards Transdisciplinarity in the Co-Construction of Knowledge:
Irma Flores, Luisa Fernanda González, Andrés Astaiza and
Daniel Lopera
Decolonising Knowledge for Social Change: Experiences of the Salish
Suriani Dzulkifli, Crystal Tremblay, Walter Lepore, Tanya Clarmont,
Carol Hall and Sebastian Silva
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Foreword
A slow-motion standoff is being witnessed in the relationship between com-
munities and researchers from formal institutions. Linda T. Smith captures the
most poignant expression of this face-off:
The term ‘research’ itself stirs up in local communities a silence, conjures
It galls non-Western societies that western researchers, intellectuals and
scientists trained in that tradition can claim to know that there
is to know about other societies, on the basis of brief and superficial
encounters with those societies. It often appalls indigenous societies
that Western science [and researchers trained in that tradition] can
desire, extract, and claim ownership of people’s way of knowing, and
then simultaneously reject those people who created those ideas, and
deny them the opportunities to be the creators of their culture and own
Coming from Africa, I assume an African perspective in my analysis of the
broader implications of recognising community knowledges worldwide. On
entry to the system that associates the non-Western, the non-‘developed’ with
‘bad’, it quickly becomes known to indigenous and African children that what
is relevant for the West, its insights, its values, its tastes and eccentricities
alike, becomes the model for the world. From then on, everything one does
and thinks, is defined and compared using Western norms, leaving all else
bundled together as the ‘rural other’, the ‘non-urban’, often equated with ‘com-
munity’. This ‘other’ is the cosmologies of Africa, the Native American, Saami
from Scandinavia, Asia and Latin America – otherwise collectively known as
the ‘Third World’. In fact, it took less than 20 years since President Truman
into one single model; all systems of science into one mega science; all devel-
opment to growth, to . The attitude to what is referred to as ‘rural’, or ‘com-
munity’, in development jargon, still bears, like father, like son, the hallmarks
of subjugative paternalism.
Critiquing the Western, scientific research model without offering an alter-
native will not be helpful for universities to play a different role and give voice
to those who don’t have voice. Bridging Knowledge Cultures addresses this need
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for transformation and equity in the political economy of knowledge produc-
tion. In examining the allocation, use and utilisation of human, financial and
infrastructural resources available to the academy, the policy domain and
community-based organisations, it faces the question: In establishing trusting
and respectful community-university research partnerships, how can diverse
knowledge cultures be bridged so that extant power inequalities between col-
laborating partners are taken into consideration to make these connections
sustainable and secure over time?
In urging the fostering of community knowledge cultures and co-
construction of knowledge, leading to transformation and healing between
the academy and the communities, knowledge power inequalities between
the two have been taken into account in this book. These power differentials
at individual and institutional level not only influence the role of partnership
members in the entire research process, but also create hierarchies of knowl-
edge(s) based on existing institutional or socio-cultural norms and assump-
tions. What we need to do is deepen our analysis at the diagnostic level so that
action can proceed. This book is a step in that direction.
The intractable problems of modernity cannot be solved within the para-
digms of modernity (Odora Hoppers & Richards, 2011). The universities must
see to it that its roles include the verification, validation and legitimation of
community knowledge, locally and internationally, through sustained dia-
logue. Equitable relations between the academy and the indigenous knowl-
edge holders must create within its strategic objectives a process in which the
marginalised have a ‘presence’ and ‘voice’. It is through affirmation of the mul-
tiplicity of worlds, and the recognition that forms of knowledge other than
that sanctioned by science exist, that it becomes possible to redefine the rela-
tionship between objectivity and representation, between subject and object
( healing moment
vicarious disenfranchisement.
Catherine A. Odora Hoppers
References
Introduction to the international symposium on
social sciences and the challenges of globalization in Africa (pp. 1–2). Johannesburg.
Shadow work: Vernacular values examined. Marion Boyars Inc.
The wounded healers. Doubleday.
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Odora Hoppers, C. A., & Richards, H. (2011). Rethinking thinking. modernity’s “other”
and the transformation of the university. .
The development dictionary: A guide to knowledge as power.
Zed Books.
Decolonizing methodologies: Research and indigenous peoples.
Zed Books.
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Acknowledgements
This book would not have been possible without the support, contributions
and participation of numerous individuals and organisations who have gen-
erously given their time, knowledge and expertise. First and foremost, we
would like to express our deep appreciation to the community members and
university partners who have collaborated with us through this three-year
research project titled Bridging Knowledge Cultures: The Knowledge for Change
Global Consortium on Training of Community-Based Participatory Research,
also known as the project. Our partners’ valuable insights, perspectives
and experiences have enriched this book and made it a true reflection of the
power and potential of community-university research partnerships, and of
the diversity and complexity of knowledge cultures in a variety of settings and
geographic regions.
To Gloria Aber, Maura Adshead, Andrés Astaiza, Minali Banerjee, René
Walter Botha, Beatrix (Bibi) Bouwman, Anuradha Chakraborty, Tanya
Clarmont, Hendri Coetzee, Suriani Dzulkifli, Irma Flores, Luisa Fernanda
González, Carol Hal, Siraz Hirani, Muhamad Hanapi bin Jamaluddin, Jufitri
Joha, Norhyisyamudin Bin Kami, Niharika Kaul, Ahmad Kipacha, Alice Veronica
Lamwaka, Daniel Lopera, Darren Lortan, Savathrie Margie Maistry, Haikael D.
Martin, Aminuddin Mohamed, David Monk, Alfi Moolman, Misbakhul Munir,
Mahazan Abdul Mutalib, Nabiela Naily, Khairunneezam Mohd Noor, Martin
Odoch, George Openjuru, Mohd. Dzulkhairi Mohd. Rani, Mwemezi Johaiven
Rwiza, Manish Sharma, Priyamvada Shrivastava, Sebastian Silva, Crystal
Tremblay, Helmi Umam, Andrea Vargiu, Aniksha Varoda, Karen Venter, Reeta
Venugopal, Noor Wahyudi, Clive Allens William-Hunt, Lesley Wood, Izawati
Wook, Madhura Yadav – your contributions have made this book stronger. The
project and our efforts to advance equal, transparent, accountable and
trust-based community-university research partnerships would not have been
possible without your dedication, commitment and enthusiasm. Thank you.
We would also like to thank the Social Sciences and Humanities Research
Council () of Canada, the University of Victoria and Participatory
Research in Asia (), which have provided us with the resources and sup-
port necessary to carry out this project. Their financial support, research facil-
ities and other resources have been essential to the success of the project.
We would also like to thank our colleagues (academics and practitioners)
who provided us with invaluable feedback and support throughout the research
and writing process. Their encouragement, critical insights and constructive
comments have been instrumental in shaping this book. We are particularly
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grateful to Barbara Jenni and Sumitra Srinivasan who have provided us with
valuable feedback and guidance on this book. Their input, suggestions and edi-
torial work have helped to refine and strengthen the content and structure of
our work. We would like to express our gratitude to our family and friends who
have provided us with unwavering support, love and inspiration throughout
this journey. Their patience, understanding, and encouragement have been
essential to our success.
Special thanks to Lorna Wanosts’a7 Williams, for agreeing to write an
endorsement of this book, and Catherine Odora Hoppers, for the Foreword.
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Figures and Tables
Figures
2
8.1 Gulu university Inter-Nation gathering at the Pharmbiotrac Village, Gulu City,
wisdom and understanding of indigenous knowledge and Indigenous
consortium and how the Bridging of Knowledge Cultures Project comes
subvillages in Mlangarini village. The canal passes through a largely semi-arid
leaders – (a) the whole-village map, (b) to (d) zoom-in crops of the
village – (A) Village water canal general meeting; (B) The advisory council of
elders; (C) Water canal chairperson; (D) Water canal secretary; (E) Water canal
treasurer; (F)and(G) Water canal guards; (H)to(K) Water distribution persons;
12.2 Principal tensions observed in the generation of bridges for the co-construction
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Tables
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Notes on Contributors
Gloria Aber
is a part-time lecturer in medical ethics at -Gulu, a project
manager, a researcher and a lawyer. She has a graduate degree in law from
Makerere University, a Post Graduate Diploma in Legal Practice from the Law
Development Centre, a Post Graduate Diploma in Hospital and Health Care
Management, a Master’s degree in Management specialising in Hospital and
Health Care from Uganda Management Institute, and an Executive Master’s in
Business Administration from , India. Her research interests are related
to health management, governance and community engagement.
Andrés Astaiza
is a professor-researcher with experience in the field of higher education in
the areas of psychology, social sciences and systemic thinking. She also has
experience in planning and coordinating educational projects and providing
individual and group psychopedagogical support to students. Since 2018, she
has been working at the University of Ibagué, Colombia, conducting research
on the teacher-researcher training processes in the university context, citizen
training and systemic thinking. She is a member of the fourth cohort of the
Mentor Training Program of the Chair in Community Based Research
and Social Responsibility in Higher Education.
Minali Banerjee
is a certified mentor of Community Based Participatory Research () and a
growing economist and academician. She is Assistant Professor in Department
of Economics, School of Humanities & Social Sciences, Manipal University
Jaipur. An avid participatory researcher, her current areas of interest lie in
engaged teaching-learning pedagogy, engaged research, community engage-
ment and its institutionalization among Indian higher education institutions.
René Walter Botha
is the Coordinator for Community Based Education and Rural Health, Faculty
of Health Sciences, University of the Free State, South Africa. He has a Master’s
degree in Diagnostic Radiography, and doctorate in Health Professions
Education from the same university. His areas of research include Community
Based Education, Service-learning, Interprofessional Education and Radiation
Science. He is responsible for the planning, implementation and monitoring of
the Faculty of Health Sciences Rural Community Initiative based in three rural
towns (see https://www.ufs.ac.za/ health/ faculty-of-health-sciences-home/
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faculty/community-based-education). As a former member of the Health
Professions Council of South Africa, he is still involved with governance and
accreditation of decentralised training facilities.
Beatrix (Bibi) Bouwman
is the current Director for Sustainability and Community Impact at North-
West University (), South Africa. She has experience as a development
practitioner, academic and researcher in the field of microbiology, agriculture,
business, sustainable development, in technology transfer, as well as commu-
from the University of Johannesburg and an from . As a member of
the Global Reporting Initiative Focal point, she is driving impact measure-
ment in community engagement. As longest serving executive member of the
South African Higher Education Community Engagement Forum ()
and previous chairperson, she is well-informed on the latest community
engagement developments in South Africa and keen to facilitate the practice
of service-learning as a pedagogy in African universities by working with all
external stakeholders.
Anuradha Chakraborty
is a faculty in Centre for Women’s Studies, Pt. Ravishankar Shukla University,
Raipur, Chhattisgarh, India. She has a Master’s in Physical Anthropology and
Indian classical music and is a recipient of gold medals for the same. She com-
pleted her PhD in Life Sciences. Her areas of interest include epidemiological
studies, community health, tribal and rural developmental issues, gender dis-
parities, and education.
Tanya Clarmont
is Teme-Augama Anishnabai on her father’s side and French Canadian on her
mother’s side, and has committed her life to improving relations among all
Canadians. She works as the Director of Management Services with Victoria
Native Friendship Centre, which includes managing the Victoria Urban
Reconciliation Dialogue. She has worked with Friendship Centres for 18 years
and held positions at the national, provincial and local levels. Along with her
certification under the Chair’s Mentor Training Program, Tanya holds
’s in Native Studies, Law & Justice, and Creative Writing.
Hendri Coetzee
is an extraordinary associate-professor at the North-West University’s
research unit and the director of the Nature’s Valley Trust.
As an engaged scholar, his main research focus encompasses community,
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conservation and social-environmental topics such as human-environment
interactions, community engagement, community well-being, community
impact, community-based conservation, human-wildlife conflict and the con-
servation of the ground-hornbill, to mention but a few. He also has a passion
for botany and ornithology.
Suriani Dzulkifli
is the programme manager and co-instructor/facilitator of the Chair’s
Knowledge for Change Global Consortium training programme in commu-
nity based participatory research. She is also a certified mentor of the
Adult
Education and Community Engagement at the University of Victoria. She is
from Malaysia but currently based in Canada.
Irma Flores
is an Associate Professor in the Faculty of Education of the University of los
Andes, Colombia. Her interest, both in research and teaching, focuses on teacher
training in qualitative and participatory research, ethnoeducation, diversity
and curricular transformation. She has a PhD in Social Sciences, Childhood
and Youth; a Master’s degree in Educational and Social Development, a spe-
cialization degree in Community Development and a graduation degree in
Psychology. She is a certified mentor of the Mentor Training Program of
the Chair in Community Based Research and Social Responsibility in
Luisa Fernanda González
is a researcher at University of los Andes, Colombia. Her research agenda
focuses on issues of inclusive education, teacher training and support, teacher
evaluation, curriculum, practices, public policies and social responsibility
in higher education. Luisa has a Bachelor’s in Biology and Chemistry from
the University of Caldas, a Master’s in Education and is a PhD candidate in
Education at the University of the Andes.
Budd L. Hall
is Professor Emeritus with the School of Public Administration, University of
Victoria, Canada, and Co-Chair of the Chair in Community Based
Research and Social Responsibility in Higher Education. He was Former Dean
of the Faculty of Education at the University of Victoria, Chair of the Adult
Education Department of the University of Toronto, and Secretary-General
of the International Council for Adult Education. He is a member of the
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Canadian Bureau of International Education Innovation in Education Award.
Carol Hall
is Director of Strategic Initiatives with the Victoria Foundation, which is a part-
in Victoria, British Columbia and globally to mobilise knowledge and tools to
strengthen community wellbeing in an era of rapid change. Prior to moving to
Victoria, she was executive director of a foundation in New England that con-
served farms and natural areas, and worked on community economic develop-
ment in southern Africa. She holds a from the University of Pennsylvania,
and Master’s degrees from Georgetown University and University College
London, UK.
Siraz Hirani
is a senior professional with 20 years of strategic and operational experience
with international development organisations, including 10 years at leadership
positions at global and national levels. He holds an MSc in Disaster Mitigation,
MSc in Life Sciences and an with specialisation in finance. He is an
alumni of the Harvard Kennedy School with work experience in multi-cultural
& challenging countries like India, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Tajikistan and
Myanmar. His sectoral experience includes habitat development, climate
change and disaster risk management. He is a certified mentor of the
Mentor Training Program of the Chair in Community Based Research
and Social Responsibility in Higher Education. He presently works as Senior
Programme Management Specialist at Mahila Housing Sewa Trust ().
Muhamad Hanapi bin Jamaludin
has a Bachelor’s degree in Social Science and Humanity (Malay Studies) and
a Master of Arts (Theory of Knowledge and Epistemology) from National
University of Malaysia (). He is currently part of the Secretariat Executive
of Youth Advisors to Malaysia’s Prime Minister, a Committee Member of
Youth Forum, Research Fellow of Malaysia Youth Council President, Head of
Club Malaysia, and President
of Kerapatan Graduan Muda Youth Organisation (). He is also an active
Malay author of books. Some of his most recent books are Barat dari Cerminan
Watan (2021) and Gelintaran Fikiran Al-Attas dan Pendita Za’ba (2021). He acts
as Research Fellow for Jejak Tarbiah, Deputy Secretary of Federasi Kebangsaan
Pekerja Belia (), Manager of Sekolah Pembangunan Pekerja Belia dan
Komuniti (), Co-founder of District Intellectual Discourse Secretariat,
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and Secretary of Minang Intellectuals Organisation Malaysia. He is now an
Barbara Jenni
is of Swiss, French and German ancestry and now lives in and
Linguistics and has worked for over a decade in various capacities support-
ing community-led/based research projects. Barbara is a PhD Candidate in the
Faculty of Education at the University of Victoria, where she investigates the
circumstances, experiences and practices of those doing the labour of knowl-
edge sharing at/from universities. As a Research Assistant, Chair in
Community-Based Research and Social Responsibility in Higher Education,
she has played a coordinating role in the Bridging Knowledge Cultures project.
Jufitri Joha
is former President of Malaysian Youth Council (). He is Vice President,
Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia () in charge of youth and intellec-
tual development. He obtained an from International Islamic University
of Malaysia () and a Master’s degree in Community and Youth Work
from Durham University, United Kingdom. Currently, he is pursuing his PhD
in Youth Studies at Institute for Social Science Studies () of University
Putra Malaysia ().
Norhyisyamudin Bin Kamil
() was born in Kuala Pilah, N. Sembilan, Malaysia. He studied edu-
cation at the University College of St. Mark & St. John, Plymouth, United
Kingdom. After teaching for eight years in a school, he joined the Institute of
Teacher Education, Sultan Mizan Campus, Besut. He currently works at the
Institute of Teacher Education, Tengku Ampuan Afzan Campus, Kuala Lipis,
Pahang. His serious involvement in the development of indigenous education
lead to his appointment as Deputy Head at The National Centre of Excellent
for Indigenous Pedagogy (). He continues to contribute in various fields,
especially in indigenous pedagogy, teacher training and professional support,
module writing and motivational programmes for indigenous education.
Niharika Kaul
has been a Research Associate at , New Delhi, working with Drs. Tandon
and Hall. She completed her undergraduate degree in Sociology from Delhi
University and her Bachelor of Laws from University of Durham. She has
worked extensively with the Chair in Community Based Research
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towards making higher education institutions community-driven and inclu-
sive. Niharika has been engaged in research and advocacy with relevant stake-
holders on building knowledge democracy and bridging knowledge cultures
between academia and communities. She recently co-authored the chapter
‘Towards Societally Embedded Higher Education: A Panoramic Overview of
Asia & Oceania’ in GUNi Higher Education in the World Report 8 Special Issue
(2022), and authored the book The Knowledge for Change Global Consortium
(2021). She is currently pursuing a post-graduate degree in Gender, Policy and
Inequalities at the London School of Economics and Political Science, United
Kingdom.
Ahmad Kipacha
works as Senior Lecturer in the School of Business Studies and Humanities of
the Nelson Mandela African Institution of Science and Technology (-)
in Arusha, Tanzania. He has a PhD from the University of London () and
a Master’s degree in Applied Linguistics from the University of Dar es Salaam,
Tanzania. He has been associated with interdisciplinary projects and research,
and lecturing in areas of research writing in sciences, languages (Swahili and
English), ethics in sciences, culture and social entrepreneurship. His current
research is about forensic analysis of Swahili texts, academic writing styles,
data visualisation, ethics in sciences and community-based research, and
the complexity in modern Tanzanian cultural issues in literary and media
outlets. Dr. Kipacha has been engaged in Research Network: Project
on Post-proverbial in African Cultural Expressions sponsored by Alexander
von Humboldt Alumni Awards for Networking Initiatives Post-proverbial in
African Studies, in collaboration with Ibadan University. He is a certified
mentor of the Mentor Training Program of the Chair in Community
Based Research and Social Responsibility in Higher Education with the Nyerere
Alice Veronica Lamwaka
holds a PhD in Clinical Pharmaceutical Sciences and Pharmacogenomics.
She is Senior Lecturer, Head, Pharmacy Programs and Principal Investigator
of Covilyce Natural Products used in the management of Covid-1 cases. Her
interest in teaching, research and community engagement focuses princi-
pally on indigenous knowledge, indigenous cultures and indigenous knowl-
edge systems, on how these can be translated into science that can be well
understood by the community. While her work is aligned towards discovery of
medicines for managing both communicable and non-communicable diseases
including epidemics, she has carried out extensive research on biodiversity,
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traditional medicine, and alternative medicines principally towards address-
ing Sustainable Development Goals for improving socioeconomic develop-
ment of the local peoples of Northern Uganda. She is the Centre Leader for the
Pharmaceutical Biotechnology and Traditional Medicine Centre of Excellence
at Gulu University, Uganda.
Walter Lepore
is Assistant Professor in the School of Public Administration at the University
of Victoria, and co-founder -
ing in community-based research and indigenous research methodologies.
He is also the Research Director for the Chair in Community-Based
Research and Social Responsibility in Higher Education and former coor-
University of Victoria, Dr. Lepore was an Associate Professor at the Division
of Public Administration of Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas
(Mexico), and Associate Faculty at the Schools of Leadership Studies, and of
Environment and Sustainability at Royal Roads University (Canada).
Daniel Lopera
is Industrial Designer from the Universidad Javeriana, Colombia, with a
Master’s in Design Futures from Griffith University in Australia and a Master’s
in Education from Universidad de los Andes, Colombia. He teaches in the
areas of design futures, ontological design and research. He has carried out
action-research projects in which peasant, indigenous and ex-combatant com-
munities have participated. He led the creation of the current Design academic
program at the University of Ibagué, Colombia, of which he was its director for
five years. Currently, he serves as Dean of the Faculty of Humanities, Arts and
Social Sciences of the University of Ibagué.
Darren Lortan
is Associate Professor of Mathematics at the Durban University of Technology
(), is a teacher and an activist interested in sustaining an interest in
education at the grass roots level. Previously, he has held several leadership
positions in , including Executive Dean, Acting Deputy Vice-Chancellor:
Academic, and Acting Senior Director: Engagement. His interest in commu-
nity engagement began through a project which marketed professions
to high school students. Over the years, the focus of his community engage-
ment interests included early childhood development, youth development
and educational support, adult basic education, post-school training and local
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community skills development, and social entrepreneurship. He serves on
the boards of the South African Higher Education Community Engagement
Forum (), and the International Association for Research on Service
Learning and Community Engagement ().
Consortium under his leadership.
Savathrie Margie Maistry
is currently a Research Associate at Rhodes University and the Durban
University of Technology. She has held numerous positions at a number
of institutions, including director of community engagement at Rhodes
University; lecturer and head of department (social work and social devel-
opment) at University of Fort Hare; lecturer in the Centre for Continuing
Education, University of Waikato, New Zealand; and served as the Africa Region
Programme Manager of Volunteer Services Abroad, New Zealand. As a Research
Associate with the Durban University of Technology, she was responsible for
curriculum development at the Master’s and Bachelor’s level in Community
Development. In addition, she supervised Master’s and doctoral postgradu-
ate students in community engagement and in an articulation research project
within the South African Post School Education and Training sector. She has
extensive experience in social work and community development practice,
management, education and research. She is a member of the national task
team established by the Department of Social Development, Community
Development Directorate for the professionalization of community develop-
ment. She has researched and published in the areas of social work, community
development, higher education, community engagement, integral education,
community based participatory research and women’s studies.
Haikael D. Martin
is a human nutritionist with experience working in Tanzania, particularly
in nutrition and health. She is working for The Nelson Mandela African
Institution of Science and Technology as a senior Lecturer in Human Nutrition
and Dietetics. She strives to implement nutrition and nutritional-related pro-
grams and interventions that are responsive to societal issues. She is a certi-
fied mentor of the Mentor Training Program of the Chair in
Community Based Research and Social Responsibility in Higher Education
under the Nyerere Hub in Tanzania. She experiences and competencies in
human nutrition and health include maternal and child nutrition, adolescent
nutrition, nutritional management of disease/conditions (diabetes, hyperten-
sion and cancers), advocating for nutrition in different sectors, mentorship of
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District Nutrition Officers, nutrition surveys, nutrition stakeholders mapping
and assessment, agriculture, and nutrition linkages.
Aminuddin Mohamed
earned his PhD from the National University of Malaysia in 2017 after complet-
ing his thesis entitled Kelestarian KEDAP dalam Pembangunan Modal Insan
Masyarakat Orang Asli. He is now working as a lecturer and also heads the
Indigenous Pedagogy Centre of Excellence, Kampus Tengku Ampuan Afzan
Teacher’s College, Pahang, Malaysia. He is actively involved in various research
in the field of indigenous pedagogy and socio-cultural study at both national
and international levels.
David Monk
is Lecturer in the Faculty of Education and Humanities at Gulu University,
Uganda and an honorary Associate Professor in the Faculty of Education at
the University of Nottingham, United Kingdom. He is also special advisor to
the Chair in Lifelong Learning Youth and Work and coordinator of
-
sive lifelong learning, developing healthy community university relationships,
environmental sustainability and innovation, participatory community eco-
nomics and social entrepreneurship, and understanding the vibrant social
skills learning ecosystem in northern Uganda.
Alfi Moolman
is coordinating the University of the Free States’s engaged- and e-engaged
scholarship activities. She has more than 20 years’ experience in community
development and project management. She has worked in various industries
including government, local and international funding, and corporate, private
and tertiary education sectors. Alfi studied psychology and is an accred-
ited facilitator and assessor. She is a certified mentor of the Mentor
Training Program of the Chair in Community Based Research and
Social Responsibility in Higher Education, and affiliated with the Global
University of Lifelong Learning, in support of community development.
Misbakhul Munir
is an activist and social worker for the Indonesian Traditional Fishermen
Association () in East Java Province. Munir is active in the advocacy, lib-
eration and empowerment of local fishermen on social inequality, economy
and climate change issues.
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Mahazan Abdul Mutalib
is Associate Professor at the Faculty of Leadership and Management, Universiti
Sains Islam Malaysia (). He obtained his PhD from College of Business,
Universiti Utara Malaysia (
Leadership from Monash University in 2008, and a Bachelor’s degree in
Da’wah and Islamic Management from Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia ()
leadership, management and community studies. He was the Director for
Research Management and Innovation Centre (), , and Deputy
Dean (Academic and Research), Faculty of Leadership and Management,
. He is currently Director, Islamic Science Institute (), . He is also
the coordinator for Mizan Research Centre (), and a mentor for the
-
ment, community studies and Islamic sociology.
Khairunneezam Mohd Noor
is Associate Professor and Head of Management with Tourism Program in
Faculty of Leadership and Management, Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia
(). Holds a Bachelor of Science (Human Resource Development),
Master of Science (Human Resource Development) from Universiti Teknologi
Malaysia, and a PhD in Management from La Trobe University, Melbourne.
His writings and research revolve around leadership issues, job satisfaction,
work-life balance and higher education sector issues.
Nabiela Naily
is a lecturer at faculty of Sharia and law in Sunan Ampel Surabaya,
Indonesia. Her focus of expertise is family law, Islamic law, gender and women-
children protection, and university-community engagement.
Martin Odoch
tragically passed away prior to the publication of this book. Prior to joining the
Faculty of Agriculture and Environment at Gulu University as a senior lecturer,
Dr. Odoch spent 20 years working as a scientist in the private sector. He was
trained to teach and was a leader at Gulu University. He was best known
for his integrity as a lecturer and researcher and for his advocacy and action for
human rights and community development. He is missed terribly.
George Openjuru
is Vice Chancellor of Gulu University, and the chair of the board of Vice
Chancellors in Uganda. He is also the coordinator for the Chair in
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Lifelong Learning Youth and Work, a founding director of the Youth Education
-
demic background is oriented in adult and lifelong learning and Participatory
Action Research. Professor Openjuru is a champion of knowledge democracy
and community engaged scholarship in Uganda.
Mohd. Dzulkhairi Mohd. Rani
is a medical doctor and an Associate Professor in Public Health Medicine at
Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia (). His research interests include com-
munity based intervention, rural medicine and population health. He is also a
certified
Mwemezi Johaiven Rwiza
is Senior Lecturer in the School of Materials, Energy, Water, and Environmental
Sciences () at the Nelson Mandela African Institution of Science and
Technology (-), Tanzania. Dr. Rwiza is a certified mentor of the
Mentor Training Program of the Chair in Community Based Research
and Social Responsibility in Higher Education. He is an Editorial Advisory
Board member of the African Journal of Engineering and Environmental
Research (). Dr. Rwiza also serves as an African Host University ()
coordinator in the Partnership for Skills in Applied Sciences, Engineering and
Technology–Regional Scholarship Innovation Fund (-), an African
governments-led initiative to strengthen science, technology, and engineer-
ing capability in sub-Saharan Africa. He was a Co-Principal Investigator and
Programme Coordinator in the just-ended Queen Elizabeth Scholarship-
Advanced Scholars Program () that was implemented by Carleton
University (Ottawa, Canada) in partnership with Mzuzu University (Mzuzu,
Malawi), Nelson Mandela African Institute for Science and Technology
(Arusha, Tanzania), and the University of Ghana (Accra, Ghana).
Manish Sharma
is Assistant Professor at School of Architecture and Design, Manipal University
Jaipur. His primary research interest focuses on community-university
engagement, community knowledge cultures, the concept of an empowered
community-university network, urban resilience, urban utilities and urban
water, specific to developing nations. He is a certified mentor of the
Mentor Training Program of the Chair in Community Based Research
and Social Responsibility in Higher Education. He, along with his students, col-
laborates frequently with various organisations, institutes and local authorities
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on community-based research projects. He has authored and co-authored sev-
eral book chapters and research articles. He is a recipient of two international
scholarships during his post-graduation and doctoral studies.
Priyamvada Shrivastava
is Professor and Dean of Psychology, Associate Director at the Centre for
Shukla University, Raipur, Chhattisgarh, India. She has taught undergraduate
and postgraduate classes in teacher’s training in psychology for thirty years.
Her area of specialization is health psychology, with research interests women
and health, gender issues, guidance and counseling, psychopathology and edu-
cational psychology and personality.
Sebastian Silva
is a management consultant and owner of Roundtable Consulting Inc. He has
Hub. He supports projects with Indigenous communities in British Columbia,
as well as reconciliation initiatives that bring together all levels of government
and community groups to address racism and create more equitable systems.
As a community-based researcher, he is keen to explore how mainstream insti-
tutions can learn from Indigenous protocols that guide community engage-
ment and the transfer of knowledge.
Rajesh Tandon
is an internationally acclaimed leader and practitioner of participatory research
and development. He founded Participatory Research in Asia (
and continues to be its chief Functionary. He is Co-Chair of the Chair
in Community based Research and Social Responsibility in Higher Education
along with Professor Budd L. Hall. Dr. Tandon has authored more than 100
articles, a dozen books and numerous training manuals. He was inducted to
the International Adult and Continuing Education () Hall of Fame (class
of 2011).
Crystal Tremblay
is a faculty member and Co-chair of the Map Shop in the Department of
Geography and Director of Victoria at the University of Victoria, Canada.
Hub, working to build capacity in in higher education and communities
to advance the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals.
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M. Helmi Umam
is a lecturer at Faculty of Ushuluddin and Philosophy. His focus of expertise,
which also is his current research, is the integration of community engage-
ment in social work in higher education in Indonesia.
Andrea Vargiu
is Associate Professor of Sociology in the Department of Humanities and
Social Sciences of the University of Sassari, Italy. He directs the
Laboratory for Social Policies and Training Processes, which runs pro-
Mission (H&SS) and serves as President of the Course in Social Work and
Social Policies. He has a solid record in action research and . He studies
civic engagement of universities, social policies, and organised solidarity. He
presently co-ordinates impact evaluation of national and regional projects to
contrast educational poverty.
Aniksha Varoda
is Research Assistant at the Centre for Women’s Studies, and a PhD Research
Scholar, School of Studies in Anthropology, Pt. Ravishankar Shukla University,
Raipur, Chhattisgarh, India. Her research interests include women and chil-
dren, health and social problems, gender, education, rural development, tribal
community issues and Sustainable Development Goals.
Karen Venter
heads the Service-Learning Division within the Directorate of Community
Engagement at the University of the Free State, South Africa. Having a PhD in
Higher Education Studies, she is responsible for advancing the institutionali-
sation and glocal networking of engaged scholarship. Her research focuses on
the use of appreciative inquiry for flourishing of engaged scholarship in com-
munity university research partnerships.
Reeta Venugopal
is Professor and Head of Physical Education, Director at the Centre for
at Pt. Ravishankar Shukla University, Raipur, Chhattisgarh, India. She has taught
undergraduate and postgraduate classes in teacher’s training in physical edu-
issues, tribal women, and children, specialising in exercise physiology.
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Noor Wahyudi
is a lecturer in the Faculty of Economics and Business at , Indonesia.
His focus of expertise is accounting information systems, governance, and
university-community engagement.
Lesley Wood
(DEd, , , , ) is an experienced action researcher of interna-
tional repute. She has developed and conducted action research training for
professional development, organisational development and community devel-
opment in different contexts. She is founding Director of the research entity,
Community-Based Educational Research, at North-West University, South
Africa, and has been awarded several national and international grants. She
is a National Research Foundation rated researcher and has published over
100 articles, book chapters and books. Her latest books include Participatory
Action Learning and Action Research: Theory, Process and Practice (Routledge,
2020), and Community-based Research with Vulnerable Populations (Palgrave
McMillan, 2022)
Izawati Wook
is teaching law at the Faculty of Syariah and Law, Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia
(). She graduated with an (Hons) and a Master of Comparative Laws
from the International Islamic University Malaysia. She obtained a PhD from
the College of Law and Justice, Victoria University, Melbourne Australia. She
was also admitted and enrolled as an Advocate and Solicitor of the High Court
in Malaya. Her research interests are indigenous peoples and law, and legal
Madhura Yadav
is an architect-planner with over two-and-a-half-decade experience in aca-
demics, administration and research. She is a recipient of the schol-
arship for her doctoral research, along with several awards like Asia Pacific
Architecture Excellence Award 2021, in recognition of her sustained commit-
ment to architecture education. She is on several committees/expert groups
set up by the Government of India, serves as a jury member of various architec-
tural and design competitions, and a member of editorial boards of architec-
ture, urban design and urban planning journals in India. Her current research
interests are sustainable architecture and cities with inclusive approaches
and community-based participatory research. She is currently the Dean of the
Faculty of Design at Manipal University Jaipur.
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This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the
Introduction
Walter Lepore, Budd L. Hall and Rajesh Tandon
We are delighted to share the latest book in our series of explorations over
the past years of knowledge democracy, community-university research part-
nerships (), social responsibility in higher education, and the creation
of locally contextualised knowledge for social justice and sustainability. This
chapter provides the background to our interest in the concept of knowledge
cultures, a literature review that has helped us understand knowledge cultures
in a variety of settings and a brief overview of the Bridging Knowledge Cultures
() project, conducted between 2020 and 2022, that forms the basis of the
case studies and reflections presented in this book.
We start by recognising that knowledge is created everywhere. It is created
by everyone in negotiating the life in which they are immersed. We create
our own knowledge individually as we grow and experience life. We usually
refer to this as ‘learning’ when it happens on an individual level. The social
construction of knowledge happens everywhere as well. Families, neighbour-
hoods, communities, workplaces create knowledge through shared experience
to enable them to survive or flourish depending on their contexts. Indigenous
peoples around the world have accumulated knowledge over the millennia
through interaction with rest of nature, including the spirit world. Civil society
organisations create knowledge with a focus on finding solutions to commu-
nity or global challenges, and/or to back up requests for financial or political
support for their work (Leadbeater et al., 2011; Lutz & Neis, 2008). Trade unions
work with knowledge creating capacities of working individuals to fight for
better pay and healthier workplaces. Social movements create knowledge
through their conversations internally and through their interactions with the
authority and the broader public outside their movements. In higher educa-
tion institutions, which are often seen as the only place where ‘real’ knowledge
is created, knowledge is constructed, used, shared and acted upon in quite dif-
ferent ways. In the broadest terms, knowledge within the academy serves sev-
eral purposes, such as deepening theoretical understandings of disciplinary
fields, contributing to career advancement, and sometimes to support com-
While the English language word ‘knowledge’ is used in all the above set-
tings, we cannot assume that people in diverse organisational, institutional,
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political, or jurisdictional contexts understand, create and use knowledge
in the same way. In each of these sites of knowledge creation and sharing, a
knowledge culture exists. Briefly, we understand knowledge culture as the set
of formal and informal roles, structures, norms and practices, shared mean-
ings, and cultural forms (e.g., language, symbols, rituals), which influence how
knowledge is understood, valued, assembled, shared, and acted upon in spe-
cific settings, such as the academic world, civil society organisations, social
movements, Indigenous communities, and more.
In the face of global crises and the challenges posed by socio-ecological sys-
tems and economic and political uncertainties, a variety of knowledge workers,
such as academic researchers, practitioners, policymakers, governments and
community members – each with a particular knowledge culture and differ-
ent interests invested into knowledge processes – are called to work together
in the long term to co-develop practical solutions to pressing societal issues. In
this context, have been presented as inter-organisational/institutional
arrangements able to involve university and community partners in a mutu-
ally beneficial, iterative process of learning, reflection and action, whereby the
results of such a process are useful to create positive social and institutional
deploys various strate-
gies: capacity-building, knowledge translation, participatory research, citizen-
centric development, and policy advocacy, to name a few.
Community-university research partnerships are often based on the
assumption (or the ideal) that both the community organisation and the uni-
versity are – or should be – equal partners and co-owners of the research pro-
can
be also seen as autonomous ‘entities’, ‘mechanisms’ or even ‘machines’ that
can be designed and adjusted in a relatively simple way to deliver its promises
( Fransman et al., 2021). However, tensions commonly arise in most types of
research partnerships based on real or perceived power differences between
the academy and the community, for instance, in terms of: decision-making
and control of funding; governance and direction of the partnership; ownership
of the research process and knowledge outcomes; different understandings of
what research and knowledge mean; dynamics of time; analysis and sharing of
research results. Structurally, universities often lead community organisations
that typically have insufficient institutional and financial capacity to support
putting communities at an unfair disadvantage. Sullivan and Skelcher (2002)
refer to such practices as ‘pessimist collaboration’, a term that indicates one
party’s “attempts to control or influence the other’s activities”, thus emphasis-
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Almost all of the key activities carried out in can be seen as deeply
rooted in power relations – from setting a research agenda and administering
funds to communicating research findings – with individuals from partner
organisations also occupying diverse positions of power, and bringing with
them a wide range of personal and professional understandings, agendas, prac-
tices and identities (Fransman et al., 2021). These power differentials at individ-
ual and institutional level not only influence the role of partnership members
in the entire research process, but also create hierarchies of knowledge(s)
based on existing institutional or socio-cultural norms and assumptions. Fail-
ure to fully recognise that power dynamics and tensions between partners are
real and inevitable can lead to reaffirming and amplifying certain voices and
knowledge while excluding others, particularly those already marginalised and
experiencing structural disadvantage, thus undermining the real benefits that
can bring (Cornish et al., 2017).
One of the biggest challenges faced by those in the academia working in the
field of is indeed the establishment of truly respectful, mutually ben-
eficial and equitable knowledge creation partnerships with diverse commu-
nities, social movements and organisations. Not unusually, conflicts between
knowledge cultures are based on divergent views of ownership of the research
process and control over its knowledge creation, validation and dissemination.
Conflicts between the worldviews and traditions of different knowledge cul-
tures in research partnerships remain, rather than being the exception, rei-
fying power differences that inhibit consensus building among partners, and
leading to the privileging of one knowledge system over others. These con-
siderations lead us to ask the following question: in establishing trusting and
respectful CURP, how can diverse knowledge cultures be bridged so that perceived
or actual power inequalities between collaborating CURP partners are taken into
consideration in a way that makes these connections sustainable, secure over
time, and able to contribute to better lives, social justice, climate solutions or
healthier communities?
To answer this general question, we decided to lead a global research pro-
ject titled “Bridging Knowledge Cultures” () that looked at 10 expe-
riences working on different research areas, such as prenatal health, water
management, education, etc. Broadly speaking, in this context we use the
term bridging to refer to transformative changes at policy, institutional and
individual level, which reconfigure system dynamics and power relationships
within and lead to the development of inclusive partnership govern-
ance arrangements that ensure co-responsibility between academic research-
ers and a range of research stakeholders (including community and voluntary
groups, civil society organisations, state agencies, industry, and professionals).
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-
der on citizen involvement in planning processes, and by the work of others
on community-engaged
related to bridging knowledge cultures can be classified as different levels of
community participation, empowerment and decision-making capacity on a
continuum that indicates increasing control, involvement and active partici-
pation by the community in participatory research projects.
allowed us to analyse the interaction between diverse (even conflicting) knowl-
edge cultures involved in , and how collaborating partners within and
international partnered training and research initiative of the Chair
in Community-Based Research and Social Responsibility in Higher Education.
the co-creation of knowledge through collective action by community groups
and academics working together in training hubs around the world on issues
related to the UN Sustainable Development Goals, such as Indigenous wellbe-
ing, water governance, poverty and inequality, climate action, gender equality
made up of
at least one Higher Education Institution () and a Civil Society Organisa-
tion () working together on strengthening individual research capacities
and professional skills using a variety of training methods, such as classroom-
based instruction, professional development workshops, open online courses,
field research projects and individual mentorship. These training hubs support
trans-disciplinary research partnerships that provide practical experience to
students, and co-create and mobilise knowledge to university and commu-
nity members and to local, national and international policy makers. There
Malaysia, Ireland, Italy, Canada, South Africa, Colombia, Cuba, Uganda and
Tanzania).
on power inequalities among knowledge cultures is that, while the Consortium
was launched with strong support in its various sites, we cannot yet know the
extent to which the hubs have been able to overcome the challenges inherent
in developing trusting and egalitarian relations between the distinct knowl-
Gulu, Uganda; and Arusha, Tanzania) work on bridging different knowledge
cultures and power relations is well underway. However, in other locations, it
is now clear that it will take more research to uncover how far bridging has
proceeded, and how and to what extent those hubs have overcome knowledge
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understanding of the specific practices, norms and values of intellectuals and
their partners, which are in play in academic and community settings as they
work together to co-create knowledge.
The project allowed us to create a process of collective knowledge
exchange and self-reflection about the nature of the academic and non-
academic partnerships in the distinct cultural, institutional and political
-
tify and build more robust forms of networking and co-construct reciprocal
understandings about knowledge, power, trust and equality to strengthen the
depth understanding
of structural barriers and power dynamics that prevent mainstream research
institutions from collaborating effectively with community groups, in more
general terms.
1 The Bridging Knowledge Cultures Project
To conduct the
Tandon submitted a partnership development grant proposal to the Canadian
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (). The partnership
development funding stream provides funds for formal partnerships between
postsecondary institutions and/or organisations of various types to develop
research-related activities that can result in best practices or models. In pre-
paring the grant application, the lead team was supported by a diverse set of
and institutional settings. In order to achieve the project goals, we envisaged a
decentralised governance structure able to reflect the diversity of knowledge
project were
divided into four regions – Latin America, Africa, Southern Asia, Global North
(Canada and Europe) – and a research team was conformed in each region
would contribute to answering the research question. The teams were led
-
lyzing primary data from other hubs in their region through field work and
community engagement, and for preparing a synthesis of secondary data illus-
trating the existing knowledge cultures in their regions.
The grant application was positively evaluated and approved by ,
and funds were provided in March 2020. The onset of the Covid-1 global pan-
demic, however, disrupted the original research plans severely. The Covid-1
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restrictions declared in countries where the case studies were to be con-
ducted made it impossible for the regional leaders and their teams to travel
internationally to conduct field research. To avoid delays in initiating the pro-
ject while waiting for local and global health restrictions to be lifted, the lead
regional teams being responsible for pulling together all the experiences from
the hubs in their region, funding was to be provided to each hub to conduct its
own case study on their local knowledge cultures. Participating hubs received
research funds upon submission a Plan of Action approved by the editorial
team, describing how each team would conduct the study locally, including
methodology, timeline and deliverables.
Each case study is informed by an analytical framework on knowledge cul-
tures (see Chapter 2 for more details) designed from inputs from the regional
syntheses prepared by the four research teams. The authors of the case studies,
which are presented in different chapters of this book, were asked to reflect
on the socio-political context where the hub is embedded and the nature of
their partnership, to describe the case study methodology, to present a ‘map’ of
knowledge cultures in the hub, to conduct a comparative analysis of academic
and community knowledge cultures found in the hub, and to make suggestions
for bridging knowledge cultures that could be applied locally in their hubs and
transferred to other similar research partnerships.
The empirical part of the project (case studies) started in March 2021. Tak-
ing into consideration that local Covid-1 sanitary restrictions might have
delayed different stages of the research process (especially for those teams that
planned to collect data through art-based methods and community engage-
ment), the teams were given one year to complete their research and submit a
final version of their case study. After three rounds of reviews by the editorial
team, the outcomes of this global study are presented in this book. Later in the
year, this book will be accompanied by a practical guide with recommenda-
tions for bridging knowledge cultures within in diverse contexts.
-
ter understanding of: (a) how university and their community partners under-
stand knowledge, its creation and use; (b) what challenges the hubs have faced
in working across both trans-disciplinary and community-university bounda-
ries; (c) what the hubs have done to date to help bridge different knowledge
cultures; and (d) what positive stories do they have of co-creation and devel-
opment of trust and respect between hub members. Thus, we hope that the
Consortium by engaging the hubs in a research and reflection process on the
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processes of partnership development that they have undertaken, but it will
also contribute to a more equal approach to to be used by others.
2 The Road to the Bridging Knowledge Cultures Project
This research is a continuation of an extensive story about knowledge, com-
munity action and learning that for two of the editors began in the mid-1.
Budd L. Hall, working in Tanzania at the time, and Rajesh Tandon, working in
southern Rajasthan in India, both found themselves confronted by a challenge
to their work as researchers. Trained in the mainstream research orthodoxies
making the practical contributions to adult education and community devel-
opment that they had hoped for. This story on the formulation of the discourse
on participatory research and subsequent creation of the International Par-
ticipatory Research Network has been written about in many places over the
L. Hall and Rajesh Tandon are co-holders of the Chair in Community-
Based Research and Social Responsibility in Higher Education, created in 2012.
working in higher education in Mexico, joined Tandon and Hall as Research
Coordinator of the Next Gen research project. At the time, Lepore was a PhD
candidate in Public Administration interested in researching how to address
highly complex, dynamic and uncertain social issues (also known as wicked
problems), which require a new generation of decision and policy makers to
play an important role as network facilitators to create the conditions that
enable interactions between diverse (and often conflicting) stakeholders, and/
or as knowledge brokers to promote the use of various forms of knowledge
co-created by different partners (see Lepore, 2018).
The first study conducted by the
questions: What are the roles of knowledge in society? What are the roles of
higher education in society? And how can be mainstreamed and con-
we first articulated our understanding of knowledge democracy. We noted that
the terms knowledge economy and knowledge society, while making specific
suggestions on how to understand some roles of knowledge and society, did
not bring into question the near monopoly of Eurocentric knowledge systems
or the exclusion of experiential or Indigenous knowledges. Knowledge democ-
racy, we suggested, combined an openness to a multiplicity of knowledges, and
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a much broader set of participatory and arts-based tools for creating, validat-
that best encompasses the various approaches, values and practices of partici-
patory research, as it places collective knowledge at the heart of processes of
social transformation and social justice (Lepore et al., 2021).
The main findings of this first project were published in the book Strength-
ening Community University Research Partnerships: Global Perspectives (Hall
diversity of around the world. Further, it indicates the strong desire of
post-secondary institutions for to co-create knowledge with the com-
munity, and to enact positive change in the society through collaboration, but
also the need for a range of policies, infrastructure and funding for bringing
such partnerships into practice. Our findings also showed that democratic
knowledge partnerships, where community action is united with academic
knowledge, have the potential for social transformation in ways that the nar-
row application of university scientific knowledge solutions cannot achieve.
Another major finding of the study was that there were few places for uni-
versity students or practitioners to formally learn about community-based
approaches to research.
This led to the next study published in Knowledge and Engagement: Building
Capacity for the Next Generation of Community Based Researchers (Tandon et al.,
-
ple been learning about community-based research ()? What pedagogical
principles have emerged from the teaching and learning practices? What kinds
of partnerships have facilitated effective learning of ? Overall, the study
makes evident that there is a high interest in training around the world,
demanding diversified training and teaching modalities in a variety of settings.
The results also show that a variety of skills are needed for the new generation
of community-based researchers to contribute to engaged research processes
and knowledge democracy; for instance, group facilitation skills, continuous
reflection on ethics issues, and the creation of community-based advisory
communities for long-term projects. However, we also learned that most peo-
ple never received formal training in or simply learn to do it through trial
and error, and that the predominant ways of acquiring participatory research
capabilities are autodidactic, self-directed learning and on-the-job training.
Perhaps the most significant finding was that the training supply itself is
skewed. That is, the training taking place in university settings typically focuses
on theoretical or procedural approaches to participatory research, while train-
ing by community organisations puts emphasis on practical work in the field.
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Based on our previous studies and after consultations with our partners
in various parts of the world, we decided to design a pedagogical model that
offers formal, structured opportunities for the next generation of young peo-
ple to learn both the theories and practices of community-based participatory
-
tium for the Training of Community-Based
hub is a formal partnership between a and a , whereby the partners
agree to work together to provide learning opportunities to both community
community-based researchers with historical, cultural and scientific under-
standing of participatory approaches to knowledge creation, and to cultivate in
them the expertise, competencies and skills required to collaborate with oth-
ers to contribute productively to economic, social and technological change at
local/regional level. The hubs were established with the explicit goal of insti-
reciprocal knowledge relations are not just an aspiration, but a requirement.
However, to what extent have these goals been achieved to date? How can we
share what seems to be working to bridge knowledge cultures and illuminate
pro-
ject, we identified their practical challenges, learning from their experiences,
3 The BKC Project in Context: A Transformative Moment in Higher
Education and Knowledge Production
Traditionally, representations of knowledge in academic settings have often
-
acterised by “the hegemony of disciplinary science, with its strong sense of
an internal hierarchy between the disciplines and driven by the autonomy of
represents a discipline-based research structure, where knowledge validation
and quality is controlled primarily by disciplinary peers within a system with
powerful hierarchies built into the higher education institutions ( Carayannis &
-
paradigms. Mode 2 knowledge is “socially distributed, application-oriented,
trans-disciplinary and subject to multiple accountabilities” (Nowotny et al.,
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of different knowledge and research paradigms, mutual cross-learning of
diverse knowledge modes, and “interdisciplinary thinking and transdiscipli-
nary application of interdisciplinary knowledge” (Carayannis & Campbell,
This changing approach to knowledge production is reflected in the con-
cept of engaged research that can be seen in the intersection of various strands
of scholarship and practice that have one overlapping characteristic: a democ-
ratisation of knowledge and its production. This ambition has led to a
renewed interest in how researchers and research institutions interact with
non-academic knowledge workers. Engaged researchers, often in collabora-
tion with community groups and/or non-governmental organisations, are at
the vanguard of this approach. Such a collective approach to responsibility
requires support by public debate and democratic involvement in governance,
paralleled by wider and more active participation of citizens in the research
and innovation processes. From this perspective, the production of knowledge
is conceived as a two-way learning process that redefines how conventional
academia investigates and relates to other forms of knowledge production that
are developed in the daily life of communities.
Yet, while the idea and practices of engaged research are not new, a gener-
alised growing interest in engaged research is observed within the academic
indeed flourished in various disciplinary fields in relation to diverse societal
issues (Fransman, 2018). In consequence, the list of methods and approaches
that identify themselves as a form of engaged research can seem bewildering.
configurations that fall under the umbrella of the community-based research
approach. A national survey of Irish researchers carried out in 2017 discovered
their collaboration with communities (Campus Engage, 2017). The difference
between prevalent engaged research methodologies is, however, often artifi-
cial, reflecting distinctive disciplinary concerns and scopes. For instance, what
health researchers refer to as ‘public patient involvement’, other scientists
may call ‘citizen science’. What some social scientists call ‘participatory action
research’, is called ‘action research’ in business studies. This varied group of
approaches to research are all characterised by an intention to include as
many people as possible in deliberative fora designed to provide advice, tacit
knowledge and insights for political action and/or policy interventions. Some
of the methods employed in engaged research deliberately seek out relevant
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expertise (e.g., Delphi) or specialised knowledge (e.g., Indigenous ways of
knowing), while others – such as discussion circles, autoethnographies, nar-
ratives, intergenerational dialogues and the systematisation of experiences –
are more inclusive and open in nature. However, they all are characterised by
deliberation and consensus building in relation to proposed activities, actions
and/or processes. Notwithstanding the new-found enthusiasm for engaged
research, it must be acknowledged that this flourishing of alternative partici-
patory methodologies means that we also risk creating a variety of new knowl-
edge cultures, each incapable of speaking to the other.
Community-university research partnerships are a central component of
Consortium, as they provide a medium/platform/network arrangement that
brings university scholars into involvement with those in the community who
are often the most disempowered (e.g., newly arrived immigrants, homeless
individuals, people with disabilities, etc.) (Silka et al., 2008). To date, research
partnerships have expanded remarkably in Canada and internationally as an
effective approach to community-university engagement and the co-creation
of knowledge. We have reached a stage of maturity in understanding: (a)
benefits of collaboration between diverse knowledge actors; (b) changes in
research from a focus on individual and institutionally grounded partner-
ships to broader knowledge systems with their own cultures and incentive
structures (Fransman et al., 2021); and (c) a wealth of descriptive and prescrip-
tive literature and toolkits instructing different groups on how to do partner-
ships (Aniekwe et al., 2012; Cornish et al., 2017;
Winterford, 2017). We have also found evidence that expressions of power
inequalities persist in knowledge creation collaborations, especially in issues
related to structures and processes, roles and relationships, artefacts and dis-
courses, partnership configurations and transformations over time, and part-
ners’ identities and status. These challenges are further complicated by issues
of gender, race, abilities, urban-rural differences, language and social class,
which impact the way people engage with research and knowledge, hindering
the transformative potential of (Chouinard & Cram, 2020; Cornish et al.,
What seems to continue to be overlooked are the more analytical and practical
questions around how to address power inequalities between a wide range of
stakeholders (some with divergent interests and values) in research partner-
ships. The project aimed to fill this knowledge gap and provide practical
recommendations to help remove a range of structural barriers and address
power dynamics, which prevent mainstream research institutions from col-
laborating effectively with community groups.
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4 The Structure of This Book
Following this Introduction, in Chapter 2 we develop an in-depth review of
previous literature on the concept of knowledge cultures, including main-
stream references, grey literature and global sources produced and/or identi-
investigation phase of the
project. Based on findings coming from this literature review, we make the
case for a refined and expanded understanding of the concept of knowledge
cultures, and an original analytical framework for the purposes of addressing
the goals of the -
munity knowledge and the ways in which it is produced, stored, shared and
used for action.
on possibilities and ways in which the gap between academic and community
importance of the concept of knowledge cultures, and the need for commu-
nity voice in our discussions about knowledge and epistemology, raising ques-
tions about how best to implement the findings from this and related studies
into our community-university research partnerships.
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This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the
A Theoretical Framework to Bridge Knowledge
Cultures
Walter Lepore and Barbara Jenni
Abstract
In this chapter we explore the notion of knowledge cultures () in the context of com-
munity university research partnerships (), a particular institutional arrange-
ment not previously considered in the literature on . Starting with a review of how
have been conceptualized in various contexts, we develop an analytical framework
that accounts for the tensions and conflicts that may emerge between partners
stemming from uneven power dynamics. In this chapter, we pay particular attention
to and rely on the knowledge processes existing in diverse settings and geographical
regions, beyond Western academia.
Keywords
knowledge culture – community-university research partnership – community knowl-
edges – general knowledge environment – institutional/organizational knowledge
environment – knowledge setting/practice
1 Introduction
Despite its ubiquitous presence in the Western academic literature, the con-
cept of knowledge cultures () has not yet been used in studying community
university research partnerships (). As explained in the first chapter, our
-
standing in the context of . In the mainstream literature, is often
defined in relation to a unified or single organisational arrangement to indi-
cate, for instance, how organisational culture affects the way knowledge is val-
ued and shared (Mas Machuca & Martínez-Costa, 2012), a set of organising
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practices (Knorr Cetina, 2007), or the internal sense-making processes and
structures of meaning (Tsouvalis et al., 2000). However, , as understood
in the context of the Bridging Knowledge Cultures () project, represents
a particular institutional arrangement made up of at least two organisations
with typically distinctive structures, norms, processes, interests and goals,
which are called upon to co-create alternative knowledge drawing on local,
community-based and multiple epistemological resolutions.
In the Introduction, we briefly defined as the set of formal and informal
roles, structures, norms and practices, shared meanings and cultural forms (e.g.,
language, symbols, rituals), which influence how knowledge is understood,
valued, assembled, shared and acted upon in a specific setting. In this chapter,
we aim to further elaborate this definition in a manner adequate to capture
the intrinsic complexity of , and to develop an analytical framework which
considers both the role of the context, as well as the different settings in
which the project takes place. The overarching goal of the project is
to contribute to a transformative change that reconfigures system dynamics
and power relationships. Our conceptualisation of therefore needs to
account for tensions and conflicts that may emerge between partner organisa-
tions operating with unequal power while determining how voices, expertise
and knowledge are valued and amplified (or lost) in the research process, as
well as how decisions are made regarding how, when and to whom research is
communicated.
To develop a framework for the analysis of in diverse settings and
geographical regions, we began with an examination of existing definitions
of , which is available primarily in the Western academic literature in the
organisational context and in cultural and social studies, where the term
is used productively. We also relied on studies about occupational culture that
offer an alternative perspective to the study of . In recognising the limita-
tions of looking solely to the Western academic literature, we then review
the project, which describe knowledge processes based on their respec-
tive local literatures and community contexts. Methodologically, this ensures
value alignment with the proposed framework being able to address how the
diverse ways of knowing in communities, social movements and commu-
nity organisations are validated, and not seeing higher education institutions
() as the only places where ‘real’ knowledge is created. We conclude this
chapter by offering a definition of and describing our proposed analytical
framework.
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2 Knowledge Culture in Western Academic Literature
Western literature provides several theoretical groundings of primarily
from an organisational perspective and, as such, deals with considerations
of
to account for ten factors affecting the of an organisation, including organi-
sational structure, leadership, reward systems and time allocation. Their key
argument is that effective must be nurtured through careful consideration
of each of these factors. The authors show that the physical configuration of
the work environment can facilitate how knowledge is shared within an organ-
isation. Developing a requires sufficient allocation of time for learning, col-
laboration and sharing, including supporting communication infrastructures.
The creation of hybrid positions combining functional role and task-based
job responsibilities related to knowledge processes allows for everybody to be
involved in the spread of the throughout an organisation. The findings of
this study are useful to our conceptualisation of in that they acknowledge
some of the logistical and day-to-day contexts that either support or hinder
successful collaboration between research partners in the context of .
is a multi-level structure, combining “cultural features (culture), typi-
cal to organisations (organisational culture) that stress the importance of
knowledge and its effective management (organisational knowledge culture)”
entails attributes at each of these three
levels, including artifacts, i.e., the physical environment, creations, rituals, etc.;
espoused values, i.e., the settled ways of accepted norms, attitudes and beliefs;
and basic assumptions, i.e., the basic values accepted without proof. Svetlana
of , as the co-construction of knowledge in the context of typically
involves different structural/institutional levels, and these different spheres
are not limited to either ideas and beliefs, or a physical infrastructure.
Mas Machuca and Martínez-Costa (2012) suggest that consists of
“trust, transparency, flexibility, collaboration, commitment, honesty and
value in a , followed by transparency and flexibility. The authors observe
that groups of values (called ‘cultural factors’) support people to share what
they know. The study shows that is made up of values that exist not in
isolation but those that interact with each other, creating (or not) a trustwor-
thy atmosphere. This is relevant to the study of , where stakeholders –
each with their own values, biases and interests – engage with each other in
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a typically power-imbalanced setting. With perceptions of trust, professional-
ism, flexibility and transparency varying within an organisation, differences in
these value-driven aspects are even more pronounced where universities and
community partners must open and share their respective knowledges to col-
laborate and co-create effectively and safely. Another relevant take-away from
this work is the observation that the term culture encompasses values, norms
and actions of the environment in which knowledge co-creation takes place.
We will return to this point in our discussion of organisational and occupa-
tional dimensions of .
Among the key global developments of the 21st century is the shift towards
knowledge-based economies whose continuous growth depends on generat-
ing new knowledge from existing knowledge (Chorev & Ball, 2022). It is no
surprise that in this context, knowledge management emerges as a prevalent
academic discipline to “explain how it enables organisational learning and
innovation” (Syed et al., 2018, p. 2). Over time, has become adopted as a key
principle of knowledge management by most companies, as well as within the
is equated with
business culture in general, where existing is deployed as mediator in the
implementation of knowledge management systems and routines (Ahmad &
Hossain, 2018).
and framework that serves as a
useful heuristic to identify requirements for knowledge management pro-
cesses in organisations. The author proposes the following basic definition:
“Knowledge culture is a form of organisational culture that combines ele-
ments of individualistic, group and macro-organisational cultures to facili-
tate a heedful management of the entire knowledge management process”
and macro-cultural aspects that facilitate and represent knowledge produc-
tion activities (e.g., knowledge generation, validation, diffusion, utilisation
and evaluation) and forms of knowledge that correspond to different types
of organisation (i.e., bureaucracy, decentralised companies, small busi-
ness and universities, and project-driven firms). Travica’s work aligns par-
ticularly well with our understanding that entails values, beliefs and
assumptions, while also depending on structural supporting factors. Travica’s
approach to is, however, less suitable to capture, identify or address the
power dynamics inherent in , where at least two partner organisations
meet.
Related to knowledge management, the novel notion of knowledge gov-
ernance proposes that “understanding rules around knowledge-based pro-
cesses can help navigate complex relationships between science and practice”
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based processes are shaped by formal and informal rules and conventions and,
importantly, reaches beyond the limitations of the singular organisation. The
linking of knowledge creation practices to politics, history and institutions
aligns with dynamics, through its consideration of the complexities
inherent within governance arrangements aimed at “engaging actors in innova-
where knowledge production takes place inherently contain power dynamics
in which universities often assume control and ownership of research-related
processes and activities (Hall et al., 2011; Wakeford & Rodriguez, 2018). Knowl-
edge governance models thus recognise that certain knowledge-to-action
processes and outcomes are allowed or restricted under a given governance
arrangement. The potentials for power imbalances among partners are even
more pronounced where governance is – or aims to be – shared between
community-based and academic entities.
Tsouvalis et al. (2000) address the inherent rules of what counts as ‘legiti-
mate knowledge’, which is a contentious aspect within as research
partners often have dissimilar epistemological and ontological assumptions.
Central to their conceptualisation of is the notion that it is not a theoreti-
cal or technical form of knowledge, but rather that it “provides a means for
the interactions with others that instructs them about the cultural signifi-
cance [an object, practice, or idea] has for the community of which they are
negotiated is relevant to our own understanding of in the context of .
We agree with Tsouvalis and her colleagues in that the boundaries between
diverse forms of knowledge(s) are fluid or porous, and that the processes of
knowledge production are either constrained or enabled by the rules, norms
and values in which knowledge is created. At the same time, as those authors
also suggest, the extant power relations between Western ‘expert’ knowledge
and ‘other’ forms of knowledges are not in balance. It is these power imbal-
ances that to date have remained largely unresolved in , and which we
argue require a careful exploration of how a is conceived of and understood
knowledge and truth are […] culturally embedded – that is, mediated through
empirically with the political, social or economic structures, which allow some
to achieve a degree of imprint onto these structures and the subsequent
exclusion of other knowledges or .
in their work on
higher education, knowledge and economy. The authors specifically focus on
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social learning and development in the context of the knowledge economy/
society. They define as “the cultural preconditions that must be established
before economies or societies based on knowledge can operate successfully as
-
rocal rights as well as responsibilities between different knowledge partners,
institutional routines, regimes and strategies. We agree with their understand-
ing that “embody culturally preferred ways of doing things, i.e., learning
styles, processes, economies, and systems often developed over many genera-
-
damentally different from other commodities. This perspective is somewhat
limiting for our context as it is less inclusive of understandings of knowledge –
and by extension of – which diverge from the dominant Western academic
perspectives. In the context of the project, a conceptualisation of
must account for knowledge(s) as understood beyond Western academia and
encompass community or experiential knowledges that fundamentally differ
from the view of knowledge as a commodity.
3 Knowledge Culture as a Community of Practice
Over the years, we have come to value as groups of people bonded
together by shared expertise and passion for the same type of work, involv-
ing values, norms, identities and common meanings – a perspective also
reflected in the notion of occupational communities or communities of practice
(Wenger & Snyder, 2000; Kalliola & Nakari, 2007). Relevant to the project,
such a community generates, maintains and reproduces a distinctive stock of
knowledge – its primary ‘output’ – which provides involved individuals with
identities and significant reference groups within and outside their respective
‘home’ organisation, i.e., a or
It is reasonable to assume that people doing similar work, such as co-producing
knowledge within a , have a common jargon, similar approaches to tasks,
and a unique repertoire of routines and procedures, symbols, gestures and sto-
ries, which define similar attitudes and expectations related to the work to be
performed and the context in which it is carried out (Kwantes & Boglarsky,
2007). A community of practice, such as a , certainly contributes to the
development of collective identities and sense-making processes. However, as
indicated in the preceding sections, it might also hold the potential for conflict
and power struggles between the different contributing groups or individu-
als of the , given that status and control are negotiated between com-
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potential source of conflict and power inequalities lies, for example, in the
way some research partnerships are set up, assigning university researchers
the so-called expert status and limiting community partners’ decision-making
authority and control over equitable resource distribution (Fransman et al.,
2021).
The lens of occupational cultures helps here to shed light on the existence
of sub-cultures within and across organisational boundaries, each of them
with their own structures of meanings and different ways of developing and
Blogarsky, 2007). The inherent values and ideologies, i.e., feelings that are often
unconscious and manifested trough practices or cultural forms such as sym-
-
tional (sub)-dimensions of
project.
Practices are of course carried out by individuals or groups of people, and
may be seen as “a constitutive force that operates in the interface between
political-economic efforts and individuals’ agency” (Nerland, 2012, p. 27).
thus exists through the structures and processes used to organise knowledge
and express themselves through shared practices. This observation can be
extended to the context of the project, with the organisational member
well as replicate and express their respective . We believe that fundamen-
tal to building trust-based and equitable knowledge partnerships is the rec-
ognition by all parties involved in the co-construction of knowledge of the
differences in their respective . Failure to understand that the ways knowl-
edge is validated and used differ in academic and non-academic settings con-
tributes to a perpetuation of the power imbalances noted above, and places a
roadblock on the bridges to working together. The development of an analyt-
ical framework for the study of in the context of , especially if they
involve organised communities (e.g., non-for-profit organisations) with a
particular professional/practical expertise and body of knowledge, must thus
provide the possibility to also study conflicts, tensions and power inequali-
ties, as they exist in . We argue that the analysis of can contribute
to a better understanding of the power relations at play in , and even-
tually lead to transforming and redressing the extant hierarchies imposed
on different knowledges. In turn, this will aid organisations operating from
different (even conflicting) worldviews to work together more productively
and equitably.
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4 Community-Based Understandings of Knowledge Cultures
Our review of the concept of thus far has been sourced from Western aca-
demic literatures and an overly Eurocentric knowledge base, which provide
useful – but limited – perspectives and elements for the development of an
analytical framework for the project. To better reflect the reality and envi-
of what may constitute a beyond the preceding literature review, we felt
the need to also draw from the vast wisdom of the diverse academic and non-
academic communities that work in the -
sortium. To deepen the notion of what we are calling ‘knowledge cultures’, four
created (Latin America, Africa, South Asia, Global North). Using academic
and so-called grey literature published in local languages, each team produced
a regional synthesis on the typical knowledge production processes (creation,
validation, dissemination and use) in local academic and community settings,
and extant power inequalities in found in their regions.
In our own work, we use the term community knowledges as a shorthand to
differentiate from otherwise Western academic knowledge. One of the dangers
in talking about community knowledges of course is to assume that they are very
much alike across the world, without sufficient consideration of the linguistic,
cultural, experiential and regional diversity of peoples and communities. We
intentionally use the plural term knowledges to recognise the significant role
the millions of Indigenous peoples and local communities hold in sustaining
the diversity of the world’s cultural and biological landscape (, n.d.).
syntheses, a variety of ways in which knowledge is created, passed on and
shared falls under the big umbrella term community knowledges, such as tra-
ditional knowledge, Indigenous knowledge, tacit knowledge, and others. What
follows are brief outlines without any claim to being able to do justice to their
diversity and richness. The different types of community knowledges intro-
duced here will contribute to our understanding of and further inform our
conceptual framework.
4.1 Traditional Knowledge
Traditional knowledge () has many definitions, but the central theme
consists of cultural beliefs and traditions transmitted orally from genera-
can be acquired through
firsthand experience, has a spiritual component, is mainly of a practical
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nature – particularly in fields as agriculture, fisheries, health, horticulture,
and forestry – and it is also dynamic, evolving and adapted to the local cul-
-
logical Diversity, 2007). What makes certain knowledges ‘traditional’ is not its
antiquity – much of this knowledge can be contemporary or new – but the way
it is acquired and used, its social meaning and legal character, and the social
process of learning and sharing such knowledge that is unique to each culture
is found in the language of
the people, which is the vehicle by which taxonomic systems, metaphysical
perceptions and codified knowledge are passed from generation to generation.
is based upon customary law and involves the practices of the Elders, who
are essential to the relaying of oral traditions (Opheim, 2018).
4.2 Indigenous Knowledges
Indigenous knowledge is a holistic and inclusive form of knowledge, i.e., cultural
traditions, values, beliefs, skills, philosophies, and worldviews, that is the prod-
uct of Indigenous peoples’ direct experience and their long histories of inter-
et al., 2017; Ndlovu-Gatsheni
Indigenous knowledges contain linguistic categories, rules and relationships
unique to each knowledge system, have localised content and meaning and
established customs with respect to acquiring and sharing of knowledge
(Battiste, 2002). As indicated by L. Little Bear (2000), an esteemed Blackfoot
researcher, educator and First Nations advocate, common generalisations
comparing Eurocentric and Indigenous epistemologies include binary clas-
sifications such as linear versus cyclical, objective versus subjective, secular
versus spiritual, industrial versus nature- and context-based, and fragmentary
versus integrated and holistic.
4.3 Latin American Ancestral Knowledge
As proposed by Chamorro and Sicard (2021), Latin American ancestral wis-
dom is re-created and adapted to different contexts through the transmission
from one generation to another. Associated with the Spanish word saberes,
ancestral wisdom is traditional knowledge that materialises in social inter-
actions and with the environment in which the transmission occurs. People
are understood to be actors in complex networks of interactions that involve
social relations, relations with nature and relations with the planet, including
the social and natural phenomena that surround the experience (ibid, 2020;
Mendiwelso et al., 2020).
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Latin American native communities maintain a relationship to the land and
care for the common home through sensitive affection and care for the other,
which allows people to recognise, cooperate, build, project, act, and transmit
ancestral knowledge. Native peoples transfer their affection by teaching the
production of their material culture in a manner that will guarantee, under
their autonomy and cosmogony, the process is sustained and cared for over
time (Chamorro & Sicard, 2021).
4.4 African Indigenous Knowledge Systems
A starting point to define African Indigenous knowledge systems () is to
conceive of it through cultural heritage (Wyk, 2012). is a systematic body of
knowledge produced and acquired by local people strictly based on their lived
experiences and through accumulation of experience, informal experiment
and understanding of their environment (Tella, 2007; Zhu & Ringler, 2010).
affect several aspects of the African society and the major influence is
the communities to the physical and the metaphysical domains. Within African
communities, practice usually creates norms and themes which in turn result
in the generation of a new body of understanding, or knowledge. Importantly,
once people’s ways of being are based on learned practices, it is impossible to
that the value of resides in the understanding that culture is knowledge.
4.5 Tribal Knowledge Systems in South Asia
The diversity of ethnicities, religions, languages and cultures across South Asia
has contributed to unique expressions of tribal community knowledges in this
region (Gangadharan, 2021). Indigenous knowledge of tribal communities is
both tangible and intangible, and concerns a wide range of topics relevant
for local people’s survival, well-being, as well as the equitable management
of resources (Reddy, 2011). Appointed individuals often hold vast knowledges
relevant to their communities, but this knowledge is also shared within a com-
munity through, for example, festivals and ceremonies, so as to sustain the
connection between culture, daily practices and knowledge (, 2017;
-
ple’ reflects the principle of a decentralised knowledge system (Gangadharan,
2021). While all natural resources belong to the Creator, community knowledge
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4.6 Tacit Knowledge/Experiential Knowledge
Tacit knowledge – as opposed to formal, codified, or explicit knowledge – is
difficult to express or extract, and even more difficult to transfer to others by
include personal wisdom, experience, insight and intuition. In the context of
the project, tacit knowledge is used to refer, for instance, to the important
and valid knowledge possessed by immigrants, obtained in their home coun-
tries either formally or informally, which may be lost or not easily transposed
through the process of integration and contribution to their recipient coun-
tries and their standards of what knowledge should look, feel or sound like.
Experiential knowledge captures an individual’s understanding through direct
Also described as lived experience, experiential knowledge can offer a source
of practical and usable techniques to others with similar experiences in sup-
4.7 Community Knowledges in Perspective
As evident from the above contributions, community knowledges are local
knowledges – i.e., knowledges unique to a given culture, group, or society –
that form the basis for local-level decision-making in agriculture, health care,
food preparation, education, natural resources management, as well as social,
economic and political organisation. Their value stems in part from this local-
ness, not only for the culture and context in, and from, which they evolve, but
also for scientists and planners striving to improve conditions in local commu-
community knowledges is demonstrated
by the survival techniques that have been successfully used by countless gen-
erations over time within the local space. It does not, therefore, need to be
further authenticated by using the criteria of modern occidental science (e.g.,
academic peer review process).
Another key takeaway relevant to our conceptualisation of is that com-
munity knowledges are transmitted through a diversity of conduits: poems,
proverbs, documents on land ownership and access, music and dance, prac-
tices (harvesting, hunting, housing, planting), religion, ceremonies, arts and
crafts, governance, sacred sites, local languages, and more. These different
channels and media are essential to form a particular . They contribute to
-
relationships and the sharing of knowledge in ways consistent with traditional
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local people (Akullo et al., 2007), and supporting the resolution and manage-
In the context of , community knowledges may be represented in an
organised format (e.g., through an Indigenous organisation partnering with a
university), or more informally/unstructured (e.g., through the participation of
community-based individuals and families in a research project). Either way,
their presence introduces a rich diversity and breaks open the notion of
as a self-contained, singular organisation or one-dimensional community of
practice, rooted in a single . While communities around the world have
p. 1), community knowledges remain at risk of being appropriated, suppressed,
or marginalised by Western academic . Addressing this reality is of utmost
importance as we develop our analytical framework for .
5 A Conceptual Framework for CURP: Knowledge Culture as a
Local Practice
5.1 Defining Knowledge Culture
Using the words of Kollmar-Paulenz
to ensure that non-European knowledge cultures “do not emerge out of their
obscurity and come into existence only in their relation and response to the
is thus grounded
in the global diversity of understandings of knowledges. We began our work
with a broad notion of as the ways in which knowledge is understood, val-
ued, assembled, shared and acted upon in diverse settings, within and outside
academia. The foregrounding of the environment that facilitates knowledge
production allows knowledge and its production to be understood as a set of
practices that comprises aspects of the environment, and with it its social,
political, and philosophical categories (Knorr Cetina, 2007). This perspective
further reveals the existence of diverging epistemic cultures, or practices, con-
nected with creating and verifying knowledge (Knorr Cetina & Reichmann,
diversity and range powerfully illustrates this.
Our contribution to the understanding of in contexts builds on the
groundwork of Knorr Cetina, who defines as “the set of practices, arrange-
ments and mechanisms bound together by necessity, affinity and[/or] histori-
is echoed in Connell’s (2022)
notion of a knowledge formation; that is
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a set of concepts, information and intellectual procedures that pro-
vides the framework for many specific knowledges and applications and
knowledge [that is also] a socially realised episteme [that] involves the
set of social practices, organisations and institutions through which the
, that could describe
certain practices: as the narrative structures that arrange relational ele-
ments in temporal and location patterns; as patterns of distinction or oppo-
sition, such as what criteria determine what is natural versus not-natural; and
as metanarratives, i.e., naturalised cultural forms, no longer accountable to
otherwise applied standards of rigor, and thus becoming “more foundational”
As shown in Chapter 1, one objective of the project has been to identify
how to bridge different -
entiate the key components of a and the processes taking place at each
level in a . The act of bridging assumes distinct enough entities exist, even
if the boundary of each entity remains flexible. In the discussion of as a
must have
inclusion and exclusion criteria, governing not only the belonging of people
to a , but also technologies, behaviours and objects. This means that, while
the boundaries of a may transform through interactions, a also is clearly
demarcated, even temporarily. The author explains that every contains axi-
oms and assumptions that are not questioned, and it entails traditions that
structure the recognised forms of storing, passing on, teaching and learning,
as well as evaluating -specific knowledge. A thus is both negotiated and
self-referential, able to contemplate inwardly and outwardly. Applied to our
exploration of extant power structures in the context of , we expect that
community partners and universities both bring preconceived understandings
of their respective and the others’ to the table, but through the process of
knowledge co-creation, one or multiple may change. Recognising whose
is valued, and exploring which side’s traditions of legitimising prevail, will
make implicit power inequities salient.
Based on the factors and aspects of the various understandings of that
emerged from the literature review as relevant to the context of , we thus
conceptualise knowledge culture as a set of local value-based practices, rules
and beliefs, which, in a given organisation, community, area of professional
expertise and/or discipline, create and reinforce shared meanings, expecta-
tions, identities and generalised rationales about knowledge production pro-
cesses (creation, validation, dissemination and use). A knowledge culture as it
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relates to CURP is embedded in the traditions and history of both, its partici-
pating members and its partnership configuration, and thus includes its own
intra- and inter-organisational structures, alongside roles, division of labour,
norms, formal and informal arrangements and mechanisms, collective beliefs,
(im)personal interactions/relations and cultural forms – e.g., images, symbols,
heroes, rituals and vocabulary/language. These cultural elements shape the
way knowledge production is performed within and across organisations and/
or communities in any given setting.
5.2 Analytical Framework
With our definition of in hand, we now shift our attention to formulating
an analytical framework suitable to explore the concept in the context of the
project. We recap from the preceding pages that a wide variety of sub-
cultures – with their own values, ideologies and cultural forms – exists within
a . In addition, are not necessarily structured by a singular organi-
sational or occupational culture, nor are they constrained by organisational
boundaries. Likewise, members may have an organisational culture in
common alongside another unique occupational identity. From this starting
point, we thus initiate a shift in emphasis from a holistic view of the organi-
sational culture of to one entailing changing, dynamic and conflicting
interrelationships among varied sub-cultures and across different (micro,
meso and macro) levels.
We believe our contribution here is suitable to recognise aspects and prac-
ticalities entailed in bridging power inequalities and differences in the co-
creation of knowledge in the context of . This framework also informed
the case studies as well as our subsequent global analyses presented in
this book. We conceptualise our knowledge cultures framework according to
three basic components that operate at different levels of analysis, as shown
in Figure 2.1:
1. General Knowledge Environment;
2. Institutional/Organisational Knowledge Environment;
Knowledge Setting/Practice
The three components are nested, reflecting the directionality of influence
from the outer and middle to the center sphere. The framework further dis-
tinguishes between structural and procedural aspects at each level of analy-
sis. The different levels facilitate and represent both knowledge activities and
-
porally and locally stable and bounded, but are also negotiated, evaluated,
and exist through relations and traditions. Each sphere contains both ideas
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and beliefs as well as structural and physical dimensions. Further, the power
dynamics present in each of these spaces is expressed in the varied aspects
of the , i.e., the means through which significance of an idea or activity is
attributed (Tsouvalis et al., 2000). We discuss each of the three components in
more detail below.
5.3 Outer Sphere: General Knowledge Environment
The General Knowledge Environment exists at the regional, national, global,
as well as local level, given that cannot not be decontextualised from the
broader historical and geopolitical places in which they are situated.
real political, economic and social effects that are not neutral with respect
to social structures and interests or with respect to economic growth (Knorr
Cetina, 2007). The General Knowledge Environment shapes how cultural and
political differences are reflected in the way research is set up and conducted
(i.e., how one cultural order translates into or influences another) and how
expert knowledge is embedded in legal frameworks, schemes of citizen par-
ticipation, policymaking, and the like. In our framework, this sphere entails
two aspects:
– Structures and policies that sustain or discourage certain epistemic out-
comes, which includes for example, national education, science and inno-
vation policies, professional standards, education systems and/or university
models (e.g., French, British, German higher education models). These
structures and polices determine what counts as legitimate knowledge or
meets the social, political, or economic criteria to be prioritised over other
forms of knowledge, and influence knowledge production processes.
– National/Regional science policy-making bodies and funding agencies, which
have the political and financial capability to significantly influence the con-
tent and approach of knowledge production (i.e., research) at national and
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regional levels (e.g., the supranational and national funding bodies of the
European Union, like Horizon Europe, or the Tri-Council Agency of Canada).
General Knowledge Environments hold the highest degree of legitimisation
power and resemble ‘espoused values’ – i.e., the settled ways of accepted
norms, attitudes, and beliefs – and ‘basic assumptions’– i.e., the basic val-
processes that are ‘naturalised’ and beyond accountability in many instances
effectively governs over most other
(van
Kerkhoff & Pilbeam, 2017).
5.4 Middle Sphere: Institutional/Organisational Knowledge
Environment
This sphere reflects the institutional arrangements and frameworks that direct
co-producing, acquiring, exchanging and using knowledge in collaboration
with community-based partners. We reference both, the and the commu-
nity organisation (formal and informal), to reflect that both ‘sides’ bring their
own to the .
This sphere is more contained in its format or structure than the General
Knowledge Environment, but it is far more difficult to navigate, and a number
of considerations are necessary at this level. For one, it often sets specific tem-
poral and local boundaries to how academic and non-academic partners – and
their
although representative of a hegemonic model of knowledge production, is a
site where more active negotiations take place. The ‘artifacts’, i.e., the physi-
of , and the ‘logistics’ of day-to-day interactions of (Oliver & Reddy
here in and of themselves determine the meaning of those interactions and
what significance the co-creation of knowledge has for both the institution
and the community partners (Tsouvalis et al., 2000). The framework thus con-
siders the following aspects:
– Partnership configurations and transformations over time. For example, the
partners need to work out the assumptions and purposes of creating the
and which norms will be accepted for conducting research in a col-
laborative way. The role and status of each partner needs to be determined
(e.g., who are the ‘experts’), and how relationships will be maintained as the
partnership changes in time and space.
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– Starting assumptions and conditions. This element refers to the points of
origin where the partnership was initiated by putting in motion a series of
conditions and assumptions that will set the boundaries of the partnership
itself. This may be influenced, for example, by previous research projects,
participation in grant applications, events (e.g., networking and showcasing
conferences), and discourses (e.g., around Sustainable Development Goals).
– Extant knowledge systems. This includes worldviews/epistemological and
ontological frameworks that provide the orientation or the set of beliefs on
the world or reality (i.e., what is the nature of reality? how can we know
what is true and what is not true? how should we act in that reality?); related
pedagogies (i.e., ways of knowing and learning); disciplinary approaches;
social relationships that inform people’s sense of themselves and their cul-
tural values; and logical relationships that connect the content of knowl-
edge to its value (utility).
– Temporal frameworks. With this we mean the pace of knowledge crea-
tion, which is usually different in community and university settings. For
instance, community groups often have tight deadlines for action whereas
academics may have years to develop a robust research project. must
therefore consider aspects such as temporal requirements to efficiently pro-
duce and reproduce knowledge; the temporalities of knowledge and exper-
tise; or simply the conception of time (e.g., cyclical versus linear).
– Subjects with epistemic roles and functions. Here, we refer to, for example,
internal and/or external actors with different roles in the various knowledge
production processes (e.g., journal peer reviewers have a validating role that
determines what academic knowledge is acceptable for dissemination;
boundary-spanners mediate between academics and community and sup-
port knowledge translation; Elders act as knowledge holders in Indigenous
communities).
5.5 Inner Sphere: Knowledge Setting/Practice
This sphere refers to the whole sets of arrangements, mechanisms, procedures
and principles that serve knowledge co-creation and which unfold with its artic-
ulation (Knorr Cetina, 2007) within the . Thus, we switch from an under-
standing of knowledge as the representational and technological product of
research to an understanding of knowledge as practice. We therefore recognise
the individuals (and groups of individuals) who carry out these practices. Their
‘agency’ enacts and re-creates the wide variety and diversity of
2012). These actions require ‘trust’, ‘transparency’ and a willingness to be open
and share with others (Mas Machuca & Martínez-Costa, 2012). At this level,
the emphasis is put on the interiorised participatory processes of knowledge
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Thus, we would be able to ‘observe’ values and ideologies regarding knowledge
– Frameworks of meaning. People enact their lives within frames of mean-
ing via the specific constructions of the objects of knowledge, particular
ontologies of instruments, and specific models of epistemic subjects. At this
level, members establish who or what are the epistemic subjects, –
those we traditionally think of as the agents in scientific practice and the
authors of scientific findings – and their ways of relating to the objects of
knowledge in research. Frameworks of meaning include vocabulary/jargon,
generalised rationales, cultural beliefs and shared passions (common mean-
ings). Frameworks of meaning provide the underlying structure and context
for sense-making, “a social activity […] suffused by moral judgements and
– Cultural forms. This aspect contains the rituals, symbols, heroes, ceremonies
and stories of success/failure of co-producing knowledge that each member
brings to a . In some , knowledge may be primarily produced by
experts or authorities following reproducible procedures, while in others,
knowledge may be more decentralised and produced by a wider range of
individuals and communities in a more informal way.
– Structural and procedural features. Within , at least two sets of formal
and informal hierarchical structure and rules meet, and along with them the
(im)personal relations and ways in which knowledge processes are func-
tionally organised and divided within and across partners. In other words,
this aspect captures the allocation of tasks and responsibilities in terms of
decision-making (e.g., research agenda setting and governance), funding (e.g.,
application, allocation and management), leadership (e.g., research design
and implementation), validation (e.g., in terms of accuracy, usefulness for the
partners and the relationship with existing knowledge), influence (e.g., research
communication, uptake and adaptation), and impact (e.g., research use).
– Task requirements. Knowledge practices also require a unique body of
knowledge or expertise (e.g., storytelling) to perform the particular sets of
tasks and responsibilities related to knowledge production in (e.g.,
knowledge sharing).
– Knowledge artifacts. The purpose of using a knowledge artifact is to share and
transfer knowledge (Holsapple & Joshi, 2001). According to Newman and
Conrad (2000), knowledge artifacts form the linkages between the activi-
ties and events that comprise knowledge flow. An artifact can be defined
as a medium used to represent meaning and understanding. Knowledge
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artifacts come in a variety of forms and shapes, ranging from tangible items
such as documents, files and pictures to intangible entries such as nods and
– Spatial arrangements. exist ‘in the real world’ and for members to col-
laborate they need some form of physical manifestation. This aspect refers
to the places where knowledge creation, dissemination and application take
place. This might include traditional benchwork laboratories, research cen-
tres (i.e., places where resources vital to a whole field come to be located),
networks, but also locales within the community/territory or ‘on the land’
6 Conclusion
The rise and development of as a way to contribute to addressing and
solving societal problems has neither been easy nor uncontroversial. One of the
main challenges associated with this approach to research creation is the lack
of strong evidence about how knowledge created in might be translated
into policy and actions. Even when the theoretical underpinnings of partici-
patory, community-engaged research emphasise its action-orientation, what
constitutes appropriate and sufficient ‘action’ is not always clear, with different
partners holding diverse views on what types of outcomes could be described
as social action and social change (MacFarlane & Roche, 2018). The claims for
the effectiveness of thus tend to be theoretical and/or conceptual, rather
than empirical. As a consequence, there is considerable discrepancy between
the acclamation and attention receives in the literature, and the lack
of empirical knowledge and understanding of the processes and dynamics of
the partnerships’ overall functioning (e.g., the process by which certain part-
nership conditions lead to various partnership-level outcomes). The literature
also shows a strong bias that tends to conceive research partnerships as rela-
tively static entities within a linear understanding of research-into-practice,
without paying enough attention to the complex reality where such collabora-
tive arrangements must be embedded (Tremblay et al., 2017).
To better explain the intricacies of power dynamics in collaborative research
initiatives, in this chapter we have developed an analytical framework for the
study of knowledge cultures within CURP that will help address the objectives of
the project. First, the offered framework helps explain conflicts and
power inequalities by the heterogeneity of co-existing
system of meanings and identities. Not only do the various members
often compete for the same resources, but they also face the imposition of a
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guiding vision of how work should be organised, conducted and judged within
and between partner organisations. Second, our framework suggests that
the study of
dimensions of , to better understand and respond to power conflicts that
emerge from diverging aspects of
In practical terms, our analytical framework offers a way to recognise and
manage the diverse . When members meet for the
purposes of knowledge co-creation, considering and understanding the coex-
isting cultural elements and sub-cultures in the partnership will go a long way
toward reducing or resolving conflicts, especially where similar values may
members work
more effectively across epistemological differences requires sensitivity to the
presence of diverging values, beliefs, ideologies and cultural forms at various
levels, which may otherwise bring research partners into conflict.
Yet, we do not believe that the task of those leading and coordinating research
partnerships is to avoid conflict, but rather to know how to manage conflicts
in a productive way. Through the interaction and deliberation with other epis-
temological actors, ‘productive conflicts’ allow for a more open exploration
and evaluation of competing ideas and knowledge claims in order to achieve
new ideas, insights and practical solutions (Cuppen, 2012). This does not entail
the homogenisation of diverse knowledge (sub-)cultures within the by
changing or creating a single dominating mono-culture – something which
occurs too often by the imposition of Western academic , or the absorption
of Indigenous knowledge systems into scientific systems. Rather, our frame-
work suggests the way is to first recognise and embrace cultural differences
within the partnership, and then find workable compromises that allow (sub-)
cultures to maintain their own identity, while at the same time formulating a
distinct that aims to achieve a balanced incorporation of diverse knowl-
edges within the . Paraphrasing the suggestions by Kalliola and Nakari
and maintain a sustainable system of shared meanings in the as a whole,
without losing sight of the wide variety of -
ologies and cultural forms – that exist within the partnership. This is what we
succinctly mean by bridging knowledge cultures, admittedly a goal easier stated
than realised in daily practice. However, we believe that working on building
bridges between
modify the core organisational culture or of each partner, a task that
framework offers a starting point for moving beyond the limiting holistic view
of , and for recognising and embracing the changing, dynamic and even
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conflicting inter-relationships among sub-cultures of knowledge that make up
. Making salient the power dynamics inherent in is the key to mate-
rialising and harnessing the potential of their epistemological diversity.
Note
David Monk (Gulu U., Uganda), Nabiela Naily (, Indonesia), Maura Adshead
(U. Limerick, Ireland). With the support of other members of the Consortium in their
regions, the teams collected and analysed secondary data to help us establish a baseline of
what we know now about the knowledge cultures of the diverse communities with which
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This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the
Understanding Community Knowledge Cultures
Walter Lepore and Niharika Kaul
Abstract
This chapter delves deeper into the concept of community knowledge introduced in
-
ing Knowledge Culture project. Our focus lies on the multifaceted nature of knowledge
within community contexts. We pay particular attention to how knowledge is under-
stood in community settings, the purposes of community knowledge, and how it is
created, disseminated, and stored. We also discuss how power inequalities between
research partners influence the utilization and validation of community knowledge
seven essential attributes of community knowledge.
Keywords
community knowledge – knowledge creation, dissemination, validation and use –
power – research partnerships – oral tradition – experiential learning
1 Introduction
Community knowledge remains an essential source of communities’ survival
across the globe, which helps them deal with health, environmental and other
knowledge that has largely remained undervalued and undocumented. Com-
munity knowledge is often considered inaccurate compared to western formal
sources of knowledge, since it does not adhere to the formal codes of academic
knowledge production. While the introductory chapters of this book defined
knowledge cultures () in the context of from a theoretical and con-
ceptual perspective, the case studies will show the diverse influence of on
knowledge production processes both in academic and community settings.
This chapter contributes to the understanding of by further exploring
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community knowledge and related knowledge production practices – the
inner circle of the analytical framework presented in Chapter 2. Based on
primary and secondary information provided in the case studies and regional
syntheses, this chapter synthesizes the fundamental assumptions, patterns of
meanings and power dynamics around knowledge production processes that
characterise the diverse community knowledge cultures.
2 How Do Communities Describe Knowledge?
Knowledge is described in myriad ways by communities. Communities in the
-
nicities, and the number of local terms that can be translated into knowledge
in the English language. For instance, within the national language of Indone-
sia, the term pengetahuan denotes knowledge as having the capacity to see,
understand, and realise. In the Javanese tribe, a different ethnic group within
the Indonesian nation, there exist the words ngelmu (deep understanding
of certain disciplines), kawruh (physical and mental understanding), pepad-
hang (clarity of explanation), or pitutur (quotes). There are also many terms
that have the same meaning in other tribes – nyuprih pangaweruh (explor-
ing the depths of inner and outer knowledge) within the Sundanese commu-
nity, elmoh (life knowledge beyond daily knowledge) among the Madurese,
isseng (how things work) among the people at Makassar, poting (knowing
how to control oneself) within the Batak peoples, bakunya, bapadah, padah
and tumbur (to know and tell) among the Banjar ethnic community, and
nawang (knowing) among Balinese people. In Malaysia, people also use the
term pengetahuan when speaking of knowledge. It originates from the root
word (verb) tahu meaning ‘to be aware of’. It is defined in three ways in the
context of: (a) Ilmu (which represents any form of knowledge, or a specific
field pertaining to specific knowledge); (b) Keadaan mengetahui (which is
the state of being); and (c) Hal mengetahui (which is the extent of how much
knowledge one possesses; knowledgeable). There are other synonyms of peng-
etahuan including the words faham, mengerti, mengetahui, sedar, mengakui,
and enga.
In Hindi, one of the official languages of India, the term gyaan means intel-
lect or knowledge, while in Sanskrit vidyā means learning and originates from
the word vid that means ‘to know’. It refers to true knowledge of the self and
entails a spiritual as well as philosophical dimension. In Urdu, the words agaahi
or shaoor refer to ‘awareness’, while marifat means ‘knowing’. Regional Indian
languages also have different terms for knowledge, such as jñāna in Bengali.
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The words used to translate knowledge into local or mother tongue lan-
guages not only indicate different aspects of reality that are known, but also
different perceptual and cognitive processes involved in the act of knowing.
For instance, in Spanish speaking countries, like Colombia where the Univer-
sity of Andes hub is located, knowledge is usually translated as conocimiento.
This noun comes from the verb conocer that refers to a perceptual process that
is direct and immediate, and indicates a conscious contact with the known
object through experience and, in particular, perception. Accordingly, animals
and human beings have the capacity of conocer (e.g., to know objects, per-
sons, places). Another term in Spanish that can be translated into English as to
know/knowing is saber. Contrary to conocer, the verb saber indicates an indi-
rect, prolonged and inferential process supported by reason that also implies
the ability to learn. In this case, only human beings have the capacity of saber
(e.g., to know concepts, ideas, skills, etc.). The noun related to the verb saber
is sabiduria, which is translated in English as ‘wisdom’. Sabiduria not only
involves knowledge, but also insight, judgement, attitudes and beliefs, age and
experience. Another related word is saberes, which is associated with ancestral
knowledge (Chamorro & Sicard, 2021; Mendiwelso-Bendek et al., 2020), refer-
ring to the traditional knowledge that arises from the daily relationship woven
in the interactions between human beings, between human beings and nature,
between human beings and the social and natural phenomena that surround
the experience of encounter between academia and communities.
A clear difference between knowledge and wisdom is also stressed in the
case study from the Durban University hub, which focuses on creating an inte-
gral education program underpinned by Indigenous knowledge values and the
African philosophy of Ubuntu – a non-Western philosophy that rejects individ-
uality and emphasises a relational form of personhood, in which one’s sense of
field of early child development, community partners agree that knowledge is
what you know to teach a child, and that wisdom must come from within and
must include love. “Information/knowledge is collected from an external source
and wisdom comes from within the person. It is innate … love comes from
within to teach a child, so it is part of wisdom” (Research participant in Durban
case study). Implicit in this observation is that knowledge is transmitted and/or
acquired through instrumental understanding (thought-based), while wisdom
does so through relational understanding (emotion-based). Knowledge can be
learnt and taught, while wisdom is not always learnt as it comes from within
and from experience, and depends on the exercise that is being accomplished,
which illustrates the difference between the promotion of an instrumental ver-
sus a relational approach to knowledge creation and dissemination.
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3 Purpose of Knowledge in Community Settings
Community knowledge is closely interwoven with people’s everyday lives,
and exists across a wide range of subject areas, depending on the needs of the
specific community. It helps people complete their daily activities and pro-
vides useful means to cope with changes in their surroundings. For example,
Ugandan Acholi sayings and stories for children about hygiene (e.g., not def-
ecating in riverbanks, or sitting with an uncovered bottom on the grinding
stone) can be seen as means to control human behaviour among the younger
individuals of the community, and help them prevent diseases (African
Another example comes from the Maasai’s knowledge that is used in tra-
ditional water management practices, which are highly effective in semiarid
lands of Tanzania and considered by local people as “somehow better than
what is usually taught in formal [engineering] classes” (Research participant
in Tanzania hub case study). Application of community knowledge to water
management practices is also found in Karnataka, South India, where a neeru-
ganti (a highly appreciated member of the community and recognised for his
high standards of justice) is appointed by the community to manage water in
a just and equitable manner (Reddy, 2011). The neeruganti ensures equal water
supply to all fields, decides on the water supply schedule for the community,
informs about the schedule to the community, ensures proper maintenance of
the outlets of tanks, and organises Ganga Pooja (worship ritual of the banks
of the river) to invoke the blessings of the God for plentiful water in the tank.
Despite often being illiterate, the neerugantis possess immense knowledge
and skills in water management (ibid.).
In the Orang Asli community in Malaysia, the use of Indigenous knowledge
is directed toward the preservation of society from any element, whether from
supernatural powers or certain groups. Such knowledge is usually held by the
Elders of the community, who are highly respected for their patience, enthu-
siasm, sense of justice and expertise in the mastery of knowledge, experience
and skills. Such leaders normally have some specific set of skills, for example,
traditional medicine, and are able to continue the legacy of Orang Asli customs
and traditions, as well as act as mediators for any social issues surrounding the
community. Similarly, the Baigas (a tribal group in Chhattisgarh, India) are well
known for their knowledge of medicinal plants and healing practices, as well
as for their traditionally minimalistic way of life. The Baigas create knowledge
based on natural and traditional understanding of the world through the expe-
rience of living in continual movement with nature, especially forests. Local
knowledge regarding traditional healing practices is not particular to Baigas,
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since almost every ethnic group in India has their own traditional healthcare
system.
Traditional knowledge of Indigenous communities in Indonesia holds rele-
vance regarding several subjects, including the early warnings for natural disas-
ters. In several places in Papua island, such as Nabire and Manokwari, the local
communities believe that the appearance of marine animals to the surface is a
warning that a natural disaster will occur. Another example is the knowledge
of farmers in Pliken village, Banyumas regency in Central Java. The farmers
have the knowledge and the ability to protect the plantation ecosystem from
pest attacks, by forming refugia around them to naturally inhibit pest attacks,
using flowers such as kenikir, which are considered a highly effective in pest
control. In a similar way, based on nature observation, Indigenous knowledge
of tribal communities in India is used for weather forecasting. In Rajasthan,
for instance, tribal communities have, over centuries, developed the ability to
recognise patterns in weather changes and the appearance of certain species
during specific seasons to draw conclusions about environmental and climatic
conditions. The colour and location of clouds is the basis for assessing the
probability of floods. Unusual sounds and behaviour of wildlife, changes in
flow and colour of water, and change in wind direction helps in the assessment
of climatic variations (Pareek, 2011).
4 How Do Communities Produce Knowledge?
Community knowledge is produced in several ways, but most often emerges
from people’s practical experience. As local knowledge is mostly gained through
practice, the learning processes do not require formal education or training.
For example, local health traditions in India are evidence-based and experi-
ential, based on various streams of knowledge: oral folk stream (folk medi-
cine); codified classical stream (Ayurveda, Siddha, and Unani medicine); allied
systems (yoga and naturopathy); and systems of foreign origin ( Homeopathy,
western biomedicine). Folk stream knowledge systems have presence all over
the country; they are diverse and varied, oral and undocumented. Such knowl-
edge is dynamic, innovative, evolving and specific to the ethnic community.
They are generated over centuries by sensitive and intelligent lay people –
tribals, farmers, artisans, shepherds, barbers, housewives, wandering monks.
They consist of home remedies, food and nutrition, obstetrics, bone setting,
treatment of poison, chronic and common ailments, acupressure, pulse diag-
nosis, animal and mineral products, and medicinal plants, such as the use of
the Alstonia scholaris tree to prevent malaria during monsoons (Gangadharan,
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2021). Folk medicine in India is based on the use of over 8000 species of plants,
several hundred species of animals and several minerals and metals, as well
nutritional knowledge of thousands of ecosystem specific food resources that
are not documented (ibid.).
In Gulu, Uganda much of the knowledge production and learning is done
through ceremony, dreams, dance and food around the traditional learning
space, for example, the campfire. Indigenous knowledge is created and shared
based on a broader use of all the senses and on a relational ontology which
interprets and creates knowledge in a multi-modal and collaborative way with
the non-human world and non-linear temporal perspective.
In Maasai communities of Tanzania, knowledge is created and transferred
in a dynamic and horizontal way. The Maasai knowledge system can indeed
be considered a continuously evolving living classroom or laboratory, where
there are no formal roles as ‘teachers’ and ‘students’, and everyone learns from
each other:
We have no teachers, we teach ourselves. And we are learning from each
other. When a neighbour fails, you learn from their mistakes and do some-
thing different. (Research participant in the Tanzania hub case study)
We may not have received a formal education, but we know how life
works here in the semiarid lands. We research, learn and acquire knowl-
edge while working. You fail, you do it again, until you pass. (Research
participant in the Tanzania hub case study)
Community knowledge is thus produced through oral and written practices,
as well as through experiential learning. Most importantly, community knowl-
edge is produced according to the needs of the particular community and,
therefore, differs according to regional, cultural, linguistic and socio-economic
specificities. The case study from Durban, South Africa, shows that knowledge
creation depends on the context (space and time) within which the knowl-
edge circle is located. If the location changes, it should be expected that the
processes of co-construction may as well. Knowledge is understood by com-
munity partners as coming from experiences and, out of these experiences,
they choose what knowledge to use and how. Even in urban settings, like Victo-
ria (Canada), community organisations use community knowledge to inform
their programs, services and other projects, which are designed and built based
on a needs-based approach. Thus, their services and programs are unique to
their own site. In this regard, reflective practice is a helpful means to improve
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the effectiveness of their work and program when working with the commu-
nity. The importance of reflection was also underscored by the Colombia hub
to help think of knowledge production processes, incorporate and integrate
the view of all the involved partners and stakeholders, and how knowledge
products are generated.
5 How Do Communities Disseminate Knowledge?
Similar to knowledge creation, knowledge dissemination takes different forms
in the community. In Indonesia, for instance, socialisation through informal
gatherings, meetings and other forums are very common ways of knowledge
sharing and transmission within the local community. Given that Indonesia is
a country with communality as one of its integral features, it has many forms
of informal gatherings. Religious ceremonies, ritual of the safety of pregnancy,
rituals for sending prayers to those who have passed away, rituals for thanking
God for the sea and land, and other traditional rituals are widespread. It is
on such occasions that the local knowledge about life or community affairs is
transmitted and shared.
Another form of knowledge sharing in communities is community festivals,
such as the Indigenous community seed festival known locally as Burlang Yatra
(Indigenous Biodiversity Festival) in Kandhamal, Odisha in India. This annual
event collectivises millet farmers to share knowledge and practices, including
exchange of Indigenous heirloom seeds. The festival rests on ‘cultural sustain-
ability’, where food and nutrition interlock with seeds, and knowledge of an
Indigenous food system. This can be linked to a sense of community defined
as a process in which the members interact, draw identity, social support, and
make their own contributions to the common good (, 2017). Similarly,
among the Orang Asli in Malaysia, knowledge on the use and control of forest
resources is shared in a ceremony titled Cenagoh that takes place where “per-
mission is first sought from the friendly spirits before any land is opened for
agriculture as a form of respect”
Knowledge carriers of folk streams in India include, among others, birth
attendants, bone setters, herbal healers and visha vaidyas who treat poisonous
bites. The carriers of these knowledge systems transfer it from ‘people to
people’, for instance from gurus (teachers) to their shishyas (students) guided
by local cultural and ethical codes. It is a highly decentralised method of
knowledge production. Looking across the social spectrum of knowledge
creation and use, a particular ethnic community may specialise in certain local
health practices. In India, for instance, the navidhars (the barber community
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of certain locations in Tamil Nadu) are experts in treating skin ailments; the
kurubas in Karnataka and the konars of Tamil Nadu (the shepherd or cattle
rearing communities) are experts in veterinary medicine; while the Irula
tribe is known for their skills in treating poisonous bites. The prevalence of
a particular category of knowledge in a locality is related to the local needs.
For instance, pashu vaidyas ( veterinary healers) can be found in North
Karnataka where cattle rearing is a major occupation; and visha vaidyas exist in
dry and drought prone areas where snakebites are common (Gangadharan,
2021).
In addition, knowledges related to practical skills in fields such as fishing
and farming are usually passed on to the younger generations through direct
teaching by the older generations at the site of work. These are experiential
learning systems that have been practised and preserved through generations
within local communities across the world. Information and awareness about
environmental challenges is also communicated across generations in several
communities. For example, in Ghata village in Haryana, India, access to clean
drinking water is a pressing challenge. Local children are aware of this, learn-
ing about it from their parents and elders in their family, and they are now able
to identify potable and unpotable water sources (, 2022).
In Gulu, Uganda, there is a strong focus on bringing Acholi Elders together
to inform and lead gatherings, particularly in partnership with the herbal
medicine community. This local knowledge is, however, difficult to transfer in
written format as it is place-based, and requires telling, feeling and sensory
experience. It goes beyond intertextual and inter-language experiences, and it
cannot be easily understood through a Western lens.
In the predominantly patriarchal Maasai culture in Tanzania, knowledge
dissemination can be considered an ‘inheritance process’, that is, a Maasai
child stays close to his father while he performs his day-to-day duties, so the
child sees his father working and acquires practical knowledge. Interestingly,
this is not considered a one-way process; fathers and grandfathers also acquire
knowledge from their children and grandchildren. Children, who can be crea-
tive and innovative, work alongside their fathers and relatives. The children
do not passively watch their Elders to learn; it is a living classroom for both
groups – demonstrating knowledge exchange between Elders and the younger
generation.
In addition to cultural events hosted in the community, forms of traditional
education and boarding schooling systems are also ways in which knowledge
is shared and transmitted. In India, among the Muria tribe, young people stay
and communicate with one another in institutions called ghotul (youth dor-
mitories) where they share knowledge and life experiences. Similarly, among
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the Oraon tribal community in Jharkhand, there is the concept of the dhum-
kuria, a youth dormitory, where youths participate actively in the process of
knowledge sharing with each other. Gurukul is another traditional system
of education where young scholars learn from Elders or gurus using experien-
tial practices.
These, and several other examples explained in the case studies that follow,
show how community knowledge production mechanisms cannot be sepa-
rated from the knowledge dissemination process. Community knowledge is
created in the process of sharing it in different, informal ways and through a
variety of conduits. Oral traditions, rituals, customs and art forms of knowl-
edge transmission and sharing have existed and sustained communities for
millennia.
6 How Do Communities Store Knowledge?
Communities preserve their knowledge in ways very different from how aca-
demic scholars store knowledge. Academic knowledge is primarily stored in
written texts and repositories like journals, newsletters, books and libraries.
Very often such stored academic knowledge remains limited in its dissemina-
tion, locked behind pay walls and available to the privileged few. Community
knowledge is stored in the oral traditions, folklore, art, music, dance, poetry,
and even tattooing customs and practices. Community knowledge surpasses
the barriers of language and written text, since it needs to be easily accessible
in understandable forms for the benefit of the community.
In different geographical regions, Elders of the community become the
knowledge holders and are responsible for passing on the knowledge to
the next generation. Human memory is a repository of knowledge for a com-
munity. For example, among the Orang Asli in Malaysia, biodiversity is an
integral part of their identity and land is the resource base of the commu-
nity. Elders share traditional conservation and land management practices
India emphasise learning verses of Ashtangahrdayam (a treatise of Ayurveda)
while learning the practice of Ayurveda. In Kerala, the ashta vaidyas (a group
of Ayurveda practitioners) begin their study of Ayurveda by memorising the
7120-odd verses of the Ashtangahrdayam (Menon & Spudich, 2010). Another
way of storing community knowledge is through human experience. Sushruta
(ancient Indian physician and considered ‘Father of Surgery’) in his teaching
methods emphasised practical learning, where students watched and aided
their teachers in the preparation of Ayurvedic medicines. Surgical training
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involved students practising surgical procedures on vegetables, fruits and body
parts of animals. Careful observation of a dead body aided acquiring anatomi-
Indigenous communities store and transmit knowledge in myriad ways:
– Poems can be used to remember the past in the present, encapsulating the
interplay of language and the socio-cultural and physical environments
Indigenous knowledge, but when diluted by modernisation, a part of it gets
lost.
– Proverbs use figurative and literal meanings and carry lessons about ways of
life that are most significant for the younger generation that has not experi-
enced life in full and needs to learn about community customs and culture.
Proverbs are a source of Indigenous knowledge that is useful in guiding,
instilling a sense of pride and helping to establish an identity (Mvanyashe,
– Stories/folktales are a practice in Indigenous cultures that expresses their
experiences, validates experiences, nurtures relationships and sustains
communities. Indigenous peoples engage in oral traditions to examine
current events and Indigenous understanding in ways consistent with tra-
have been passed down orally and there is scarce literature on them writ-
ten by Indigenous peoples; most are documented by Westerners, therefore
diluting and losing cultural integrity.
– Documents on land access and ownership, and communal/tribal lands is
viewed as central to the identity and spirituality of Indigenous peoples.
Indigenous peoples believe land is neither a commodity nor an individual
possession, but a gift from the Creator. Land embraces the ecological, cul-
tural, cosmological, social and the spiritual. The juridical considerations
engrained in their social systems result in values, norms and observances,
that is, Indigenous knowledge, that protects natural resources, the environ-
ushered in, it brought a historical experience comprising murder, genocide,
destruction of existing Indigenous knowledge and large-scale dispossession
of lands.
– Music and dance are a frame of Indigenous African heritage and a conduit
to rationalise and perform norms that aim to humanise the individual and
bond humanity. The sound of music is a spiritual force that energises and
enriches the mind. Dance, deriving from the conformation of musical struc-
tures, en-spirits the dancer, thereby imbuing benevolent spirituality and
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– Indigenous knowledge is also expressed in agricultural practices, equip-
ment, materials, plant species and animal breeds. These knowledge sys-
tems represent mechanisms to ensure minimal livelihoods for local people.
Traditional knowledge systems are often elaborate and adapted to local
culture and environmental conditions, tuned to the needs of local people
and the quality and quantity of available resources (Akullo et al., 2007).
Indigenous knowledge pertaining to the use of wild plants is localised and
is generally unknown outside the immediate community where the species
are used. To broaden understanding and mainstreaming of such Indigenous
knowledge, there is a need for effective documentation and validation of
useful Indigenous technologies. Conservation and management of subsist-
ence farming practices may be possible only if they are linked to the preser-
vation of the cultural diversity and economic viability of the local farming
populations (Rankoana, 2017). Such Indigenous knowledge systems have
developed over generations through the process of man-environmental
interaction and its continuity depends on its transmission and the ability of
the younger generation to acquire and practice it.
– The relationships between the natural and supernatural world, the living
and the dead, and the normative continuity between an individual and
community is at the centre of how knowledge is transmitted through reli-
gion and spiritualism. With the introduction of Christianity and Islam, they
have become the most dominant religions in the African continent but,
through all adversity, the African traditional religion has endured as a vital
and prime Indigenous knowledge system that still holds the Indigenous
peoples together. The Acholi people of Northern Uganda maintain the cul-
tural beliefs of the spirit world and social order with a wealth of knowl-
edge inherent in the positive practices that are part of Acholi culture. Such
practices support the resolution and management of conflicts for peaceful
coexistence among those in the local communities through ritual purifica-
tion, cleansing and reintegration of individuals into community, and main-
Owing to the fact that most Indigenous community knowledge is undocu-
mented, it is all the more relevant to recognise, value and preserve such knowl-
edge systems. Overall, we echo the words of Dr. Wanosts’a7 Lorna Williams,
one of Canada’s leading experts on the promotion and restoration of Indig-
enous culture and language. The ways in which local communities, includ-
ing Indigenous peoples, transmit and transfer their knowledge and wisdom
through varied and multiple practices and conduits have not been generally
accepted in the world of academia, and Euro-Western perspectives on local
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knowledge tend to filter and place it in an abstract process in which knowledge
creation, storage and transmission are disconnected rather than intertwined
7 How Are Power Asymmetries Embedded in Knowledge Utilisation
in Communities?
Validation of knowledge, that is, the process of ensuring that the knowledge
being created, shared or used is trustworthy and can be relied upon to make
informed decisions, is one of the knowledge production processes where power
imbalances between research partners becomes more evident. In the aca-
demic world, knowledge is validated by pre-defined authoritative persons (i.e.,
‘the expert in the field’, ‘the peer reviewer’), who are ‘qualified’ to scrutinise the
knowledge produced, according to specific rules and criteria (e.g., objectivity,
reliability, generalisations) that define who can possess and share the knowl-
edge (through journal articles or book chapters, for instance) in order to con-
tribute to the advancement of that specific field or discipline. Community
knowledge, on the other hand, is generally validated by its practical applica-
tion, after its production and dissemination. When a certain knowledge, such
as techniques for daily activities for fishing, farming or artwork, is practiced by
the community, it is community-validated. In community settings, knowledge
validation is crucial because information is often passed on through informal
channels, and does not need to be fact-checked or peer-reviewed.
Such a validation process by communities may be seen as insufficient from
a Western scientific perspective and the academic partner may not accept it as
‘legitimate’. Community knowledge is then often not considered as authorita-
tive or as accurate as knowledge that is produced and stored in the academic
world. Traditional modes of knowledge sharing and transmission within com-
munities (including direct sharing through generations, poems, storytelling,
socialisation, through gatherings and so on) are not recognised as knowledge
by academia. This reflects a clear power imbalance in favour of academia.
As a consequence, one can observe, in Eastern Africa for instance, a general
displacement of the traditional African knowledge ‘authors’ from all forms of
formal education. This has mainly resulted in the incompleteness and/or dis-
ruption of intergenerational knowledge transmission. There is indeed a vast
amount of written academic literature on African knowledge cultures and
community knowledge; however, it is almost always authored or funded by
‘foreigners’, or those outside the community that is being documented. The
Indigenous-initiated literature available in written form is generally produced
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for cultural preservation and activist healing of communities through a rec-
lamation of knowledge. A key observation coming from the African regional
synthesis is that much of the civil society and literature is recycling
Euro-Western epistemology and demonising local knowledge. Civil society
organisations are using this recycled knowledge for a Western style of develop-
ment and for reporting/attracting funders. At the same time, there are efforts
from university settings to produce and reclaim Indigenous knowledge. This is
reflected in academic writing and in community engaged programs such as the
Gulu University Indigenous medicine program that integrates practitioners
(students) with academics (teachers) in a certificate program. The Indigenous
interpretation of medicine is far broader than Western medicine, and so the
program encompasses holistic and integrated community learning.
The Gulu case study also highlights the importance of healthy relationships
(the hub itself is considered a network of very diverse partners) and, while par-
ticipants generally agreed that most partnerships are community oriented, the
core problem that stakeholders observed was that community had little agency
when it comes to relationships. Often the Gulu hub and university programs
enter partnerships from a position of power, because they have resources and
understand the institutional systems. Decisions are also made by researchers
or the lead team, not the community. Starting a partnership with and within
the community is seen as an important strategy for sharing power and mak-
ing sure that the research and results benefit those involved in it. Additional
challenges include accessing funding, navigating funders’ demands, deficient
communication structures and challenging the deeply ingrained epistemic
injustice and narrow perspective of what is ‘valid’ research.
The - hub (South Africa) indicated that the community does not
really consider the knowledge it holds to be as important as that of the health
professionals from the university. However, they feel that their knowledge is
validated though generational successive use. They evaluate the knowledge
received by testing its usefulness in improving their health. A similar finding
was evident in the other South African hub at Durban, that is, community
knowledge is suppressed because community members do not have the neces-
sary academic qualifications, even though “academics are lacking in practical
experience and have no love to share with the children” (Research participant
in Durban case study). Community members also mentioned fear as the main
obstacle to the co-creation of knowledge. “Fear is the major obstacle for com-
munities: they hold back their knowledge because they are scared that they
do not know much. Fear of academics as experts” (Research participant in
Durban case study).
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The Salish Sea hub case study also showcases a series of power imbalances,
namely, a discrepancy in perception of what community knowledge is and the
value it holds; challenges for local communities to navigate relationships with
universities given the specific mandate and complex organisational structure
of the institution; a lack of practice by academics in listening to communities;
and an urgent need for reflection and cultural awareness when working with
communities.
The regional syntheses and case studies developed for the project sug-
gest that globally traditional knowledges are often racialised or simply clas-
sified as inferior, evil or witchcraft. Scientific/academic knowledge receives
higher appreciation and is considered ‘more valid’ and superior. It is in the
construction of knowledge where dynamics of power and domination of the
academic expert’s vision are reproduced, which makes the de-anchoring of
the expert a day-to-day ethical-political issue. Community members have a
critical role in knowledge validation by questioning the accuracy of informa-
tion, seeking out sources to confirm or refute such knowledge, and sharing their
own worldviews and experiences to help validate or refine existing knowledge.
Community organisations, such as those participating in the project as
hub partners, also play a role in knowledge validation by providing reliable
information and resources to community members, facilitating conversations
and information sharing, and promoting critical thinking and fact-checking
skills. Knowledge validation in community settings can help overturn exist-
ing unequal power relations between
and sometimes conflicting knowledge cultures, in a way that helps prevent the
spread of misinformation and build trust among community members, which
is essential for effective communication, collaboration and decision-making.
8 Conclusion
The foregoing discussion in this chapter illustrates ways in which communi-
ties build their knowledge cultures, that is, produce, use, store and disseminate
their knowledge. It shows community knowledge cultures are highly advanced
that involve complex understandings of various subject areas. Since com-
munity knowledge is usually produced across long time periods, the insights
drawn are thoroughly verified through several generations. Community knowl-
edge cultures are inextricably linked with individual and collective values, as
well as higher level philosophical and spiritual dimensions of human exist-
ence, which makes the learning process more meaningful.
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Community knowledge can be said to have the following characteristics:
1. Knowledge built in communities is directly related to the needs of every-
day life situations.
2. Community knowledge is both pragmatic and normative.
Traditional, culture-based forms of knowledge exist in primarily oral
forms that are passed down from generation to generation.
The process of knowledge creation and transmission/dissemination are
inherently intertwined and cannot be separated. Suffused with spiritu-
ality and mediated through rituals of worship, community knowledge
production and sharing are functional and need-based, rather than
extractive and exhaustive (Gaudry, 2011).
Values of the community and surrounding eco-system shape internal
validation of knowledge that is being produced, stored and shared. The
validity of community knowledge is indeed demonstrated by the survival
techniques that have been successfully used by countless generations,
rather than by the criteria of modern occidental science.
Community protocols for knowledge validation are based on principles
of cooperation (not competition), culturally resonant ethics (not pro-
cedural and bureaucratic), and responding to changes in the ‘business
of life’ (not pre-determined and permanent). ‘Community certified’ and
respected Elders are designated and accepted as knowledge-keepers and
behaviour ‘regulators’, which is not substantially different from elderly
and tenured full professors and institutionally promoted officials as
knowledgeable academics.
7. Community knowledge is disseminated through a variety of means.
Language has a critical role in the transmission of community knowledge
as it is the vehicle by which taxonomic systems, metaphysical percep-
tions and codified knowledge are passed from generation to generation.
The essence of community knowledge is indeed found in the language
of the people. In order for community knowledge to survive and prove
itself useful in the modern world, so must the language and oral tradi-
tions to which it is intricately linked.
Cultural forms, such as everyday rituals, symbols, languages and practices,
‘curate’ community knowledge, so inner understanding of meanings, feelings
and norms are essential to make sense of community knowledge. Such tra-
ditional ways of knowing and being are however experiencing a significant
decline, although in some countries like Canada efforts are underway to revi-
talize Indigenous languages and appreciate traditional knowledge (see Boyd,
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makes it difficult to coexist with the current modern ways of knowledge pro-
duction, resulting in traditional knowledge production being pushed aside
since the introduction of modern ways of education and through other more
aggressive colonial practices. In part, this is not surprising considering that
traditional knowledge is created and shared based on a broader use of all of
the senses and on a relational ontology that interprets and creates knowl-
edge multi-modally and together with the non-human world in a non-linear
temporal perspective. Putting such knowledge into text would be a difficult
task because it requires telling, feeling, place, and sensory experience, which
becomes limited as soon as it enters written format.
Modern/western education systems and pedagogies influence how people
know community knowledge and their understandings of how such knowl-
edge is understood, created and transmitted. It becomes a completely different
story that gets told when knowledge production mechanisms are separated
from knowledge dissemination. Community knowledge moves beyond inter-
textual and inter-language experiences to a completely different realm and
subset of knowledge. Embedded in communities’ socio-economic, political,
cultural and religious life, freely accessible and easily usable by all, this knowl-
edge is from the community and for the community – which is what makes
community knowledge so valuable.
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This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the
What Academia Can Learn from the Kenjeran
Community of Indonesia
Experiences of the UINSA K4C Hub, Surabaya, Indonesia
Nabiela Naily, M. Helmi Umam, Noor Wahyudi and Misbakhul Munir
Abstract
In Indonesia, University Community Engagement is strongly supported by policy, and
has taken forward this policy with their Kuliah Kerja Nyata (), or student
shares learnings from documenting the knowledge generation processes among
the Kenjeran coastal community, who are dependent on the sea for their lives and live-
lihoods. has a long history of collaborative works with the community, and the
community is familiar with as many of their children study in the university.
Keywords
University Community Engagement – East Java – Kenjeran coastal community – Kulian
Kerja Nyata () – knowledge traditions – fisherfolk
1 Introduction
The issue of knowledge democracy brings with it the exploration of what
knowledge culture within a community looks like, and its role and importance
in sustaining daily lives and livelihoods. The role of community knowledge
got spotlighted during the recent Covid-1 pandemic when local traditions
of health and healing gained momentum. Many people re-incorporated tra-
ditional herbs into their diets for both prevention and cure. In Indonesia, the
jamu (traditional herb drink), ginger and curcuma have had their place within
local health traditions for decades. In fact, at the beginning of the pandemic,
the president of Indonesia, supported by the minister for health, promoted
jamu as the local-wisdom-based immune booster (Farisa & Galih, 2020).
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In Indonesia, awareness of the importance of linking education with com-
munity has been strong since independence, and University Community
Engagement () is strongly supported by national policy. It has led to the
emergence of what we in Indonesia call Tridharma. Tridharma was formally
2007).
State support for has been quite consistent, shown at national and local
levels, both in form of laws and the more practical guidelines for lecturer’s per-
formance. The most recent law that is closely related to is Law Number 12
(2012) on higher education. These laws obligate all universities in Indonesia
to carry out education that involves teaching, research and community ser-
vice. Furthermore, the state also obliges all lecturers to perform the three roles
), for example, there is
a ministerial regulation regarding research and community work (Ministerial
at the regional or local level.
In keeping with the state’s policy, has developed an internal strategic
policy on which provides an institutional basis for managing and pro-
moting , including facilitating capacity building to undertake (Coyle,
is mainstreamed within all activities of . Integration is prem-
ised on the concept of Tridharma, which means that the three roles – teaching,
research and community service – should be seen, understood and practiced
The
Kuliah Kerja Nyata (), or student community engagement program, with
communities in East Java. Several alumni of the Mentor Training Program
() support the hub, mandated by to facilitate approaches
including Asset-Based Community Development (), Community Based
Participatory Research (), service learning, and so forth (Seftiawan, 2017).
Among the hub’s partners are Civil Society Organisations (
regional district governments, and community partners. The Hub promotes
as one way to learn from and with communities through various col-
laborative projects.
When we were approached to be part of the project, we were struck
by how little we understood what is community (local) knowledge, and how
it is produced, used, validated and transmitted. This chapter attempts to share
our learnings from documenting the knowledge generation processes among
the Kenjeran coastal community. We also asked: Have we been building truly
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equal partnerships with communities and respecting their knowledge culture?
By analysing the similarities and differences between how knowledge is pro-
duced and used in the community and in academia, we attempted to under-
stand what are the factors behind the seemingly unequal relationships that
often characterise efforts. If we are to build true knowledge democracies,
it is important to respect the community knowledge culture and build partner-
ships of equality between the community and university.
2 Context and Methodology
The Nambangan-Cumpat fishing community living on the Kenjeran coast is
the locus of this research. The community are dependent on the sea for their
lives and livelihoods. has a long history of collaborative works with the
community, and the community is familiar with as many of their chil-
dren study in the university.
Interestingly, despite the quite long association with the Kenjeran commu-
nity, it still took us time to engage them for this case study. Understanding all
aspects of their knowledge culture proved to be quite challenging. It took sev-
eral meetings and discussions to finally come to a shared understanding of the
goal of the research and the research questions. The key term, knowledge cul-
ture, was relatively new. Roughly, it translates into budaya pengetahuan. Munir,
who has worked with us on earlier projects and was supporting us in this case
study, was initially quite confused with regards to goals of this research, as he
is more used to specific and explicit goals such as “What program are we going
to evaluate?”, or “What issues are we going to investigate in order to solve the
problem?”
2.1 Data collection
We used interviews, Focus Group Discussions (
the tools to collect the data. These tools were selected because the commu-
nity partners are more comfortable and familiar with informal discussions.
In addition, observation was a key tool since we were aiming to map the cul-
ture within the community in relation their local practices and daily lives. We
were keen to collect stories, anecdotes, poems, songs and other cultural
expressions.
Interviews were conducted with several key figures in the Kenjeran commu-
nity, among them Munir, Syukron, Hadi, Warsono, Atiyah, Nurul, Dewi Asiyah
and Dewi Yulia. Munir is a leader of the Kenjeran community. In fact, he is now
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the chief of the fisher committee of the East Java region. Syukron is a fisher
who also is active in the fisherman’s cooperative. Hadi and Warsono are div-
ing fishers. They are also active in several community associations. Atiyah and
Nurul are women from the Kenjeran coastal community who are active in reli-
gious groups and women’s associations within the community. Dewi Aisyah
and Dewi Yulia are activists and stakeholders from Fatayat, the young women
branch of , the largest Muslim organisation in Indonesia.
In addition to the primary data collected through interviews, observation
and
state policies, academic modes of knowledge generation, and sociological or
ethnological research of the northern coastal Java islands.
2.2 Analysis
The analysis of the observations and discussions focused on exploring the
similarities and differences between community and academics in producing
their knowledge cultures. A more active role, admittedly, was taken by the aca-
demics in the research team to analyse the perceptions and practices that were
observed and mapped, and to systematise the discussions. Support for analysis
was provided by Fatayat, a community partner the hub has worked with on sev-
eral programs. To make the data analysis more participatory, we formed a
group on social media of all members of the research team, and shared emerg-
ing analysis and conclusions on this group, on a daily basis if required. In addi-
tion, the analysis also tries to employ critical thinking in assessing the level of
power between the two parties: campus and community. It also explores how
the differences between the two knowledge cultures might have led to the gap
and inequality.
3 Knowledge Culture of the Kenjeran Community
Historically, the fisherman community of Nambangan-Cumpat in Kenjeran,
Surabaya has existed since the 1700s. It is believed that the original settler of
the community is Mbah Buyut Dirah, or Mbah Dirah, who came to the north
coast of Surabaya from Gresik. He is believed to be a student of Mbah Sindu
Joyo or Pangaskarto, a pious and powerful figure in Gresik. Mbah Sindu Joyo
Mbah Dirah is the sesepuh (the elder,
the ancestor), symbolising orang tua (the parent) of the Nambangan-Cumpat
fishing community. The term nambangan itself originates from the word nam-
bang, which means ‘going to the sea’. This commemorates the adventure of
Mbah Dirah who went to the sea.
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Mbah Dirah used to sail to Surabaya to trade and shop for necessities. For his
stopovers in Surabaya, he built a place to rest on the beach, and began fishing.
His fishing method, believed to be similar to that of his teacher Mbah Sindu
Joyo, is known as the sodoh technique. This particular technique is performed
using a net with small holes to catch the fish. The net is not tied at the front or
back, so that the fish or shrimp that enter the net can easily find their way out
and release themselves. This technique may surely be considered inefficient,
ineffective, and even useless. But those who respect and believe in Mbah Dirah
use the sodoh technique.
The uniqueness of Mbah Dirah’s technique is its philosophical basis – that
not all fish need to be caught. Mbah Dirah believed in the power of fate and
nature – “What has been written (by fate/God/nature) as ours (our belonging)
will be ours; what is not ours/not meant to be given to us by fate, will leave”.
The Nambangan-Cumpat community formed organically and naturally over
a long period of time. The fisherman of the community are traditional. In a
more conceptual sense, traditional usually has stronger ties to ancestral beliefs
and to the land, water and ecosystems. As fishermen, they can adopt more
advanced fishing techniques and tools. Yet, they have chosen not to accommo-
date various advances in fishing into their traditional fishing methods. They
have also affirmed their traditional character by joining the Indonesian Tradi-
tional Fishermen Association ().
3.1 Economic Roles in the Community
The composition and classification of the fisherman community of
Nambangan-Cumpat is based on many working roles. There are those who
play the main role of fishermen and are called nelayan. The term is used to
refer to those who go out into the sea and catch fish. They are usually (if not
the skill to carry out traditional fishing at sea. Then there are those called ibu
nelayan (fisherman’s wives), buruh nelayan (fishermen workers), and pengepul
-
Syukron spoke of how his community has its own system of classification
(beliefs) in regard to who can be called as nelayan, validated through gen-
erations. They classify fishers as those who earn less than two million rupiah
more than that are usually ship or boat owners.
It is worth noting that almost all roles within the Nambangan-Cumpat
community are involved with sea-related activities, and the community is, in
general, shaped by the culture and knowledge of fishing. Those who are not
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fishermen work in roles related to the fishing culture, such as making and
repairing nets, or marketing the catch to earn money, which is the economic
basis of the Kenjeran community.
3.2 Production and Validation of Knowledge among
Nambangan-Cumpat Fishermen
One of the most interesting findings related to knowledge culture of the
Nambangan-Cumpat community is the ways in which the community, par-
ticularly the nelayan, have developed their own mechanism and traditions in
spotting, categorising and naming areas of the sea. When a fisherman goes to
sea, his family and friends also know the name of the area towards which he
is headed, and the direction. They argue this helps them if they need to go his
rescue. Warsono spoke of how the naming also helps in terms of communality,
as together they agree on which areas are in season (that is, offers large quanti-
ties of fish) or where to gather at certain times.
Location naming is validated by its continuous use in the daily lives of the
fishermen. The validation process involves sharing the name locations of the
sea among everyone in the community. They feel no need for a particular cer-
emony or even acknowledgement from the government to use these names.
Tradition is a hereditary process of transferring beliefs, knowledge and
habits from one generation to the next. The story of Mbah Buyut Dirah as the
ancestor of the Nambangan-Cumpat community that is told and transmitted
over generations is an important part of the community’s identity. More par-
ticularly, it is significant in the community’s self-identification in terms of reli-
gion. He is profiled as the figure who opened and initiated the first village of
Nambangan. He is a figure of a trader, a fisherman, and a devout Muslim. His
adherence to religious teachings is attributed by the Nambangan community
as someone with spiritual advantages and they consider him a sunan/wali, or
guardian/saint. This sacredness is reinforced by the belief that Mbah Dirah is
a student of Mbah Sindu Joyo who is also believed to be a sacred Gresik figure.
Based on the literature survey of sociological and ethnological research of
the northern Java islands, we can see the coastal communities of Java have
a unique relationship with Islam. Most researchers agree that Islam entered
Indonesia first through contacts between preachers and coastal communities.
The story of Mbah Dirah in Nambangan is identical to this narrative. The knowl-
edge culture of the Nambangan-Cumpat fishermen is a holistic one, combin-
ing religious traditions with the tradition of trading and fishing. Knowledge is
not broken into silos. As a community that grew with Islamic religious tradi-
tions, the fishermen accept and hold in high regard the values learned from
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Mbah Dirah, which call for respect and preservation. Other figures respected
by the community all have connections with Islamic religious leaders.
Another practice related to religious tradition is to echo and sing praises
after the adhan, before the sholah, in the mandatory prayer. The lyrics of praise
along with the melody are called puji-pujian, and the tradition is known as
rengeng, syiir or kidung. Uniquely, these lyrics are heavily influenced by the life
of a sea based community, containing specific advice for the fishermen, their
families and the surrounding community. They praise the God that has blessed
them with the wealth of the sea; it also contains the story of the daily life of
fishermen.
The songs composed as part of the kidung are hummed while at sea looking
for fish. The kidung songs narrate and illustrate life within the fishing com-
munity. It also describes the social system and the community’s economic life.
During the , a fisherman hummed part of one song:
the life of the traditional fishermen of Nambangan start in the morning
and last until the afternoon-evening. When leaving, the men or husbands
are provided with food and prayers by their wives and children. When
they come home in the afternoon, the wife greets them with treats and
a smile.
These songs are recited in certain repetitive rhythms that are easy to recall and
spontaneously memorised by the community. They are stored in memory; no
written documentation is necessary. Unfortunately, this tradition seems to be
fading slowly now.
In our discussions, we explored the skills and techniques related to fishing
that are daily practices of the fishermen. The fishing equipment used is, in
general, similar to other fishermen – boats and nets. The have several types of
boats – sentik kicak
on the right and left, jukung7 metres long and 1 metre wide, and
sro’ol, which is 7 metres long and 2– metres wide – and nets, including trawl
nets for middle strait fish, string nets for crabs, small trawl nets, and nets to
be operated independently by individuals. The fishing technique (net fishing,
petorosan fishing and diving) determines the net to be used.
Net and petorosan fishing do not need as much equipment as the diver
fishermen. For diving, the equipment commonly carried is swimming goggles,
compressed wetsuits, air compressor tubes, oxygen supply, and hose pipes.
Fuel (diesel) for the boat and food for breakfast and lunch are brought for the
trip to sea.
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Knowledge of the fishing techniqes used by the Nambangan-Cumpat fish-
ermen has been passed down from generation to generation. This means that
fishermen understand and practice the techniques because they learn and
practice them by observing senior fishermen. This transfer of knowledge of
fishing techniques through learning by doing includes knowledge of climate,
navigation, weather readings, character of water, currents and wind, at dif-
ferent times of the day, week and month. Technical knowledge of a physical
nature, such as setting up and picking up nets for petorosan fishermen, diving
and collecting marine products for diving fishermen, or how to cast nets for
net fishermen, can be mastered relatively quickly by new, younger fishermen.
Knowledge that is non-practical but needs experience, such as navigation and
weather, usually takes longer. In fact, the ability to read weather and changing
climate is still being honed by senior fishermen who discuss it among them-
selves and with retired fishermen who have stopped fishing due to age. This
tradition of asking and receiving input and opinions from other fishermen
reflects the ways in which knowledge is shared, used, and transmitted.
Petorosan fishermen carry out fishing activities by installing nets at special
spots that have been historically determined. This spot is an area where piles
have been built with coconut wood or palm wood. Petorosan nets are designed
to be attached to poles and are intended to block the sea current so as to trap
fish that swim with the current. Petorosan fishermen have deep knowledge of
currents and sea flow paths. According to the fishermen, currents are formed
by place, wind and time (date, week, month). The currents then determine
water quality. The quality of sea water can change – from cloudy, to clear, cold,
or warm. Each change in water quality has consequences on the number and
type of fish that is availble of fishing.
Petorosan fishing has fundamental differences with other techniques. The
ways in which net fishermen or dive fishermen can move between points
according to their needs or predicted movement of fish cannot be applied by
petorosan fishermen. Petorosan fishermen depend on the petorosan that is
lodged in its place and location, and will continue to rely on the same location
until it is no longer considered viable.
This type of fixed fishing technique has its own advantages and challenges,
which the fishermen discussed during the . The most visible advantage is
the chance of higher yield because the nets are installed and removed after
a specific time span. Another advantage is that the place or location where
they put their petorosan is perceived to be their ‘spot’ and the right to fish at
this spot belongs to them. This respect of fishing rights of petorosan fisher-
men at their locations is a non-written agreement within the community. As a
consequence, the petorosan along with the potential to catch fish within this
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location is safe from intrusion from other fishermen. The risk of losing nets
carried away by the current is relatively higher, in contrast to net fishermen
who set up their nets and take them away everyday.
In general, knowledge related to changes in weather, currents, wind and
water are not required much by petorosan fishermen. This is, again, an advan-
tage of the technique since the location is fixed. Such knowledge is needed
only at the beginning when building and setting up the petorosan pole. Site
selection based on condition of the location, type of fish and flow of currents
can be said to be the most important knowledge for the petorosan fishermen.
It is learnt from the elders who are more experienced.
Moreover, installating a petorosan needs accuracy of position within the
spot alongside several petorosans installed by other fishermen. There is a tradi-
tion in which a petorosan fisherman asks opinions from other petorosan fish-
ermen when preparing and deciding the location for his petorosan. Although
the more technical part of installing the petorosan is nowadays carried out by
paid personnel (in the past it was carried out in gotong royong, people work-
ing together communally and voluntarily), the tradition of asking the commu-
nity to determine the best location is still continued. The petorosan fishermen
believe that determining the location of petorosan spots in conslutation with
others is not only effective in producing sufficient catch, but is also an efficient
way of avoiding conflicts between fishermen.
Another important skill that is primary and central for the fishermen is
knowledge about nature. Nature here means the wind, the current, the seasons.
Such knowledge is getting more crucial for those who use netting tecniques. In
contrast to petorosan fishermen, net fishermen require detailed knowledge of
nature, as they are highly dependent on the accuracy of their location for net-
ting fish. This fishing technique involves high intensity and high interaction
with high mobility that relies purely on instinct, or knowledge, of how to find
the best spot at all times. The depth and width of knowledge in reading nature
determines their success at sea. Net fishermen have their own traditional cal-
endaring system including day/week/month.
Combined with direct observations at sea, this knowledge of time equips
net fishermen to be able determine the status of wind, current and water. From
this they are able to predict where and in which direction the fish are moving.
Predicting the movement of fish plays a significant role in catching fish. It is
based on instinct learned from everyday practice, combined with the knowl-
edge shared and transmitted across generations.
The fishing profession of the Kenjaran is a combinaition of work experience
and traditional values and beliefs, based in religious and other practices, ances-
tral stories, respect for ancestral graves sites, and ritual prayers, passed down
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from generation to generation. This complex knowledge culture encompasses
both pragmatic and normative interests, and is important to understand in
order to include community knowledge in .
3.3 Developments Affecting the Knowledge Culture of
Nambangan-Cumpat Fishermen
The sea of Kenjeran is the strait between Madura and Java islands, and the
Nambangan-Cumpat fishermen fall within the category of strait fishermen.
Changes around the Madura strait directly affects and impacts these tradi-
tional fishermen. There are several changes that the fisherman spoke of in this
context, such as the construction of the Perak international port, the Suram-
adu bridge, sand mining off the coast of Nambangan-Cumpat and the Covid-1
pandemic.
One of the biggest changes in the life of the Nambangan-Cumpat fisher-
man is the construction of Perak port and boxes that have been operating
development of this port was considered necessary for national development,
representing the wider interest of the country rather than the interests of the
Kenjeran fisherman, a smaller group. The other major change that has affected
-
These developments in the Kenjeran sea and Madura strait has undeniably
changed the existing fishing practices of the traditional fishermen, especially
the petorosan fishermen. Petorosan fishermen install fishing poles to trap fish
in spots that are historically known to have a lot of fish. Such areas have been
disturbed due to the traffic lanes of large ships. Petorosan fishing equipment
has often been damaged, and the flow of fish has dramatically reduced. Unfor-
tunately, the fishing community did not have the option to express their aspi-
rations and opinions on the proposed development of the port and bridge, and
were forced to adapt, to relocate the petorosan staking areas and use new tools
in order to continue with fishing as their livelihood.
has destroyed the ecosystem. The fishermen community has shown resistance
and several times have protested the award of mining rights to entrepreneurs.
Some of the protests to the local government have been won by the fishermen.
Munir in his interview told us that the Covid-1 pandemic also had a major
unavoidable economic impact on his community, as many restaurants were
forced to close their businesses. These restaurants were major buyers of the
local catch caught by the fisherman.
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A more recent impact is that of climate change. There were moments dur-
ing the discussions when fishermen told us they were confused and failed to
understand the climate. “Things, sometimes, for the last several years, have
been changing quite strangely”, said Syukron. Despite the fact that they still
share and consult the elders regarding the changes, the kenjeran fishermen
like Syurkon and Warno also feel the need to adopt new ways of knowing
about the changes they are observing. They realise that elders may not have
all knowledge on climate. They have begun to realise that, several times, the
causality and correlations they have learnt from the elders is not what they
are observing in the sea. This is interesting and shows that new changes are
happening in nature that the fishermen don’t have knowledge of. For example,
changes in the winds of the West and East monsoons causes changes in the
strength of the currents in the southern and northern parts of the Java Sea. In
the field of climate studies, sea currents are categorised as strong, moderate and
weak. Uniquely, the strength and weakness of the sea currents are not always
steady or routine because of the type of wind that blows. In certain years, the
sea currents during the West monsoon are weaker while in other years they
can be stronger. Many fishermen have also noticed that there is an erratic
change in the character of the current compared to the change in the direction
of the monsoon wind. This trend is recognised by the Kenjaran fishermen as
a climate anomaly that sometimes cannot be understood quickly. This is why
fishermen like Syukron admit it is more crucial now that they update their
knowledge about changes in climate, and are open to learning from a variety of
sources, while they continue their tradition of seeking knowledge and advice
from elders.
The Nambangan-Cumpat fishing community has reacted to changes
brought by external factors such as the building of Suramadu bridge, develop-
ing their own mechanisms for adaptation by relocating fishing areas, for exam-
ple. They are also willing to learn new knowledge and skill sets by having a
dialogue between scientific knowledge and their traditional knowledge for the
survival of their community and way of life.
Communication, contact or interaction between the knowledge culture
within the Kenjaran community and the scientific knowledge culture from
academia is already there. There are a numerous modern products that the
fisherman have begun to use, among them fish-finder devices, in order to
detect fish movements, and , for navigation. The dive fishermen have
learnt new diving skills through technical guidance from the Frog Troop Com-
mand (Kopaska) of the Indonesian Navy. The fishermen have shown a high
level of accommodation and acceptance of new technology and scientific
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knowledge, knowing that one way their community knowledge culture can
survive is through interaction with other knowledge cultures.
The community mechanism through which they produce knowledge and
learn from observing and viewing elders does not necessarily mean that space
for reviewing, questioning and or even revising their knowledge is closed.
There are indeed occasions when the younger generation finds that some of
the knowledge they gain and learn from the seniors is no longer relevant. New
issues such as climate change, ways in managing the fish produce more effec-
tively, dealing with Covid-1 pandemic and waste management, are some of
the interesting new knowledge lessons occurring within the Kenjeran commu-
nity. The process of discussion, reviewing, rethinking and then revising is part
of the knowledge production culture within the community to generate new
knowledge that will later be communicated and transmitted to future genera-
tions. Arguably, knowledge transmission continues to be dominated by learn-
ing from the elders.
4 Differences in Academic and Community Knowledge Cultures
Understanding the differences in the knowledge cultures can be useful in
bridging the gap with the community knowledge culture and support aca-
demic knowledge culture to adapt.
In Indonesia, academic knowledge is established through the scientific
working mechanism. Knowledge generated in the academic world is shared
and disseminated in several ‘formal’ ways: through scientific journals, aca-
demic reports/books, and through public media such as magazines, televisions
or online magazines, as well as popular media. Secondary data gathered by
the Indonesian hub shows that the academic world, in addition to its basic
function of explaining things, also plays the role of predicting and controlling
what is knowledge (in ’t Veld, 2010). Publication in various media functions
to approve the knowledge produced in academia, influencing what is known
and is a test of its validity. Journals, conferences and scientific publications
are acknowledged as proven ways to not only share but also validate academic
knowledge (Dalkir, 2017).
Knowledge within the non-academic sphere, the community in this case, is
usually established using three models: that which is common among people
in society (common knowledge), what is special in the community related to
a philosophy of life (philosophical knowledge), and that practised within the
community adhering to a religion (religious knowledge) (Dewey, 2012).
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In the process of knowledge creation, the academic and non-academic
(community) realms have a relationship between each other, often exchanging
and providing mutual inputs. Academia (science) receives its material from
the non-academic realm, providing scientific explanations as well as validating
science (Reijnders & Boersema, 2008).
An interesting exchange can be seen in relation to the naming of locations
in the sea. The Suramadu bridge and sand mining activities have impacted,
both directly and indirectly, the daily life of the community and the naming
configuration for locations. There are locations that have become less active,
or even almost inactive, due to the changes brought by these developments.
Petorosan, especially in locations such as the one named mlirit, have been
damaged, and fishermen now call these locations mati (dead). Dead does not
necessarily mean that the locations no longer exist; it just means that locations
no longer have relevance to the daily life of the Kenjeran community as there is
no livelihood possible from that specific area of the sea. In addition, there are
also impacts caused by the change in wind direction. Suramadu bridge is very
tall and hence blocks some winds. This changes the condition of the sea which
impacts the flow of fish within certain areas.
People on the mainland (daratan) have given names to places or locations
in their neighbourhoods, districts and even at the regency level. Surabaya city
has classifications and categorisations of areas from the level of the district.
The naming is mostly produced locally by the community, and is formalised
and validated at the mainland by the state through the local government
Margorejo Tangsi is related to the fact that the area in the past functioned as a
living centre for soldiers.
The Kenjeran community have also developed their own ways of giving
names to locations, often aligning its reasons for naming a location with myth or
a historical story. For example, the area called carok, which literally means fight,
has a history of being the ground of a major battle. Naming can also be related
to a particular feature. For example, one location named ribath is near a board-
ing school for young Muslims, which is called ribath. What makes the Kenjeran
naming system unique is the fact that once named, it gains validity through
use by everyone in the community, with usually no rejection. Interestingly,
validation and formalisation by the government is not sought by the Kenjaran
community. The community is confident and comfortable using these names,
transmitting them through generations with no formal written document.
Transmission of knowledge within the Kenjeran community does not
involve writing and documentation. As a matter of fact, location names given
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by the Kenjeran cannot be found when searched on Google and other websites.
Lack of willingness (or initiative) to write the names, let alone systematically
document them, is starkly different from the ways in which names of regions
and locations on the mainland are systematically and formally documented
and validated. In discussions, some participants put forth the view that there
is no relevance or need to register these location names formally with officials
and get them put on a map. They perceive it as both unnecessary and complex.
They live the experience of their own system – of spotting a location, creating
the name, sharing it within the community and using it – which has proven
effective for them through generations.
One finds a noticeable different style of communication between the gov-
ernment and community which, to some extent, indicates inequality in power
relations. The government, according to some participants in the , still
operates under the belief that they are the only ones with authority to gener-
ate knowledge as well as policy. For example, there is a giant-size information
screen installed by the government in the area. The screen is supposed to func-
tion as a guide for the Kenjeran community, particularly the fishermen, for get-
ting weather forecasts, information on wind direction, and so. Unfortunately,
it is remains ineffective as it is not user-friendly for the target community. The
machine is not easy to use and the way in which it provides the information
is highly technologically advanced. Furthermore, there seems to be lack of a
socialisation strategy and other communication to help the community make
use of the technology. They continue to use their traditional ways, while inter-
estingly also incorporating modern technology as a source for information
about the weather.
With regards to validation, there are several interesting differences. Within
the academic community, knowledge is validated through rigid procedures
and mechanisms. Validation has to come through an authoritative hierarchy,
such as approval by experts in the respective field and/or publications in jour-
nals, books and other academic forms. In addition, presenting the findings
in conferences is also a way to seek validation for the knowledge produced
within the academic community. The conferences themselves have to have
a stamp of approval from the academic world. In other words, if academic
research findings are presented in conferences that are not approved by other
academics in those respective fields, then the knowledge presented remains
unvalidated.
It is difficult to find a model of community knowledge that rejects all pre-
vious or traditional knowledge that has been passed down from generation
to generation. Existing knowledge is used to create new knowledge that has
undergone a dialogic process of knowledge sharing and validation. Local
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knowledge is validated through acceptance by the community. The accept-
ance is, most of the time, indicated by use of the knowledge or information
by the community in daily lives and activities, such as fishing, or managing
the sea produce. So, the use of spots or locations in the sea by the community
at large, and not just by the fishermen, is an indicator that the knowledge pro-
duced has been validated. Unfortunately, the power to validate what is knowl-
edge is unequal, because community knowledge remains unvalidated until it
is proven by academia. We use the term ‘community-validated’ to counter the
commonly used term ‘scientifically proven’.
There are differences in the transmission and sharing culture of knowledge
within communities and academics. Within the academic community, knowl-
edge is shared through a formal system of curricula within a formal institu-
tion with authoritative persons such as teachers. Going to formal schools is
a prerequisite for gaining knowledge. There are rules with regards to who has
the authority to share and create knowledge. This authority is limited to those
who have been formally approved (lectures, teachers, researchers). Those who
likely hold indigenous knowledge and experiential-based knowledge with
regard to respective fields are not recognised. Learning about fisheries within
a formal educational institution and from skilled fishermen who have prac-
tised their skills through generations can enhance the knowledge a student
can learn about fishing.
Even though there are ways of sharing community knowledge within the
academy, such as conferences and jointly authored articles, these are still
designed and prescribed in certain ways by the academy. Traditional modes of
knowledge transmission such as inter-generational sharing, poems, storytell-
ing, socialisation through community gatherings are not acknowledged ways
of knowledge sharing. Consequently, there is a reduction in the sources from
which we can procure knowledge and share it within the academy.
5 Challenges and Learnings
There are several lessons we learnt about defining knowledge, its production
and validation from documenting the case study of the Nambangan-Cumpat
fishing community.
The most challenging was translating the research questions in to prac-
tice and as activities to be undertaken with the community by the academic
partners. For traditional communities, such as the Nambangan-Cumpat fish-
ing community, researching ‘what is knowledge?’, is an unfamiliar question.
Even for the academic researchers, questions like “How do you understand
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and define knowledge?” were not automatically understood or translated.
Researchers from the hub were well aware of this challenge before going to the
community. The process of achieving a mutual understanding, optimal trans-
parency and maximum disclosures about the research was time consuming.
The process, especially at the beginning of the communication, required the
campus and the community to engage in intensive discussion and dialogue
to ensure that a common understanding of the purpose of the research was
reached.
Second, explaining how we know something, or have knowledge, is usually
not as easy as articulating the concept itself. For example, if we are asked what
is participation, we can explain it through definitions and concepts. But it is
more difficult to explain what is knowledge about participation. The notion
of knowledge about something is often implied and contained, not expressed
and recorded separately. Researchers are still not used to discussing knowledge
as a separate object.
A third distinction between the two cultures is that the need to define what
is knowledge is not as strong in the fishing community as it is on the cam-
pus. This is a question that occupies the academic mind. The traditional fish-
ermen of Nambangan-Cumpat are used to discussing and learning technical
and practical matters from each other. They found it difficult to define their
knowledge. Community knowledge is embedded in the memory of the indi-
vidual. Based on dialogue between individual memories, knowledge manifests
itself in the form of stories, histories, habits. Stories accommodate the relay of
information from the older generation to new generations, and represent what
is known as traditional knowledge.
Communities acquire a lot of knowledge in their own ways. Knowledge
from the Kenjeran community’s perspective is linked to their daily life by the
sea. For petorosan fishermen, knowing how to set up petorosan nets, diver
fishermen knowing how to dive, or net fishermen determining fishing spots,
is knowledge. In other words, knowledge is in the form of examples of a com-
munity’s daily professional practice, such as knowledge on how to sew, how to
catch a fish, when it is the season to fish, and so forth.
Usually, this knowledge is produced through the process of imitating what
is practiced by the older or seniors in our societies. Knowledge within this
context is in accordance with the concept of learning by doing. There are no
schools or specialised knowledge institutions transmitting this knowledge
within the community. No specific institutions taught Syurkon and Narwo how
to fish, or how to swim. There was no specific curriculum they had to learn.
Yet, the community was hesitant to define their practices, skills and beliefs as
knowledge because it is not acquired in a systematic, formal way.
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6 Power Dynamics
Discussion about community university partnership and particularly the ques-
tion about the equality of power between campus and community is crucial
and challenging at the same time. This is because the issue is sensitive and
might provoke feelings of unease for both parties. Nevertheless, we attempted
to answer this question through discussions in non-formal spaces.
We conducted our research for this case study with a community group with
whom we have been associated for quite a long period of time. Yet the difficul-
ties encountered indicate that the relationship is not a partnership; moreover,
it is not an equal collaboration between the Kenjeran community and the uni-
versity, . In the past, the collaborative works with the community, be
it using or , have been conducted in the model of the university
going to the community with an issue, researching it within the community,
and then developing a program to solve the issue or optimise assets. Collabora-
tion for this particular research under the project, with research questions
that evaluate the partnership with (seemingly) no intention to develop a pro-
gram for community empowerment, is quite rare. Unsurprisingly, it took time
and several discussions to achieve a shared understanding.
as an educational institution with knowledge and science as its core, is
definitely aware that the main business of the higher educational institution is
the development of knowledge. This awareness, which can be argued is the spirit
of university, will have a tendency to lead efforts for creation and enhancement
of knowledge through all means possible. But the campus has to be prepared to
face the question regarding what is knowledge actually and how is it defined.
For the Kenjeran community, the campus-community relationship is an
important one, because, in their opinion, the university is a centre for ilmu
pengetahuan (science and knowledge). Science and knowledge occupy a stra-
tegic position in society in general, and are needed for life, such as framing
laws, financial management, marketing, etc. The Kenjeran in particular need
the university to optimise their assets or solve challenges and problems the
community faces.
Participants in the discussions said,
We have quite a long history of collaborations in many aspects and
through various models … We are very grateful for those and have high
expectation for better collaboration in the future.
is an Islamic university … of course we had and always have the
special bonding.
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Interestingly, the university is not only perceived as a centre of knowledge,
skills and expertise, it is also perceived as a centre of advantages and this
includes advantages in terms of wealth or financial resources. Many commu-
nity members perceive people from campus as elites who not only have knowl-
edge and expertise but also wealth.
They emphasised the trust they have towards the university is high due
to the nature of the university as a centre of education, which, according to
them, will put the well-being of the community above others. In relation to
this, they condemned the cooperation between the campus and companies,
because, according to them, it will potentially bring risk to the community.
The community expects the university to be pro-people, pro-poor advocates.
Here, the university is idealised by the community as a carrier of the voices of
the marginalised.
The ideal picture, in their opinion, is one where both the community and
the campus need each other. Ironically, even though this is the belief, com-
munity members still feel hesitant to initiate or lead a collaboration. There-
fore, most of the community engagement work is initiated and led by the
university. If the university did not initiate the engagement, there would be no
collaborations.
also acknowledges and appreciates the collaboration with the com-
munity, and the services performed by community leaders and religious figures.
Despite acknowledging and appreciating each other, and the advantages
of the community university collaborations, there are many gaps that need
improvement. The first is the issue of continuity, as many of the collaborations
initiated by the university are dependent upon a program. The community
expects continuous and intensive efforts at finding and implementing solu-
tions that are not dependent upon formal scheduling or projects.
There is a perceptible shift in the paradigm – from communities merely
expecting help and support from the university to becoming a partner who
believes that they have the resources of their local wisdom, traditions and
practical experiences to offer the university. However, further improvements
are needed to generate a more natural and continuous collaboration that shifts
from working for the benefit of the community to the mutual benefit of both.
7 Conclusion
The knowledge story of the Kenjeran fishing community revolves around the
origins of the first village, and their traditional practices and daily life experi-
ences. This story was built initially through observation, and then discussion.
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The fishing community of Nambangan-Cumpat identifies that they are the
children of Mbah Buyut Dirah. The story about the origins of the community
from Mbah Buyut Dirah initially contained the routines of the character’s life,
but later developed into a story of noble values of kindness in the form of life
lessons for fishermen, which are symbolically respected to this day. This basis
for the community’s noble values then influences other values, including work
and professional activities.
The knowledge held by the Kenjeran community can be said to be a mixture
of empirical knowledge with divine knowledge. Knowledge is learned through
skills and technical practice, experimenting, trial and error, and at times ques-
tioning the knowledge held by the elders. From an academic perspective, this
kind of knowledge can be termed ‘inductive knowledge’, as it is built from eve-
ryday realities.
Both the campus and the community produce new knowledge. Yet, in
regards to the outcomes and use of that knowledge, community knowledge
is usually complementary and reinforcing; it is rather difficult to find denial
of old knowledge directly. For the community, discovering new knowledge is
a process of continuous effort, rising from practical need to better their skills
and techniques to continue to live a life by the sea. Understanding, acknowl-
edging and appreciating such a knowledge culture can be a fundamental step
in changing how the academy defines, uses and produces knowledge.
Notes
1 Tridharma is a philosophy that harmoniously integrates and aggregates the teachings of
Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism.
2 These assumptions and beliefs are not adequately supported by written evidence.
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This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the
Learning with the Orang Asli Community
Experiences of the Mizan K4C Hub, Malaysia
Mahazan Abdul Mutalib, Izawati Wook, Mohd. Dzulkhairi Mohd. Rani,
Khairunneezam Mohd. Noor, Aminuddin Mohamed,
Norhyisyamudin bin Kamil, Jufitri Joha and
Muhamad Hanapi bin Jamaluddin
Abstract
approach to increase understanding of the culture
of the Orang Asli, indigenous communities of Peninsular Malaysia, and how the Orang
Asli unique identity can be sustained and preserved. Specifically, the research aims to
support the new Malaysian policy of Wawasan Kemakmuran Bersama) or
identity and sharing it with neighbouring local communities to strengthen commu-
nity collaboration for a sustainable future for all.
Keywords
Orang Asli – Indigenous culture – Indigenous leadership – Indigenous youth
challenges – community-university trust
1 Introduction
The Orang Asli are indigenous communities of Peninsular Malaysia. Their
settlements in the area of Negeri Sembilan and some other states around
Peninsular Malaysia are located close to local community villages. It is common
understanding among the local village communities of Peninsular Malaysia,
that the Orang Asli have their own traditions, customs and ways of living.
Unfortunately, the Orang Asli’s knowledge of the world has rarely been shared
with the local communities that live alongside the Orang Asli settlements.
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It is also important to note that the Orang Asli community, including the
Temuan tribe of Kampung Guntur in Negeri Sembilan, have migrated to new
settlement areas several times and this has caused the community to almost
Although the effectiveness of social migration among Orang Asli or, in another
word, resettlement of the Orang Asli, has been questioned, it has been con-
ducted by the government to increase their social and economic status (Farah
Adilla et al., 2021). However, despite the high mobility rate of Orang Asli in
Peninsular Malaysia, the community is still known for their unique knowledge
and culture, especially in the context of sustainable living. Preserving the Orang
Asli knowledge, culture and heritage for their future generations, and sharing
it with other local communities is an area that needs further exploration.
The concept of socially responsible higher education (Hall & Tandon, 2021)
as well as establishing practical approaches and methods of working with the
community has gained greater acceptance in the past decade. In the context of
Malaysia, the encouragement for higher education to be more socially responsi-
ble is clear. This can be seen through the publication of the Malaysia Education
2 (Higher Education) by the Ministry of Higher Education.
The blueprint recognises that the impact of higher education should be clearly
seen in various forms of social components, especially on student graduates,
the Malaysian community, industry, and the country as a whole.
Community-university partnerships and community-based participatory
research () are recognised ways of reducing the gap between higher edu-
cation institutions and communities, and to effectively address relevant issues
-
moting and using in its research and academic programs, and decided to
use the approach to increase understanding of the culture and identity
of the Orang Asli, and how it can be sustained and preserved. Specifically, the
research aims to support the new Malaysian policy of Wawasan Kemakmuran
Bersama
aspects of Orang Asli cultural identity and sharing it with neighbouring local
communities to strengthen community collaboration for a sustainable future
for all.
The research conducted under the project worked with several specific
groups of community members in an Orang Asli village, namely, Guntur in the
district of Kuala Pilah, Negeri Sembilan, Malaysia. It tried to explore methods
used by the Orang Asli community to retain their culture, heritage and belief
within the Orang Asli context. This includes the methods used to avoid inter-
and intra-community conflicts – from how they create a community border, to
how they handle social issues through effective community communication,
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and the vital role played by leadership and elders to maintain harmony. The
research also tried to explore the approaches used by the Orang Asli to com-
municate their knowledge effectively within their community.
The case study presented in this chapter begins with a brief introduction to
the Orang Asli community, followed by detailing their knowledge culture and
connections to customary land, aspects of their indigenous leadership, and the
challenges they face in accessing education and improving health and wellbe-
ing. All of the primary information was gathered using the approach,
presented in the last section.
2 The Orang Asli
Orang Asli is the original tribal community in Peninsular Malaysia or West
Malaysia (Nagata & Dallos, 2001; Lye, 2011a). According to government data,
population. Under the Malaysian Federal Constitution, the welfare of the
Orang Asli is placed under the jurisdiction of the Federal Government. The
life of the aborigines as minorities. It provides for most aspects of the Orang
Asli, including the definition of who is Orang Asli, their education and their
security. The Act also establishes a specific administrative framework, i.e., the
Director General of Orang Asli Affairs. This position, as an agent of the Federal
Government, is assisted by a government agency, the Department of Orang
Asli Development, also funded by the Federal Government.
The Orang Asli has three main groups – the Negritos, who are the smallest
group; the Senoi, who are the largest group; and the aboriginal or Proto-Malays
Asli Development, 2022). The Negrito live in the northern part of Peninsular
Malaysia close to the Thailand border, the Senoi live in the North-Central
areas of Peninsular Malaysia, and the Proto-Malays live in the southern part
Malays have a long and close
relationship with the locals in the southern part of Peninsular Malaysia (as
well as with the Indonesians), although there are differences in terms of physi-
cal attributes. In fact, the Proto-Malays have been known to use the archaic
form of Malay language. The community living in Gunturvillage, the site of this
research, are part of the Proto-Malays group from the Temuan tribe.
The Orang Asli have thousands of published and unpublished manuscripts,
including recorded materials, which have been noted by sociologists and
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anthropologists in their research (Lye, 2011a). Some of this research explores
the philosophy, knowledge and wisdom of the Orang Asli, their culture, tra-
ditions, education, and their struggles from the pre- and post-independence
human rights, deforestation, peoplehood, and community legacy confronting
the Orang Asli have not changed much from the first time we have information
about them (Lye, 2011b).
3 Knowledge Culture of Orang Asli Community
This section presents the Indigenous knowledge culture of the Orang Asli
found in the literature related to them. The literature mostly covers the cus-
tomary land connections, community leadership, education, health and well-
being of the Orang Asli.
3.1 Connection to Customary Land
The need for local communities, such as the Malay community, and the Orang
Asli to have a strong bond between each other is based on the social devel-
opment model that has been used in Malaysia, which is primarily based on
the design of the social structure the country inherited from the British. It is
no longer relevant to building connections between the Orang Asli and other
village communities. With many of the Orang Asli and the Malays living sepa-
rately in their own settlements, and attending different schools, social dispar-
ity is perpetrated. It is exacerbated by the social structure of the country which
is not effective in supporting mutual understanding between communities
The situation of the Orang Asli worsens when they are ejected from their
customary land and get resettled. Their soul, traditions and knowledge are tied
closely with their customary land, and loss of land acutely affects indigenous
2) explain:
Traditionally, indigenous belief holds that land is not a product and con-
sequently cannot be bought or sold. Rather, land is on loan to the people
from God and it is their responsibility to take care of it. Therefore, land
has spiritual and cultural values attached to it.
The Orang Asli have a close connection with the environment. They “do not
2). Through these traditional beliefs and practices, the Orang Asli pro-
tect the natural environment and preserve biodiversity.
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An approach that involves more participation of community leaders from
the Orang Asli and other communities in all possible areas can be useful in
reducing disparities, strengthening bonds, and preventing rapid deforestation
that destroys the flora and fauna heritage of Malaysia.
3.2 Leadership of the Orang Asli
Every community needs strong and effective leaders and leadership in solving
life-related community problems. Traditionally, the leadership of the Orang
Asli community is not formal and the basis of their community leadership is
to preserve community equality. There is no social structure and rank, except
communal responsibilities that have been entrusted to community represent-
atives. No community member is dominant and capable of leading. The entire
community respects the customs and rules that have been established and
inherited from previous generations. In the context of continuing community
knowledge and skills, the Orang Asli acknowledge the wisdom of their elders.
Community members who are acknowledged as leaders are selected from
among the elders who are highly respected for their knowledge, experience,
skills as well as having a spirit of patience, enthusiasm, justice and tolerance
towards all. The leaders normally have some specific set of skills, for example,
traditional medicine, and are able to stand as mediators related to any social
issue or disturbance in the community.
The traditional leadership selection process has evolved and the commu-
nity now expects their leaders to have better education and knowledge to help
the community face modern challenges (Nicholas, 2002). There are two ways
of appointing the head of the Orang Asli community, namely, through inher-
itance and appointment. For example, a son can inherit leadership from his
father, if the father is the headman of the community. A headman is known as
‘Tok Batin’, more commonly referred to as Orang Asli leader or headman.
The Orang Asli Temuan community in Negeri Sembilan practice perpatih
and is a matrilineal society. The process of appointing descendants in this
custom is based on the ‘belly of the woman’. In the perpatih custom, proper-
ties are owned by the female, while customary law requires kinship or family
property be transferred from mother to daughter. The perpatih society regards
mothers as the most important figures. Appointment of Orang Asli leader-
ship or batin in the Temuan community takes into account the leader’s ability
to understand the perpatih customs and taboos. If a batin dies or resigns, an
emergency meeting led by the ‘Juru Kerah’ will be held. Traditionally, batin’s
knowledge on perpatih customs and traditions are emphasised by the ‘Juru
Kerah’, but with the passage of time, the Temuan community has changed. The
community is now more open to external influences, especially when it comes
to urbanisation, globalisation, and immigration. This has resulted in changes
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in the leadership pattern of the Orang Asli in order to answer the needs of their
community.
4 Challenges in Education
The Orang Asli are facing great challenges to retain their original com-
munity culture, language, and traditions. School dropout rate is common
Asli students completed secondary school, which is less than half the national
average of 72%. Other problems reported are language barrier and existing
training programs that do not adequately prepare the teachers to deal with the
complexities of this community. School leaders and teachers face difficulties in
helping these students, such as integrating with peers and assuring them of the
This has caused the Orang Asli community to be very vulnerable to social
poverty, diminishing of rights, poor mental health, various physical illnesses
and of course inability to maintain their tradition and culture for future gener-
ations. Some universities are working hard to support the Orang Asli. However,
their approaches are sometimes ineffective since they focus more on the social
and community rights of the Orang Asli without engaging other communi-
ties who live close to the Orang Asli settlements. This raises the question of
the effectiveness of social cohesion programs undertaken by universities and
other organisations.
4.1 Health and Wellbeing
In most countries, a large gap can be seen between indigenous peoples and
non-indigenous populations with regard to socio-economic status, education
and health status. Globally, the health of indigenous peoples lags behind that
of the non-indigenous
indigenous peoples who are undergoing epidemiological and socio-economic
transition also face infectious diseases and non-communicable diseases,
including obesity, cardiovascular diseases and diabetes (Harris et al., 2017).
5 Research Methodology
5.1 Research Approach and Design
Using the approach in this research meant engaging Orang Asli commu-
nity members from the villages from the beginning. The participation of the
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Orang Asli was supported by members of Malaysia Indigenous Youth Coun-
cil and a Teacher’s College that educates indigenous teachers. Youth from the
community were supported to help with the systematic documentation of the
research.
approach earlier when conducting
community dialogues to discuss the wellbeing of the Orang Asli. However, this
research is considered unique and special for our Hub because the engage-
ment was conducted in the Orang Asli villages and the project was managed by
a group of Orang Asli teachers who live in Guntur. The participation of various
parties and community members in this project has caused the overall process
of this research to be more robust, non-biased and inclusive.
5.2 Research Context and Setting
The location of this project is Gunturvillage located in the district of Kuala
PIlah, The district could be considered an area that has strong cultural and
tradition appearances and values which are visible even today. The palace
of Negeri Sembilan, i.e., the Palace of Seri Menanti, is located in the district.
The customs and community laws which originated from the palace are
still applied, not just by the Malay community but also the Orang Asli. This
includes the customs used to award community leadership status to the indig-
enous people (To’Siamar Menteri Hj. Ujang bin Yusop, 2001).
The historical background of Guntur includes that of the Orang Asli and
the other settlements around them, such as Chergun, Tengkek and Langkap.
Langkap and Chergun are considered to be Orang Asli villages, though
ironically Tengkek is not. The Orang Asli argues that most of their people
moved out from Guntur to live in other areas, including Tengkek, and soon
assimilated themselves with the local people through marriage. There is
an unspoken understanding that some of the people living in Tengkek are
Orang Asli in origin, but due to economic disparity, and perhaps suspicious
feelings on part of both communities, the family and historical connections
of Tengkek and Guntur were hardly discussed in public in the meetings we
conducted.
5.3 Data Collection and Analysis
This project used various methods, including community dialogue and
the arts-based approach. Data collection relied primarily on community dis-
cussions, in which community members shared experiences, their wisdom,
and observations of how the people live in their villages.
Community mapping, in which participants drew a map of their village and
marked some important areas, including the village border, was the arts-based
method used. The map was used to generate a discussion related to the history
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of the village (family relationships and genealogy), funeral traditions, Batin
(leadership) system, and socio-economy (farming) of the settlement.
The data collection process was organised by six Orang Asli teachers who
are residents of Guntur. Of the six teachers, three have officially worked as
Orang Asli teachers while three were students at the Teacher’s College. The
participation of the six teachers can be said to be the most significant achieve-
ment of this study. It is perhaps the first evidence that suggests the possibility
that the university and the community can work closely with each other, and
with government and non-government organisations.
6 Findings
The research process allowed for the participation of Orang Asli community
members and observers to interpret the findings. The data were used by the
Orang Asli teachers to analyze their community’s understanding of their own
village.
The results are presented according to different social groups, elders, women
and youth, based on the categories of respondents that we had discussions
with for this study.
6.1 Elders and Senior Citizens
Among the elders, the original boundaries of the village drawn on the map,
which showed that earlier the territory of the village was larger, generated dis-
cussion on the issue of land possession. They also shared their hopes that the
government would improve the physical infrastructure and economic wellbe-
ing of their village. They also wished for the young people to continue to be
united and work together to develop the village and maintain its good name.
They were happy to have this opportunity to share their histories and hopes
for the younger generation. In recounting the village’s history, others in the
community could begin to appreciate the uniqueness of the Orang Asli, their
customs and traditions that are so inter-linked with their identity. The prac-
tices of the elders, especially the Orang Asli leadership, to communicate their
beliefs, culture and traditions to all community members is one way in which
the Orang Asli pass on knowledge to the next generation.
The Orang Asli face several challenges. Community leaders (Batin) help the
community negotiate these challenges with the help of the community knowl-
edge they hold. The Batin are not leaders in the sense of owning leadership
authority on behalf of the community. They act as mediators for the commu-
nity, linking all members of the Orang Asli toward collective understanding of
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how they define themselves. The Batin carry a clear trust-based relationship
with everyone in the community. This leadership approach does not come
with any material rewards. It is a sustainable approach that is able to protect
the identity of the Orang Asli.
6.2 Women
The community dialogue involving the women also reveals the same thread
and concerns shared by the elders in terms of history and traditions as well as
the boundaries of the village territory. The women revealed that, in the past,
there was a fight over durian trees between the communities of Guntur and
a neigbouring village which led to the demarcation of the border separat-
ing them, but this has resulted in issues in the relationship between the two
villages.
From the discussions, we have understood that the Orang Asli apply a
harmonious and practical method to resolve inter-community conflict. Instead
of confrontation, the community redefines their village border collectively.
This might sound simple but it is very important for villages that are located in
protected areas.
The women also spoke of issues involving schooling and the future of their
children, and the village economy and infrastructure. Other issues highlighted
were alcohol addiction, and common chronic diseases such as diabetes and
high blood pressure. Although we did not collect data with regard to their
medicinal knowledge, we found in previous literature that the Orang Asli do
The need for new houses due to the increased number of residents in their
village was a particular concern for the women. They felt this should be done
within the current village borders and not by relocating these families to other
villages or other areas.
The women aspire to have a competent and eloquent leader who is capable
enough to raise issues related to the village with government officials.
6.3 Youth
The discussion with the young people living in the villages revealed that the
youth possess some knowledge on their village’s history and origin of the
Orang Asli people. After listening to their history from the elders, some youth
later shared that they had learnt many details which they did not know earlier
and were glad of the opportunity that this research provided for them to learn.
The youth highlighted several concerns, including education and health.
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years old). Majority who attend secondary school, do not complete it because
of insufficient money and the need to work. Some parents prefer their children
to learn the traditional occupation of collecting forest products so that they
can continue the tradition. Similar to the concerns raised by the elders, the
youth also talked about the sustainability of their identity, culture (including
their language) and heritage.
What is so special about the Orang Asli youth is their connection with their
community and motivation to give back to community. Education has exposed
them to various types of skills, knowledge, and opportunities, but most of them
still live in the village with their parents.
Based on the issues identified by the youth, they outlined a plan of activi-
ties and programs that they think would be useful to enhance socio-economic
wellbeing and unity in their community. The youth expect that these programs
should be done in collaboration with various partners such as universities,
schools, and youth council. These ideas could be used by the Mizan Hub to
design programs for the community.
Connecting the youth with their own community, the environment and
neighbouring settlements will strengthen the attachment of the younger gen-
eration to Orang Asli traditions and heritage. Sharing the beliefs and customs
behind the traditions that are being practised will build understanding and
knowledge among all community members.
Different groups spoke of similar issues and concerns, such as conflict in
relations between the Orang Asli and other Malay communities, lack of edu-
cation, poor health, land ownership and access, and community identity and
integrity. Some youth and women related the way they were treated by local
communities, being called names which they felt were discriminatory. The
younger community members revealed their experience of being insulted by
children of other ethnicities when they go to school, which affects their spirit
and self-esteem.
In discussions, participants spoke of overlapping traditions between the
Orang Asli and neighbouring Malay communities. They recounted an example
of how the Orang Asli used to celebrate in and share a religious festival with
the Malay Muslim community in Guntur. Unfortunately, in recent times, they
began to be ridiculed for participating in these religious celebrations of the
Malay Muslims. This has caused the Orang Asli in Guntur to no longer par-
ticipate in this festival, and considers the Malaysia Independence Day as their
community celebration day. They argue that celebrating independence day is
more important to strengthen the spirit of nationalism spirit rather than reli-
gious festivals that are not original to their society.
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7 Conclusion
The research sought to initiate discussion with the Orang Asli living in Guntur
villages to understand from the community’s perspectives their history, issues
and aspirations. We also explored the ways in which the Orang Asli strengthen
mutual collaboration among themselves and between their community and
other neighbouring local communities, and build understanding among them-
selves on a common cultural identity.
Collective community understanding with regard to identity and aspira-
tion is very strong for the Orang Asli despite the challenges they are facing.
To maintain community culture, the Orang Asli work together closely. Their
knowledge of the village history and borders is shared with everyone and
they connect themselves with other villages through a traditional road. We
came to understand that the knowledge held by the Orang Asli does not
remain static; it is always mixed with knowledge that they derive from other
communities.
The Orang Asli believes in peoplehood and maintain it through community
land management. All Orang Asli villages are connected with their environ-
ment, and young people are taught to respect nature. The Orang Asli has prac-
tical knowledge about forests, including jungle ‘roads’, and such knowledge is
considered to be community knowledge. The Orang Asli still use these roads to
move within the forest, avoiding the more modern routes.
This study found that, in general, the Orang Asli have their own methods of
avoiding inter-community conflicts, and apply a very practical and effective
approach to communicate their beliefs, culture and traditions to all commu-
nity members. Leadership of elders and women plays a vital role in maintain-
ing harmony. Decision-making is not centralised in a specific social authority.
The trust is collective.
Lastly, community ties among the Orang Asli people is solid, stronger than
those of other local communities. The connection of the Orang Asli youth to
their village is strong, even when they have successfully built a career elsewhere.
The participants were not shy to talk about their history and customs, and
the youth were keen to listen to their elders and inherit the knowledge of their
ancestors. If this knowledge transfer from one generation to another is lost,
the younger generation will lose an invaluable treasure. Building knowledge
of the youth to take on future leadership roles in the community people is
critical, as the community expects their leaders to have knowledge, under-
standing regarding community traditions and history, and wisdom to resolve
inter-community conflicts.
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The project enriched the experience of the academics and civil society who
participated. The academic and civil society members learnt the history, cul-
ture, traditions and aspirations of the Orang Asli people. It helped bridge our
knowledge and awareness of community aspirations. This learning is crucial
for the Mizan Hub and civil society to design future programs in which the
community will want to participate as co-researchers. By involving Orang Asli
community members in organising and facilitating the discussions, a level of
trust between academia and society was enabled. In fact, the participatory
approach helped us as researchers explore our own biases towards the Orang
Asli community.
Notes
Malaysia).
2 The Kensiu, Kintaq, Jahai, Mendriq, Beteq, and Lanoh are the Negrito tribes. Temiar, Semai,
Jahut, Che Wong, Semoq Beri, and Mah Beri are the Senoi tribes. Temuan, Jakun, Semelai,
Orang Kuala, Orang Seletar, and Orang Kanaq are the Proto-Malay tribes.
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This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the
Bridging Knowledge in Maternal Health Care in
Rural Communities
Experiences from the Sangawari K4C Hub, Chhattisgarh, India
Reeta Venugopal, Priyamvada Shrivastava, Anuradha Chakraborty and
Aniksha Varoda
Abstract
The challenge of maternal health in India are complex, especially in the tribal domi-
investigated the link between cognitive, academic knowledge of maternal health, and
the knowledge available in the community. Inter-twining academic knowledge with
community knowledge can be an important partnership in achieving better maternal
health outcomes, especially for rural women.
Keywords
maternal health – pregnancy rituals – nutrition – public health system – community
health practices
1 Introduction
In India, as in other parts of the world, improving maternal health is a
from maternal causes over the last two decades (Meh et al., 2022). Maternal
mortality, or death of a pregnant woman or her death immediately post deliv-
ery, is one of the indicators of maternal health. Lower the maternal mortality
ratio (that is, number of maternal deaths in a given population of women of
reproductive age), better the maternal health.
India has seen a progressive decline in maternal mortality rate () in
1
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11718. According to the Ministry
of Health and Family Welfare, India is on track to achieving the Sustainable
Development Goals (
states (Kerala, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Telangana and Andhra Pradesh)
have achieved the target. Several other states, notably Uttar Pradesh
and Rajasthan, have shown significant improvement and achieved the tar-
get for set by the National Health Policy (). Many others, including
Chhattisgarh, continue to have high in
1718).
Maternal health refers to the well-being of women throughout pregnancy,
childbirth, and the postpartum period. Maternal deaths are preventable if
women have access to and receive adequate maternal health care services,
which include prenatal, delivery care, and postnatal care. The World Health
Organization () in its guidelines of reproductive health care emphasises
prenatal care quality in order to lower the incidence of stillbirths and provide
women with a smooth, healthy experience of pregnancy. These guidelines
aim to promote not just a safe pregnancy for mother and baby, but also an
effective transition to pleasant labour and childbirth and, ultimately, a good
parenting experience by concentrating on a positive pregnancy experience
(
The public health system in India focuses on providing comprehensive care
to mother and child. The Union Minister for Health and Family Welfare in July
2020 attributed the success in reducing to institutional deliveries as well
as focus on quality and coverage of services under the National Health Mission
() through various schemes. A major thrust of the Reproductive and
Child Health Programme in India is the provision of care for pregnant women.
However, a large proportion of women across the country still do not receive
antenatal check-ups, even though such care can detect and treat problems and
complications during pregnancy, provide counselling and advise on where to
seek care if complications arise, and help the woman prepare for birth.
Chhattisgarh is a predominantly tribal state. Tribal (Indigenous) women
tend to have poorer maternal health than women in general. Meh et al. (2022)
found, after adjustment for education and other variables, the risks of maternal
death were highest in rural and tribal areas of the north-eastern and northern
states of India. As per National Family Health Survey (-
women had a Body Mass Index (
energy inadequacy, predominantly among tribal women ( & , 2017).
Public health issues are complex and the solutions to it involves not only
biomedical dimensions but also biological, cultural, social, environmental
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of public health schemes in India suggest that involvement of all stakehold-
ers is necessary to improve maternal health (Mehta et al., 2018; Varoda et al.,
2021; Venugopal et al., 2022). With advances in various practices in health and
preventive medicine, the pattern of opportunities for partnership approaches
to public health continue to arise, and academic researchers, practitioners,
community members, and funders are increasingly realising the value of com-
prehensive and participatory methods to research and finding solutions for
Fals-Borda
The research undertaken by the Sangwari Hub under the Bridging
Knowledge Cultures project is an attempt to show how participatory research
approach can also be beneficial in understanding and trying to improve mater-
nal health of rural women.
2 Knowledge Cultures in Understanding Maternal Health
Predetermined environmental and social factors tend to frame the cognitive
culture in academia in researching maternal health. Inter-twining this knowl-
edge with community knowledge can be an important partnership in achiev-
ing better maternal health outcomes, especially for rural women.
2.1 What Is Community Knowledge?
Knowledge is created and shared through social interactions among people
people living together, who organise activities (opportunities to interact and
transfer knowledge) in which all members are engaged in some or the other
capacity, and these members share knowledge and learn from each other. The
Sangwari Hub defines/understands knowledge in the community as collective
perceptions, beliefs and values and learning derived from stories, observations
and experiences of a community, and the means by which such knowledge is
transferred within a community (customs, norms, ceremonies, events, rules,
behaviour, instructions of the elders).
People in Chhattisgarh have strong social ties, which influence the ceremo-
nies and practices related to motherhood and child bearing, from conception
to delivery and further to post delivery. These practices, norms and events
serve as the spaces in which knowledge regarding maternal health is both cre-
ated and shared. Under the project, the Hub tried to document the existing
community knowledge on maternal health, the knowledge gap (if any) that
exists, and how sharing such knowledge can be a desirable behaviour.
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3 The Sangwari Hub
-
ment between the Chhattisgarh State Planning Commission, and
Pt. Ravishankar Shukla University. In Chhattisgarhi dialect, ‘Sangwari’ means
friend, someone who walks with you hand in hand. This name of the hub sig-
nifies the concept of – academia and the community walking hand in
hand to co-create knowledge. The Sangwari Hub has chosen to focus on issues
related to
The National Education Policy () 2020 of India mandates that teach-
ing, research and service activities of colleges and universities be integrated
through sustained and mutually beneficial community engagement. Socially
responsible higher education is expected to support achievement of
provide knowledge solutions for addressing socio-economic challenges. Unnat
Bharat Abhiyan has been encouraging
rural and tribal communities.
In Pt. Ravishankar Shukla University, National Service Scheme () is an
essential component of community engagement. The program has been
very active with extension activities in several villages that have been adopted.
University students camp in these villages, working with the community in the
areas of education, health, and substance abuse. The aim of the camps is to
put youth in touch with the community and work together with them to find
solutions to improve the lives of the rural population.
Using available knowledge in the public domain about maternal health
programs in India and the state, and through interactions with the commu-
nity, under the project the Sangwari Hub has attempted to document the
health seeking behaviour during pregnancy and after child birth of women in
rural communities in Chhattisgarh. Understanding health seeking behaviour
of women included documenting prevailing traditional practices for mater-
nal health care, identifying the challenges in accessing maternal health care in
rural communities in Chhattisgarh, and finding the gaps in knowledge that can
be bridged to improve the maternal health care of rural women.
4 Research Partners and Community
The systematisation exercise would not have been possible without the support
of community research partners. These included members of the Panchayat
(local governance institution) and its head, the Sarpanch, Community Health
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Workers (anganwadi workers and mitanins) and Traditional Birth Attendants
(dais).
The community that participated in this project was the residents of
Amleshwar, Patan, Supebeda and Kurud). The university caters to students
from these villages. Some of them, like Gomchi and Supebeda, have been
adopted by the National Service Scheme () of the university. The
involves students in problem-solving of the community, helping the students
develop a sense of social and civic responsibility. In some, the Sangwari hub
has been conducting projects since 2018.
5 Collecting Community Knowledge
5.1 Data Collection and Methods
To gain deeper understanding of the specific community practices, beliefs,
norms and values related to maternal health, the academic researchers spoke
with 120 community members using in-depth interviews, group discussions,
case study documentation, semi-structured interviews, and community obser-
vation over a period of four months (September 2021 to December 2021). These
conversations were held with pregnant women, women who had recently given
birth, their husbands and mothers-in-law, public community health workers,
and traditional birth attendants.
– In-depth
recently given birth, 10 husbands whose wives were pregnant or had recently
delivered, and 12 mothers-in-law
–
– Semi-structured interviews with 22 public health service providers, which
included 12 anganwadi workers and 10 mitanins
– 10 case studies of pregnant woman, and 8 mitanins/dais
–
5.2 Entering the Community
The program of the university facilitated the entry of the participatory
researchers from the Sangwari Hub to work on the issue of health, particularly
maternal health care.
We began by approaching the panchayat, through the Sarpanch. Over
a couple of meetings with the Sarpanch and other panchayat members,
we explained the purpose of our research and had a general discussion on
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maternal health. These meetings were helpful in developing rapport. It also
gave us initial insights into the community’s culture and practices around gen-
eral health practices and of mothers and children.
The Sarpanch introduced us to the anganwadi workers and mitanins. They
further introduced us to pregnant women and mothers who had recently
delivered babies. All these women were registered in the anganwadi centres.
We requested the women to help us have a conversation with their family
members (husbands, mothers-in-law).
Initially pregnant women and their mothers-in-law were not very keen to
share their experiences. Pregnant women were involved in house work and
found it difficult to find the time to come and participate in the discussions.
Similarly, men were engaged in farming and other work. The dais were busy
making home visits and completing administrative responsibilities.
Community members thought we were government representatives who
had come to collect information. They also expected the academic research
team to solve their problems related to accessing health services.
As researchers we had to make several, consecutive visits, adjusting the time
of our visits to the daily routine of the women and men, in order to establish a
rapport, before we could conduct the in-depth interviews. It took almost three
6 Community Knowledge and Prevailing Practices Regarding
Maternal Health Care
In rural communities of Chhattisgarh, maternal health is preserved through
various rituals and cultural norms, which include diet, hygiene and daily rou-
tines, that the mother is expected to follow during pregnancy and after child
birth. Community knowledge regarding nutrition is embedded in the dishes
that are cooked and eaten.
Elder women in the community told us how they include milk, apples, pulses
and pomegranates in the diet of pregnant women. These foods are considered
to “cool the body”. Fruits like wood apple, papaya and pickle should be avoided.
Such knowledge was inter-generational – these women had learnt what to eat
and what to avoid during pregnancy from their mothers and grandmothers.
Food is prepared without adding coriander powder. The community
members could recall pregnant women being given turmeric powder along
with lukewarm ghee and hot steamed rice. In a meal, this is eaten first, fol-
lowed by the vegetables and dal. A chutney made by grinding green leaves of
coriander and mint along with a little sugar, salt and green chillies is also a
common item.
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A pregnant woman, who was happy to share her experience when we asked
about her diet, said
During pregnancy I did not eat yam, mushrooms, under-ripe papaya
and under-ripe banana, because it is believed that eating these affects
the health of the baby. Yam causes skin problems for the baby. Due to its
sticky property, under-ripe papaya and banana constricts the uterus
Immediately after the delivery, the diet is changed. Mothers of new borns are
encouraged to drink milk, have food cooked in ghee (clarified butter), and con-
sume nuts and jaggery to regain strength and be able to breastfeed the baby.
Jaggery helps in blood flow, thus cleaning up the uterus. Dried ginger powder
was also included in the diet as it is believed to help dry up the body and the
stitches, if any.
A dish made with drumsticks and badi(nuggets) and minimum spices is
prepared to help the mother gain back strength and dry up the uterus.
Other dietary do’s and don’ts include avoiding eating pineapples, tomato,
curd and lemon in the post-partum period as sour food after delivery prevents
the body from drying up and the stitches may develop pus.
To celebrate the pregnancy, traditional items called rakhiyabadi, sadauribadi
(nuggets), and chhattisa (laddus prepared with dry fruits, black pepper, dried
ginger powder, jaggery, ghee and medicinal herbs) are prepared by the elder
women of the house. These are stored in jars/tins for the pregnant woman to
eat. Eating these increases strength and helps in producing breast milk.
To increase the levels of haemoglobin, dishes with spinach and other leafy
vegetables like lalbhaji and chaulaibhaji are prepared. It is a very common
practice to cook in an iron vessel, also to help increase iron in the blood.
In a village, pregnancy is not considered to be a special time in the life of a
woman. It is viewed as a normal part of life. Women continue to do physical
work such as household chores and work in the fields. It is believed continu-
ing to be physically active during pregnancy helps in smooth labour and easy
delivery.
One mother-in-law said, “I did not allow my daughter-in-law to go out dur-
ing new moon in the night”. Traditional belief is that amavasya (no moon day
or new moon day in the lunar month) is a harmful period for the growth of the
embryo. Hence, expectant mothers avoid going out of the house on amavasya
and during eclipses. Pregnant women are also advised to not to eat too much.
It is believed that if they eat a full stomach, it will compress the uterus and then
there will not be enough space for the foetus to grow. One participant told us:
“I used to feel very hungry during pregnancy but did not eat a lot. I felt better
when I did not eat too much food”.
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One of the women said, “During my pregnancy, I neither ate papaya nor any
other fruit in spite of craving for the same”. She also had cravings for saffron
milk and black soil. “I followed the advice of my elders during my pregnancy,
fearing that not doing so would result in bad consequences for my baby”.
Another woman told us she believes that because she was not given chhat-
tisa to eat after delivering her baby, her body is weak. She experienced body
ache for several months after giving birth.
7 Institutional/Policy Knowledge on Maternal Healthcare
The researchers gathered knowledge from secondary sources on current
accepted standards for antenatal care, and government public health pro-
grams that promote safe maternal health.
Maternal health care referred to as antenatal care is a sort of preventive care.
Antenatal care is crucial for the health of both the mother and the unborn
child. Women may learn about healthy behaviours throughout pregnancy
from skilled health personnel, better understand warning signals during preg-
nancy and childbirth, and receive social, emotional, and psychological support
during this vital period in their life through this type of preventative health
care (
access micronutrient supplementation, treatment for hypertension to prevent
eclampsia, as well as immunization against tetanus. Antenatal care can also
provide testing and medications to prevent mother-to-child transmission
of . In areas where malaria is endemic, health personnel can provide preg-
nant women with medications and insecticide-treated mosquito nets to help
prevent this debilitating and sometimes deadly disease.
There is ample literature on how pregnant woman should maintain health
by eating a balanced diet and do some light exercise. From the second trimes-
ter onwards, some exercises are recommended that strengthens thigh muscles
which helps during a normal delivery and also helps the developing embryo to
get into the head-down position in the eighth month of pregnancy, but these
should be done only on the recommendation of a gynaecologist (
There are several state and Central government yojanas (schemes) that are
connected with improving health of pregnant women.
Under the Mahatarijatan Yojana, hot food (roti, rice, mixed dal and veg-
grams of ready-to-eat food for six days which is home delivered by anganwadi
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workers to pregnant women. This service was given to the beneficiaries even
during the Covid-1 imposed lockdowns.
The Mukhyamantri Suposhan Yojana emphasises locally available nutrient
rich food which are important in the diet of the community to be included in
the food that is provided to mothers and children, with the aim of reducing
malnutrition and anaemia.
The Janani Suraksha Yojana () is a safe motherhood intervention
under the National Rural Health Mission () which aims to promote
institutional deliveries. Under this scheme, females who opt for institutional
The Mahatari Express Service is an emergency ambulance transport
service for transferring pregnant women to the hospital for institutional
delivery.
campaigns, such as the Prime Minister’s Safe Pregnancy Campaign, pro-
mote awareness of the need for regular check-ups during pregnancies to
help early detection and treatment of any issues. Pregnant women are given
free antenatal checks, including ultrasounds, blood and urine tests, in their
second or third trimester at government health centres.
8 Issues and Challenges in Maternal Health Care in Rural Community
of Chhattisgarh
to us, she said,
The women who visit the anganwadi centre are not given special care
in their families, as the community belief is that pregnancy isa normal
part of life. Many women do not come for regular prenatal and antenatal
check-ups
and then there may be no transportation to bring them to the anganwadi.
Even when they are given iron tablets, pregnant women are reluctant to
take them as they believe the baby will grow large, making labour and
delivery difficult. When they opt for institutional deliveries, they are una-
ble to avail the Mahatari Express (ambulance service) as it is very difficult
to connect to the help line number due to poor mobile network in many
villages. Often family members have been known to climb tall trees in
order to catch a signal to make the phone call.
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These were some of the challenges shared by mitanins and dais in a group dis-
cussion to understand the barriers in implementing the government’s mater-
nal health schemes.
Conversations with husbands revealed that most men were not involved or
interested in maternal health care. They said that they accepted what their
parents, especially their mothers, decided was good for their pregnant wives.
When asked if they care for their wives during pregnancy, one husband said,
with hesitation, “I am not involved in this matter. It is none of my business, and
I advised my wife to follow whatever instructions were given by my mother”.
They often could not visit the health centre where their baby was born. They
said it becomes difficult to reach the hospital as it is far away and they have
work to do, so cannot take the time off.
Challenges with accessing institutional and public health services get com-
pounded with over-reliance on traditional beliefs that can put a pregnant
woman at risk. One woman told us how she “was confined to [her] house dur-
ing eclipses” and was advised “to apply cow dung on [her] stomach to protect
the baby inside the womb”.
Pregnant women said that they follow whatever advice their elders give dur-
ing pregnancy as they fear something may go wrong with their baby if they
don’t follow the traditional practices. Several spoke of cravings they had, such
as for spicy food, but did not indulge because it is forbidden. On hearing this,
one woman narrated with a smile,
“I had cravings for foods that are usually avoided during pregnancy. I ate
‘cold food’ – curd, cold fruits and milk apart from regular khana (the sta-
ple food, rice). I did not eat ‘hot foods’ even after my delivery, which is
generally recommended by family elders”. She further added, “I think a
person should eat as per their cravings or what suits them. We are told
not to eat tuma (bottle gourd) and kochai (taro) and phuttu(mushrooms)
during pregnancy as eating them may lead to the child having scars at
birth, or not to eat spicy food because the child may be born without
hair. But I did not follow this during my pregnancy and had none of these
issues my elders had described”.
9 Institutional/Policy Knowledge vis-a-vis Community Knowledge
It was not a surprise that some of the community practices tied in with insti-
tutional knowledge to promote maternal health. Drinking alcohol during
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pregnancy is not recommended and is also considered a taboo by the com-
munity. The practice of sadauri (baby shower) for the mother and the foetus
and the food served during the event time has great value in the context of
a mother’s nutrition. Community practice is to keep the baby and mother in
isolation for six days after delivery. This is useful for avoiding infections. Insti-
tutional deliveries also recommend that baby and mother remain isolated for
several days post birth.
Experiences recounted by public health officers and pregnant women
nonetheless reveal a knowledge gap between medical/scientific information
that promote a healthy pregnancy and community practices that women have
been traditionally following for generations. Some of these gaps are given in
Understanding these gaps can be useful in formulating new policies and
making changes to existing schemes so that communities can adopt scientific
health practices along with traditional practices for the overall improvement
in maternal health indicators.
10 How Maternal Health Care Knowledge Is Bridged in Rural
Communities of Chhattisgarh
Mitanin in Chhattisgarhi means friend, a female friend. In most parts of
Chhattisgarh, there exists a traditional custom that a girl of one family is bonded
to a girl of another family through a simple, enchanting ritual ceremony, and
after this ceremony they become mitanins to each other. It is this custom that
was built upon to create a new type of mitanin – the Swasthya Mitanin, or a
friend of the community for their health care needs. The Swasthya Mitanin
in Chhattisgarh’s public health outreach is a crucial link in bridging knowl-
edge between communities and institutions. She is a paramedical professional
employed by the government, responsible for raising awareness in the com-
munity to use government health services.
Dais are also an important link in the chain of supporting women to opt for
deliveries in sterile and hygienic conditions. By dropping oil on the abdomen
to assess uterine contractions, dais can predict the time of delivery. One of the
dais told us that in tribal areas of Chhattisgarh the delivery room is prepared
by cleaning it and plastering with a freshly prepared mix of cow dung and mud.
Neem leaves, which are known to have anti-infective properties, are burned to
raise the room temperature and repel mosquitoes. Women usually deliver in a
squatting position.
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-vis institutional/policy knowledge
Community knowledge Institutional/Policy knowledge
Community believes that medical attention is
not required as soon as pregnancy is detected.
Rural communities in Chhattisgarh do not
register pregnancies with the anganwadi until
the second trimester.
Medical check-up is essential as
soon as the woman thinks she may
be pregnant. Early registration
of pregnancy can help detect
complications, if any.
Regular check-ups are not necessary. Regular check-ups help track the
development of the foetus.
Following elders’ advice, pregnant women
consume seasonal fruits that are locally
available along with rice, curd, chattisa, and
various types of decoctions prepared with
local medicinal herbs. They think this is
green leafy vegetables that are rich in iron.
They avoid taking additional supplements.
Regular, balanced diet is desirable,
for general health. During pregnancy,
however, additional amounts of
micronutrients, vitamins, and iron
is required, which can be provided
through supplements.
It is best to avoid certain foods. Biomedical evidence does not
support avoidance of food items.
Biomedical recommendations
avoided foods such as wood apples
and papaya (they are high in
nutrients such as vitamin A and
vitamin C).
It is better for a pregnant woman to eat less,
keep her stomach light.
One should eat well during
pregnancy to meet the additional
nutritional requirements of mother
and baby.
A pregnant woman should work until she is in
labour. Pregnancy is part of a woman’s life; it
is nothing special. She should continue to do
as this facilitates smooth labour.
It is advised to avoid doing heavy
work during pregnancy. Light
exercises are recommended to
facilitate positioning of the foetus.
In earlier times, women did not feed
produces) to the new born.
Colostrum should be fed to the new
born as early as possible. Nowadays,
due to higher institutional delivery
and awareness, women have begun
giving colostrum to their new born.
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Knowledge is transferred inter-generationally and through formal training.
process from her mother, who was also a dai.
I had no formal training of maternal care but gained knowledge from my
mother and from the experience of assisting her with deliveries. I gradu-
ally picked up the techniques of ensuring safe labour. As my mother grew
old, she stopped going for deliveries and it became my job to carry on
helping the community.
Before my formal training, we used to bathe the new born in lukewarm
water immediately after birth and it was common for new born babies
to catch pneumonia, especially babies who were born during the winter
and monsoon months. As we were not equipped to treat such cases, it
was difficult to save the life of the new born. As a result, we had many
failures and several infant deaths. There was no child specialist or incuba-
tors in the health centres.
After I received formal training, we changed our care process of the new
born. Now, we do not immediately bathe them. Instead, we clean them
with duly washed and sundried cotton cloth, and thereafter wrap then
in clean cotton clothes and woollen shawls. We also learnt to hold the
babies in our arms close to our bodies to keep them warm. This proce-
dure has been very effective in saving the lives of the newly born. This is
how we can reduce infant mortality rate to a great extent. We also have
well equipped government and private hospitals in Raipur. In case of any
emergency, we seek medical care in these institutions.
The Sangwari Hub can empower communities by sharing knowledge back
with them and creating awareness of existing government schemes and pro-
grams. Regular communication and interaction can promote the necessity of
taking supplements, check-ups, especially in light of the anaemia among
women and children, and overcoming misconceptions about caesarean
delivery.
Maternal health care knowledge for the community can be bridged
through the community health professionals, and regular community-university
engagement. Ultimately, knowledge is bridged through interactions. Socializa-
gives the platform for communities to share and create new knowledge.
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11 Conclusion
This was a unique experience for the Sangwari Hub research team to under-
stand how to work with rural communities. The Hub team was prepared from
the beginning to give recognition to and learn from the community. In build-
ing partnerships with community members, we were able to use community
knowledge and skills to strengthen our own understanding of maternal health.
The community health personnel and panchayat members were a powerful
source of information as well as help in connecting with the community and
fostering trust.
The community members, in sharing their knowledge, have trusted us to
pass on this information to policy makers, to advocate for local practices to be
accommodated in maternal health schemes, for example, supplementary food
provided by the government can be modified by including community nutri-
tional practices and food items. This will help validate and legitimise commu-
nity knowledge, along with formal academic publications as sources of valid
knowledge.
As knowledge culture enablers, the Hub should continue to collaborate,
adapt and develop trust so as to co-create knowledge with the community.
Notes
1 Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Government of India: https://main.mohfw.gov.in/
2 For the study, data was collected from the villages of Bhatgaon, Gomchi, Abhanpur and
: https://data.unicef.org/topic/maternal-health/antenatal-care/
https://www.unicef.org/india/what-we-do/maternal-health
Population Reference Bureau () https://www.prb.org/resources/maternal-care-in-india-
reveals-gaps-between-urban-and-rural-rich-and-poor/
World Health Organization (
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This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the
Understanding Community Waste Management
through Service-Learning
Experiences from the Manipal University Jaipur K4C Hub, India
Madhura Yadav, Minali Banerjee, Siraz Hirani and Manish Sharma
Abstract
The
challenges in building effective knowledge relationships with the communities living
around Manipal University Jaipur. They use the issue of waste management to illus-
trate how communities also have and use knowledge, and a community’s expectations
from academia to solve their day-to-day challenges of accessing municipal services.
The role of community based organisations in facilitating community linkages to build
trusting community university relationships is also highlighted.
Keywords
sanitation – Swachh Bharat Mission – waste management – institutionalising –
service learning
1 Introduction
Knowledge creation in university settings is usually through research (Marks,
and followed by academicians. In contrast, knowledge creation by communi-
ties is open, far from the limitations of any conventional rules. Here, it evolves
through years of experiences and is disseminated through family stories
Knowledge can be used as a source of power. Exercise of power through
control of knowledge – how it is produced, who owns the knowledge that is
produced, how it is disseminated, and how and for what purposes the knowl-
edge is used – is made possible through professionalism and monopoly over
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means of communication and learning (Tandon, 2002). Limiting and devalu-
ing knowledge of the ordinary people is influenced through the control and
connected with the rise of modern, professional, knowledge-producing enter-
prises such as universities and the growth of the knowledge economy.
This chapter aims to understand the differences in knowledge creation
between universities and communities. Specifically, it aims to understand
whose knowledge counts and who validates what is knowledge? The authors
argue there is an asymmetry in who controls the use and validation of the
knowledge that is generated through community-university partnerships.
They use a waste management case study to explain existing inequalities of
knowledge ownership, use and validation in the Indian context.
The hub considered the case of waste management as an ideal example
to understand how community knowledge can be valuable in managing the
persistent solid waste management in India’s cities given the limited financial
resources of municipal authorities to reach every household for waste collec-
tion. Moreover, the Swachh Bharat Mission (Clean India Mission), launched
the government as well as to the community. To help every household pro-
tect their health and well-being, Swachh Bharat Mission () developed
measures for improved sanitation and waste disposal (Singh et al. 2018; Swain
-
ies and public engagement and support. Furthermore, Indian communities
have traditionally been sustainable and sensitive towards waste management
by recycling and reusing waste. Hence, the
the past ( specifically local knowledge used by resource poor communities) to
understand how academia can contribute to resolving the issue and support
municipal efforts in managing waste.
The authors believe that partnership is essential in knowledge creation and
knowledge sharing. A university can work as a partner between government
and communities to jointly identify solutions to implement developmental
goals in a way that is acceptable to the community as well as make this knowl-
edge freely accessible for all communities to use.
2 The MUJ Hub and Service-Learning
Manipal University Jaipur () was established in 2011. In 2018, the
and Society for Participa-
tory Research in Asia (). Currently, Mahila Housing Sewa Trust (), a
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local civil society organisation, is the community partner for the hub. has
’s mission is to strengthen grassroots
collectives of women in the urban informal sector to advance constructive
dialogue and action on improving their housing, living and working environ-
ments. The organisation been instrumental in motivating communities in
Jaipur to segregate and use community bins for disposing waste, rather than
throwing waste in and littering unoccupied land parcels. has empowered
communities by providing technical know-how to make organic manure from
kitchen waste.
practises service-learning to promote community engagement.
Service-learning refers to activities organised for the students to interact and
Through service-learning, students apply their knowledge to the natural set-
tings of society. By making students partner with the community they are
living in, they develop problem-solving competency.
Service-learning has always been an integral part of the Indian education
system. The gurukul system believed in knowledge creation and sharing where
practise the gained knowledge through service to the people (Kashalkar &
In universities, service-learning is generally presumed to be ‘commu-
nity engagement’, ‘extension’ or ‘social connect’ (
university-community relationship in service-learning is uni-directional and
cannot commonly be referred to as ‘community-based participatory research’
(). But, for the purpose of this case study, we use service-learning to mean
some form of community engagement and community-based research. This
study defines community as a group of individuals following similar beliefs,
sharing a geographical location, and facing common issues.
3 Knowledge Society in Contemporary India
Civilisationally, the goal of knowledge in India has been to enhance mental and
physical well-being of all. But, in the 21st century, with every nation trying to
become a leader in the creation, application and dissemination of knowledge
(Law, 2010), we have also seen some paradigm shift in the purpose of knowl-
edge. Now creation of new knowledge principally depends on strengthening
the academic institution, promoting research and innovation in laboratories
and tapping foreign sources of knowledge. The important aspect of learning
from the local community has slowly disappeared.
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National Knowledge Commission of India has identified access as one of the
most fundamental issues in a knowledge society (Law, 2010). Even if universi-
ties, research institutions and laboratories produce large amounts of knowl-
edge, it will be of little use until the majority of the population actually possesses
adequate means to acquire, absorb and communicate this knowledge.
Recent policy developments like India’s New Education Policy 2020 and
the Unnat Bharat Abhiyan program of the University Grants Commission lay
emphasis on university-community partnerships in which students engage
with communities to solve local problems through local solutions. The emer-
gence and wider acceptance of community based participatory research
() has also helped to address the issue of making knowledge more acces-
sible and useful, wherein knowledge is created and owned by both the com-
munity and university.
4 Case Study Context
is surrounded by rural areas. The Hub, quite naturally, began to
engage with the communities living in the villages and slums around the uni-
versity. As a part of the studio hours, students have designed and executed the
transformation of a public space in the community, taking lessons and feed-
back from the users.
Initial engagement for the project involved visits to houses in these vil-
lages by university faculty members, along with students. Local representatives
(ward members) supported and accompanied us during these visits, assisting
with the interactions.
We began to understand how communities produce and use knowledge
that enables them to live their daily lives. This was different from how we, as
academics and university students, were producing and consuming knowl-
edge, and the purpose for which it was being used.
These initial interactions gave us a sense of how communities view the uni-
versity. The locals viewed academia as an isolated entity, unconnected to their
daily lives.
The gap in how knowledge is generated and consumed relates to how the
current community-academia partnership is inherently unequal.
– The authoritative status enjoyed by academia by virtue of the university’s for-
mal recognition in the education industry and financial strength. University
curricula is guided and validated by the education system through accredi-
tation bodies and government policies. Formal employers only recognise
the degrees granted through this structured education system.
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– The knowledge coming from a community does not enjoy the same status
as the university knowledge even in the general society itself.
– There is no integration of community knowledge into the knowledge that
the university is imparting to its students.
– In terms of having knowledge, locals are considered ignorant, raw and unre-
fined by the academia.
– There is no platform to facilitate exchange of knowledge between locals and
academia, both at the one-to-one (household) level and institutionally.
The project gave us the opportunity and incentive to study these inequali-
ties in greater detail. Specifically, through documenting the case study on
waste management practices, we aimed to understand:
– How community knowledge is created, shared and validated – both in the
community and by the university
– Identify and illustrate the power inequalities that exist between universities
and communities
– How can these existing inequalities between the university and the com-
munity be bridged
The case study documents the waste management practices in two adjoining
villages (Thikaria and Sanjhriya) and two slum localities in the city of Jaipur.
The two villages are located in the fringes of Jaipur city. One slum (Kalakar
Basti) lies within the city boundaries, while the other slum (Sarai Bawari) lies
beyond the municipal limits.
According to the 2011 census, Jaipur is the 10th most populous city in India,
Samitis and Gram Panchayat are part of the rural administrative setup, while
Nagar Nigam and Nagar Palika are part of urban governance (Jawaid et al.,
2017).
(Census Department of India, 2011). The existing sewerage network covers only
The Public Health, Public Works and Mechanical (Garage) departments of
Jaipur Nagar Nigam are jointly responsible for municipal solid waste manage-
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, against the
requirement of 272 .
to-house waste
collection facilities. The waste collection data from Jaipur Nagar Nigam sug-
open collection sites (Jawaid et al., 2017).
The main causes of land pollution in Jaipur are poor sewerage systems and
solid waste management systems. A huge number of unlined septic tanks,
indiscriminate garbage dumping, and the absence of a sanitary landfill site are
some of the reasons for land pollution in the city.
5 Methodology
The waste management practices in the two villages and two urban slums were
documented to understand how knowledge in a community is created, shared
and validated. To document these practices, the Hub research team vis-
ited houses and conducted personal interviews. Data collection was based on
a structured questionnaire containing both open and closed-ended questions.
The data collected from the households was shared with various stake-
holders, including academic institutions, administrators and other social actors
like non-governmental organisations working on the issue of sanitation and
waste.
Interviews were also conducted with university administrators and faculty.
This was aimed to seek information about knowledge creation by academia
and extent of co-creation of knowledge with community. This spotlighted the
existing power inequalities in the sharing and validation of community knowl-
edge by the university.
Analysis of the community practices and the university practices around
knowledge creation and sharing helped identify the gaps in university-
community partnership and suggest a way forward on how the two knowledge
systems can be bridged.
Trained Community Action Group () women members supported the
Focus Group Discussions (
local ward councillors.
In the sections below, specific quotes from participants have been
anonymised to protect identities of individuals.
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with ward representatives and community members
6 Community Knowledge: Creation and Validation
Our forefathers have taught us that vegetable peels are good for animals.
My son knows the waste disposal technique because we have taught it to
him.
I, my family and my elders validate the knowledge and the same will be
disseminated to our children. (Local leader 1)
No school or university can validate or teach the knowledge that parents
provide to their children. (Local leader 2)
In response to the questions regarding management of solid waste at house-
hold level, the Sarai Bawari community proudly mentioned their traditional
practice. For ages, the community has segregated kitchen/vegetable waste and
fed it to animals.
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It was very clear from the discussions that those who have been managing
waste locally through traditional practices are happy and proud of it. How-
ever, with launch of , a system of waste segregation at source was intro-
duced without any consultation with the local community. A new system was
imposed on them – that of giving their segregated waste to the garbage col-
lection van. They are hesitant to accept it as an alternate practice to their tra-
ditional practice of waste management, and replace their knowledge that has
been validated in the community over a long period of time.
The community was using dry waste as fuel and were aware it causes pol-
lution, especially the burning of polythene. But they were not aware of how it
can be safely disposed.
In the absence of the mandated government waste collection mechanism
being effective, communities find their own solutions that solve their contex-
tual problem (necessity being the mother of invention). They usually dispose
of their domestic waste on a vacant piece of land. This is unsustainable but
considered a more straightforward, less time consuming alternative, instead of
learning sustainable solutions such as producing less waste, or using specific
material waste for creating household articles (glass bottles can be converted
to light fixtures, etc).
Acceptance and learning of new methods to reduce and manage waste is
higher when mediated through trusted community based organisations and
leaders. Approximately 220 households live in Kalakar Basti. Despite being
under Jaipur Municipal Corporation jurisdiction, most households did not
have access to essential services like water, sanitation, and solid waste manage-
ment until 2017, when started a project in the slum. As part of its inter-
vention, facilitated the formation of a Community Action Group ().
members were trained on various aspects such as the importance of col-
lective leadership, structure of the local municipal corporation, entitlements
and government schemes for urban poor and slum development, etc. Train-
ing provided by played a pivotal role in the dissemination of knowledge
which was then leveraged by the community to access various entitlements
and services. The managed to get legal water connections for almost all
households, thus improving the overall water, sanitation, and hygiene condi-
tions in the slum.
Learning about organic decomposition of solid waste, its benefits and ease
of implementation from , the community jointly agreed to dig a pit in
which households could dump their wet waste, cover it with sand, and within
a few months this would get converted to manure which could then can be
used to grow trees. helped set up the pit in their slum. Once the pit was
constructed, responsibilities were assigned to members of the community to
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ensure that waste is collected in the pit and the pit was properly maintained.
Once a few households start doing it, it was quickly adopted by other
households when they saw the benefits. The community was willing to learn
new knowledge/adopt a new solution, and validate the knowledge into the
community, because the solution provided a benefit (manure) that was useful
to them locally, was created in consultation with them, and one they could
practice without any support from outsiders or the government.
7 Is Community Knowledge Valued in the University?
We know that communities possess great knowledge, but we cannot rely
on them only. (University administrator 1)
There is no significant proof of their knowledge as correct so it will not
be possible to include it in the daily teaching-learning. But yes, we may
provide them with a lot of validated and correct knowledge and that is
why we do outreach activities. (University administrator 2)
Students are sent to the local communities to have a practical application
From the interviews conducted with the academic staff and administra-
tors it emerged that Indian academics believe the university must co-exist with
the local community and the university does have an important role to play in
developing solutions to the issues that a community faces. They do desire to
conduct community-based teaching-learning and research, but lack the neces-
sary direction and institutional support.
The institution is generally weak in community-based teaching and research.
Lack of knowledge about effective community engagement methods, insti-
tutional policies that don’t go far enough to support such engagement, and
inadequate allocation of funds to try new methods emerged as the primary
reasons behind limited efforts currently being made to co-create knowledge
with the community. Universities engaging in community-university
partnerships … can benefit from a realistic consideration of university readi-
ness prior to the formation of [community] partnerships (as well as during
later stages when considering institutionalisation (Curwood et al., 2011).
It is also evident from the interviews that the primary purpose of service-
learning in is not the co-creation of knowledge but to give students an
opportunity to assert and validate the theoretical concepts learned in the
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classroom to the community. It is uni-directional, and there is little engage-
ment with the realities of how the community actually lives, and then use the
theory or knowledge acquired in the classroom to co-create a solution that is
acceptable to the community.
University staff also felt that communities are not very open to partnering
with them. The main reason for this is because university efforts to engage
with the community are sporadic and generally on a project-to-project basis.
Such temporary engagement does not allow trust to be established between
the two parties, which is pre-requisite for knowledge partnerships.
The academics we interviewed in are aware that knowledge does exist
within the local community. They have often learnt such knowledge during
a project when a community member has shared it with them (for example,
community practice of reusing kitchen/wet waste as garden manure). How-
ever, they are hesitant to validate such practical knowledge by including it in
the university syllabus.
Practical community knowledge is occasionally valued by academics; at
times may even be given value above academic knowledge as the commu-
nity practice may be found to work better than textbook solutions. However,
including this knowledge from the community in the formal academic frame-
work requires validation from the academic and research community (through
publications, for example), which takes time. Where community knowledge
and academic knowledge converge, it becomes easier to accept community
knowledge. For example, the member from Sarai Bawari mentioned using
vegetable peels as animal feed and to make organic manure. Academics accept
this practice as sustainable, because formal research has validated it as a way
of discarding waste to reduce dependence on cultivated fodder and replacing
artificial fertilizers with organic manure.
Learning from the community has mixed acceptance. Though academics
value the utility brought by community in terms of undertaking community-
based research studies, or implementing pilots, accepting community rec-
ommendations and incorporating it in research does not have generalised
acceptance. The usefulness of community knowledge (i.e., validating it by
including it in the research process) is seen to be project specific and contextual.
8 Power Inequalities
There is no doubt inequalities exist in the value put to the knowledge gen-
erated in the villages around/in the slums of Jaipur vis--vis that created
within the university system. Knowledge, for the university, is in the books
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and academic papers that are updated through research as per requirements
of the higher education administrators and the policymakers, and as verified
by policy-making organisations like National Assessment and Accreditation
Council () and University Grants Commission ().
The current knowledge culture at considers knowledge ‘correct and
valid’ when it goes from the university to the community through the service-
learning process. Inequality is affirmed in the service-learning component
wherein the university/student need is the priority for which community
engagement is forged. The project or issue for which the students go to the
field may or may not necessarily address the needs of the community. And,
most importantly, academics do not consider the possibility that students can
learn from the community. Knowledge successfully practised by local com-
munities for generations, which the students may learn during the service-
learning engagement process, is not considered useful in itself, and needs to
be verified with other sources, such as published research.
In the discussion with university faculty we learnt that the findings emerg-
ing from the research done in the community is rarely shared back with the
community. This is primarily because the academics believe ‘research results’
are supposed to be used only for academic purposes. Hence, community con-
tinues to be treated as ‘subjects’ – to collect information and data from, to
test new or existing ideas on – but are rarely the beneficiaries of the research
project.
There is a lack of trust between the university and community. Sporadic
engagement from the university doesn’t help to build lasting relationships of
trust. The Hub research team carried out at the Kalakar Basti to cap-
ture the community’s viewpoint regarding knowledge partnerships between
community and academia. One of the key findings that emerged was that the
community is only willing to partner with the university (or any other organi-
sation) if they know them well and the project intends to address issues rel-
evant to them.
Differences in how knowledge is dispersed widens the inequality. The uni-
versity focuses on academic publications, conferences, books, etc, to meet
global standards. Additionally, language widens the inequality. Academic pub-
lications are usually not in the local language (Hindi). This makes it inacces-
sible to the community. The community shares knowledge through stories and
inter-generational hands-on practice, which is often shared orally in the local
language and not documented.
The Hub researchers took care to translate the questionnaire into
Hindi, and hold discussions with the community in Hindi. This made the com-
munity participants feel more connected and be open with the researchers.
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Some respondents, especially women, are not comfortable (in Hindi) as they
were monolingual, and prefer to speak in their local dialect (Doshi and Purohit,
members) accompanying the researchers
stepped in to help translate as they were familiar with the local dialects.
9 Bridging the Divide
We have never thought about it (university role). (Community respond-
ent 1)
They (university) are literate; they know everything … why will they
come to help us? (Community respondent 2)
How can one question our techniques. It is developed through experi-
ence. Not every knowledge requires validation from government or
How will a university help in this. Can they come here and collect waste?
There are many big universities in Jaipur but they even don’t teach waste
Universities can find out new waste management methods, but they will
do so only when government asks them to do it. Nobody works without
an incentive and the government does not have money to incentivize
universities for such petty things. (Multiple community respondents)
Universities are concerned about marks and degrees. (Community
Everyone is interested in earning (money). They (university) never think
The above statements were made during the Hub researchers held
with the community to understand their perspectives regarding the role
can play in creating knowledge with them, and for them.
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From the discussion it emerged that the communities were unable to envis-
age how may help them with waste management. They believed that uni-
versities possess knowledge on everything, so they might have some knowledge
on waste management as well, but they were not confident that would
come to the community and solve their specific problems related to waste. If
the university is pushed by the government, it may try and find solutions.
Lack of trust emerged as a major issue. Why would the university help
them? They believe that universities are only interested in making money, and
awarding degrees. They have never in the past seen any university helping poor
communities to solve their issues.
Bridging the divide then appears to be difficult. But there is common
ground – both the community and academia want sustainable waste man-
agement practices. Community wants a solution to this persistent problem
which causes health issues, while academia wants to identify indigenous solu-
tions that can work in the Indian context and thereby help spread sustainable
practices.
This can be the impetus needed to improve collaboration between
and the village and slum communities. Solutions to convert kitchen waste
to manure, waste segregation, use of plastic, etc are some of the areas for
collaborative solutions. Solutions should value and consider existing practices
and approaches in different communities. For example, we found some house-
holds already avoid plastic bags and use cloth carry bags to fetch articles. Other
households collect the plastic bags to return them to the local vegetable vendor.
Some households segregate organic, paper and plastic waste, and use organic
waste for manure and cattle feed. This was overlooked by the municipal waste
collectors, and they encouraged households to use single bins for throwing
waste. This meant less work for the waste collector, but disregarded existing
sustainable waste management practices in the community.
Setting up community bins in locations considered accessible and safe by
community members, time of waste collection (in congruence with the work-
ing hours and availability of community members), waste disposal by small-
scale commercial establishments like local food stalls, and frequency of waste
bin replacement can be determined along with the community. Valuable
insights and experiences in implementing the community-based solutions and
training of waste collectors can be shared by the university using its consider-
able resources and modes of communication. The university can also work
to fulfil the need to train waste collectors to understand current community
practices.
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10 Conclusion
The study concludes that power in knowledge generation, use and validation
is skewed in favour of . This is seen is how the service-learning process is
structured to benefit the students, and how information/data collected from
the community and research findings are not shared back with them, even
though universities possess significant resources to do so.
The research conducted by the Hub shows the academic’s role in knowl-
edge generation is considered primary. Though some academics do accept the
ability and contribution of the community in generating knowledge, they find
it difficult to embed it into the ‘formal knowledge’ system of the university
without scientific validation. Community based research is gaining traction,
but to make inroads into the wide-networked research and academic world,
gradual enhancement in acceptance of local knowledge in tackling social
problems is necessary (Hall & Tandon, 2017).
Knowledge intermediation by a community-based/civil society organisation
that the community trusts to identify needs and priorities and support the
co-creation process becomes helpful. In our research the support of com-
munity facilitators and the community leaders trained by them was invaluable.
Though this initiative helped reduce the boundaries between the commu-
nities and (before this study, these communities were unaware of how
could help them with waste management), the existence of a partnership
between and these communities is missing. The communities remain
unaware of the social responsibility role of universities like in solving
their day-to-day problems.
There is a need to strengthen academics’ capacity to encourage, promote,
regulate and sustain research partnerships with the community. Given the
static culture of universities and the longstanding tradition of independent
scholarship, it is essential to ask whether universities are genuinely ready
to contribute appropriately to initiatives that move away from a short-term
charity model of community service to fulfil the potential of long-term social
justice initiatives through community research collaborations (Marullo &
It is evident from the study that as long as a consistent relationship is miss-
ing, the co-creation of knowledge is difficult and bridging knowledge cultures
remains impossible. Sustainable partnership characterised by regular meet-
ings and discussions between and its surrounding communities is vital to
bridge the knowledge inequalities that exist.
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Participatory research:
Revisiting the roots
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This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the
Engaging in a Movement of Cognitive Justice
at the Gulu University K4C Hub, Uganda
David Monk, Gloria Aber, Alice Veronica Lamwaka, Martin Odoch and
George Openjuru
Let us come together to create that unique moment when the inner
voice of disenfranchisement meets the outer voice of empower-
ment; When the inner cry for self-determination meets the warm
embrace of co-determination.
Abstract
In this case study, the Gulu University Knowledge for Change Hub located in Northern
Uganda reflects on the possibilities of knowledge pluralism, relationships and power
in the work done by the hub, and shares some lessons that were learnt from engaging
in a movement of cognitive justice. The research for this case was conducted using
a collaborative community-based approach that included active participation of all
hub members in the formulation of research questions, data collection, and analysis.
In this type of approach, the documentation of the process and dissemination activi-
ties becomes part of the data collected, which is then used to inform future direction
and activities for the hub. The research therefore fits into the reflexive and ongoing
process of the hub, and is useful for improving the praxis and goals to further knowl-
edge democracy and solve local problems through community-based research.
Keywords
cognitive justice – knowledge pluralism – process documentation – research
dissemination – knowledge communication
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1 Introduction
The Gulu hub is an initiative of the Gulu University under the Knowledge for
Chair in Community Based Research
and Social Responsibility in Higher Education. The hub’s work is linked to the
university’s mandate “for community transformation” oriented toward serv-
ing the geographic space of Northern Uganda. It is a somewhat unique hub,
because it does not have formal space within the university, and most of the
hub’s activities are generated through informal community partnerships and
networks.
The Gulu hub’s partners are defined by parameters of social and epis-
temic justice (Monk et al., 2020). That is, the hub works with organisations in
Northern Uganda, including Gulu University, that have an interest in promot-
ing social justice and authentic participation in decision making processes.
Another layer of community partnerships for the Gulu hub includes a broader
network of intellectuals both within Uganda and internationally that are com-
mitted to promoting and learning from Indigenous Knowledge Systems ().
Placing relationships first is at the core of the Gulu hub’s multi-layered sense
of community and research. The academic members of the hub use relation-
ships with the community to advocate for a participative culture of research
and learning within the university. Linked to this is the university’s efforts to
create enabling institutional policies for community engagement. The univer-
sity promotes through program development and using as the founda-
tional culture of Community University Engagement (). This knowledge
distinction is important to note in the context of community engagement by
the Gulu hub, because the Gulu community is diverse, with influences from
both and Ameripean (Ndawula, 2017) epistemic paradigms. An example
of this is in the herbal medicine program described in this chapter.
An -based understanding of community engagement positions
the university as one (important) actor within a learning ecosystem – an
important departure from objective and linear understandings of research
and the role of universities, which typically centre the university or position it
as the only (“
that universities (generally) associate knowledge production with university
experts and thus purposefully separate the university and its research from
the lifestyles and lifecycles and cosmologies of the communities in which they
are embedded. This separation fractures relationships and isolates universi-
ties. In contrast, based research and community engagement is relational
and relies on shared experiences, transdisciplinarity and mutuality (Ndawula,
2017; Odora-Hoppers, 2021). recognises research and knowledge produc-
tion as a shared community responsibility emerging from deeply entangled
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relationships based on respect and reciprocity with all species, both now and
in the future. Thus, using as a framework for repositions the university
as “multi” rather than “uni”, with a focus on relationships, participation, and
actively seeking to promote cognitive justice.
This sense of interconnectedness provides a continuity of shared experience
whereby the traditionally separated knowledge generation, validation, and dif-
fusion, are entangled and shared as part of a longer term project of community
wellbeing. Finding ways of integrating the useful technical elements of this
‘conventional’ research regime into a paradigm of democratic knowledge cul-
ture requires careful interpersonal and intercommunity communication. The
Gulu hub, and the research it has done under the project, exists in this
context of promoting a culture of as both a method for and an activity
of cognitive justice.
In the sections that follow, the authors expand on literature about epistemic
injustice, cognitive justice and the Afrikan Indigneous Knowledge Systems
(), thereby to providing a theoretical framework to describe the context and
composition of the research undertaken by the Gulu Hub. They go on to elab-
orate the research processes, identify some learning themes, critically reflect
on these themes, and conclude with some general insights on the implications
Nation gathering at the Pharmbiotrac Village, Gulu City,
Uganda
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from this research on bridging knowledge cultures. The titles of the sections in
this chapter are a deliberate attempt to shift away from language and writing
that we feel separates us from the participative nature of the research process.
2 Epistemic Injustice and Cognitive Justice
-
tice as “the injustice of having some significant area of one’s social experiences
obscured from collective understanding owing to a structural identity preju-
dice in the collective hermeneutical resource”. Pohlhaus (2017) explains that
epistemic injustice is a function of silencing individuals and groups of people’s
ability to authentically contribute to social pools of knowledge. Medina (2017)
elaborates that epistemic injustice is often structural and socially constructed
to the extent that entire groups of epistemically oppressed people are taught –
and often believe – that they do not know. Patricia Hill Collins (2017) explained
that the accreditation of theoretical knowledge over embodied knowledge is
a core function of “othering” marginalised people(s). Collins (2017) frames
the silencing as violence that functions to maintain and reproduce privilege,
through epistemic gatekeepers who carefully construct narratives and contexts
that decide what knowledge counts.
or traditions of knowledge to co-exist in public without duress. Odora Hoppers
her work on . Odora Hoppers emphasises that cognitive justice requires
authentic respect and dialogue across knowledge cultures. She centres cog-
nitive justice as a fundamental human right and precondition to developing
the importance of for planetary survival because it is based on ontologi-
cal foundations of intersubjectivity and continuity of relations beyond the
human lifeworld and human life-time. It therefore promotes transdisciplinar-
ity and allows for a deeper connection to the non-visible and subconscious
realms of knowing. In the next section, we offer some literature about in
the Ugandan context.
3 Afrikan Indigenous Knowledge Systems
In the poem entitled Wer pa Lawino,
Afrikan culture and values need not emulate European standards in order to
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be recognised. The poet’s work is filled with the recognition that indigenous
knowledge systems are fighting a losing battle in the face of modernization. The
section of the poem, “The graceful giraffe cannot become a monkey”, highlights
the differences between the Whites and Africans, and the pride of an Acholi
woman in her culture and identity amidst colonial attacks on it. In general, the
feelings in the poem are more of pride, pity, protest, anger and boldness.
By moving away from defining knowledge within the strict confines of
how the Western epistemology recognises knowledge, authors are faced with
the task of refining the concept of what is considered knowledge within the
African Indigenous Knowledge Systems (). Odora Hoppers (2021) points
out that the value of is located in its understanding that culture is knowl-
edge. She gives the example of Ubuntu, which is a philosophy derived from
traditional ways of living, emphasising interconnectedness as the key element
for understanding human behaviour and thinking.
Elements of , this way of knowing are revealed in the relationship
between indigenous communities and their ecosystems. Among several com-
munities within Uganda, designated forested areas were not subjected to fire-
wood gathering or timber logging. This was primarily due to the belief that
spirits of the ancestors/gods lived within these large trees and cutting them
down would infuriate the ancestral spirits, which in turn would rage against
the community’s crops and livestock. This knowledge system, like several oth-
ers, was challenged by the arrival of the church missionaries into Acholi land.
The missionaries were offered such gazetted forest areas in the hope that once
they cut the trees during their settlement process, they would be struck down
by the spirits. When this did not occur, the resultant doubts among the com-
munity of their spiritual leaders appears to have accelerated condemnation
of indigenous knowledge. They did not wait long enough to see the impact.
However, indigenous knowledge began to be devalued also due to the appli-
cation of a missionary framework of (ignorant) interpretation, criticized by
p’Bitek. What if the message in regard to the trees was not to do with disturbing
the spirits but more about conservation? For example, the Acholi had a saying
that you do not defecate on the river banks, otherwise the mother of the river
will twist your intestines and cause you to die. Other sayings state that you do
not sit on the grinding stone, otherwise your mother will die. These teachings
appear aimed at ensuring hygiene behaviour of children within the commu-
nity. Defecating on the river banks would disperse human waste into the river
system, affecting downstream communities. A young child with an uncovered
bottom would pollute the grinding stone, used for processing the family meal.
When looked at from this perspective, it is difficult to discount these knowl-
edge systems which are connected to the practical needs of daily life.
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Much indigenous knowledge is created and shared using all of the senses
based in a relational ontology, which interprets and creates knowledge multi-
modally and together with the non-human world within a non-linear temporal
perspective (Odora-Hoppers
tacit knowledge into text is a difficult task because it requires translations of
feeling, intuition and sensory experiences. Knowing and interpretation of
knowledge is often embodied and moves beyond rationalisations, intertextual
and inter-language experiences and, therefore, as p’Bitek warns, cannot be
understood through a European lens.
4 The Gulu K4C Hub
Chancellor of Gulu University. Gulu University is a leading public university
a period of dynamic transformation following 20 years of civil war ending
in 2007. The hub conducts training in participatory research processes, with
emphasis on art-based inquiry, particularly in photo voice, poetic inquiry,
paint-based inquiry and theatre inquiry. The arts facilitate embodied and
nonlinear connections and relationships which help connect deeply with the
community settings, working mostly with youth on a variety of research and
community projects, and sharing the informality of learning and doing in the
community. The hub intentionally takes the time to listen and share through
authentic participation, developing strong partnerships and relationships by
working with the community through hub partners. Shared projects include a
youth-initiated program to plant trees on all the streets of Gulu, ongoing par-
ticipation in street-based art groups, and research with a Community Based
Organisation () on waste management in Gulu. The hub has no core fund-
ing, so projects are based on voluntary work and disparate grants sought out in
partnership with community organisations. Current active partners include:
– Gulu University: Faculty of Agriculture and Environment, Faculty of
Medicine (Public Health and Herbal Medicine program), Faculty of
Education and Humanities
– Uganda: Youth empowerment with a focus on gender and
environment
– Partners for Community Development: Grassroots political and environ-
mental activist organisation
– Kijani Trees: Private enterprise involved in sustainable agroforestry
– Afrigreen Sustain: Environmental
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– Starface (Youth group): Focused on multiculturalism and developing
pathways in the arts
– Loremi Tours: Social enterprise focused on environmental and cultural
tourism
– Taka Taka Plastics: Private environmental enterprise that makes building
materials using recycled plastics. It is also a strong force in the environmen-
tal movement in Gulu.
– Chair in Lifelong Learning Youth and Work (hosted at Gulu
University)
Building on these networks and informal partnerships, the hub has begun to
engage with the university through Memoranda of Understanding with the
faculty of agriculture and environment and with the herbal medicine and
indigenous knowledge programs, launched in 2018 in the Faculty of Medicine.
The herbal medicine and indigenous knowledge program uses an frame-
work of transdisciplinary learning that integrates chemistry, biology, phar-
macy, agriculture and spirituality. The program delivery uses some classroom
lecture sessions; however, it is mainly based in a collaborative and experiential
learning model that relies heavily on the prior learning of herbal medicine
practitioners. It revolves around validating the experience and knowledge of
the practitioners, preserving biodiversity and culture, integrating business and
marketing, as well as medical research and copyright procedures to meet the
licensing demands of the National Drug Authority. Gulu University has a labo-
ratory that is used to test new products, but much of the research and learn-
ing is done through ceremony, dreams, dance and food around the traditional
learning space – the campfire. The hub has also led a series of inter-nation
gatherings of indigenous knowledge holders from the Bunyoro kingdom,
Buganda kingdom, Busoga kingdom and Acholi chiefdom. There is a strong
focus on bringing Acholi elders together to inform and lead these inter-nation
gatherings, particularly in partnership with the deeply community ingrained
herbal medicine practice and activism of Alice Lamwaka. Regular gatherings
of elders are essential to the process of relationship building and connecting
to the ongoing nature of knowledge production that is fractured by modernist
universities. Gulu University has created a space on campus to host these
gatherings in a village-like setting so that elders feel comfortable. The space is
a location where herbal doctors can experiment and share their remedies, pre-
serve biodiversity and treat people. The location is next to a Gulu university
laboratory where they can also perform tests such as phytochemical analysis.
More recently, a university committee has been formed to integrate in all
programs at Gulu University, in which the hub is also participating.
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5 Research Processes
This research is underpinned by an ontological understanding of intersubjec-
tivity and interdependence of all species (Monk et al., 2020; Odora Hoppers,
being a mix of diverse species that are reliant on each other for survival. Fol-
lowing from this, we value diversity in experience as we seek to understand
our world. The research has been a collaborative process between hub mem-
bers, and as a result it has used multiple forms of learning together includ-
ing dance, ceremony, food, storytelling, energy sharing, interviews and focus
group discussions. Two research assistants were hired from within the hub
and worked with the research lead to facilitate the research. It is an ongoing
process of reflection, participation, analysis and action. Not all of the learning
can be translated into written expression, but we do our best to share the writ-
ten representations which deepen understanding of the overarching research
question.
The particular research direction and questions were developed coopera-
tively in a meeting with all hub members at the outset of participation in the
this research should also contribute towards developing the strategic direction
of the hub, as expressed by one of our advisors, Professor Catherine Odora
Hoppers, when she asked us in a reflection session: How can we uncover and
support what has made resilient societies worldwide, and find out whether we
have something different to say to them? To this end we used a mix of research
mechanisms including storytelling and interviews. The focus of the research
was on relationships that are being developed, the knowledge cultures being
brokered, and the resulting type of action and community impact. This was
informed by an initial report led by one research assistant, analysing the indig-
enous knowledge cultures in Uganda, which informs the literature shared
earlier in this chapter. Briefly, the report emphasised the cultural and spiritual
dimensions of Acholi knowledge making a framework for knowing that can-
not be analysed or translated using a European lens. The knowledge making
mechanisms include a spiritual understanding that goes beyond the human
lifeworld but are practically located in efforts of life arrangements oriented
towards peaceful coexistence.
The sub research questions we set as a team were oriented towards under-
standing power dynamics within the hub:
– What kinds of knowledge bridging partnerships exist in our hub?
– What are the power dynamics between the knowledge making partners and
how can they be improved?
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– What are the core components needed for authentic and equal knowledge
making partnerships?
– What are some of the difficulties involved in community university partner-
ships and how can they be overcome?
– What is the viability of a sustainable centre for community-based research
at Gulu University, and what is required?
6 Learning
Learning occurred through participation and reflection on hub activities,
interviews, and focus group discussions.
6.1 Focus Group Discussion
A series of reflection sessions among hub members were facilitated through-
out the research process using different approaches. For example, riddles,
dance therapy, medicinal practice demonstration, food sampling, ceremony
and storytelling were used in the learning circles around the fire at the Gulu
University biodiversity and cultural preservation centre. We loosely refer to
this as a type of focus group discussion, though these sessions were led by
elders, and documentation involved observation and deep sensory experi-
ences, some of which simply cannot be translated here. We also facilitated
an inter-hub
Rhodes University, and University of the Free State, which took place over two
days and involved deliberation on the research questions. The video recording,
presentations and shared notes were reviewed as a component of the research.
Another focus group discussion used art-based inquiry with hub members
to enter more deeply into the power dynamics of the hub and its affiliated net-
works. In this particular form of inquiry, we asked members to draw pictures
on sticky notes in response to the research questions – a separate drawing for
each sequential research question. The members then placed their pictures on
a power matrix drawn on poster. The power matrix was a simple matrix with
four quadrants – the vertical axis representing power hierarchies and the hori-
zontal axis representing power distribution. The top left quadrant represents
considerable hierarchical power that is not shared. The bottom left represents
little power, also not shared. The bottom right is little power with more sharing,
and the top right represents high power that is highly collaborative.
Participants placed their picture in any quadrant according to how they
thought their response represented power dynamics and decision making, and
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explained how their pictures represent answers to the question as well as why
they selected that location on the power matrix.
6.2 Key In-depth Individual Interviews
Interviews were conducted with traditional herbalists, project leaders, com-
munity based organisations, Gulu University Herbal Medicine lecturers, the
office of community university engagement and some hub members.
Power hierarchies
Power distribution
non distributed
low power
distributed
low power
non distributed
high power
distributed
high power
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6.3 Participant-Observation
Learning also included observing participants in hub activities, which
included – (1) inter-nation gatherings of indigenous knowledge holders: an
assembly of elders from different nations in Uganda (with analysis of the plan-
ning meetings and reports of the gatherings); (2) Wang OO (elders’ fire of wis-
from making of herbs to the final product in quality conditions. Ethical consid-
erations were adhered to include protection of Intellectual Property Rights of
herbal practitioners, particularly the Covilyce-1 remedy to
an innovation of the herbal medicine program and is undergoing clinical trials
in order to translate validity into Ameripean science paradigms.
6.4 Critical Reflection
Learning was collated and analysed in ongoing cycles of reflection throughout
the research among all hub members. Participatory research processes recog-
nise participants as expert knowledge holders and therefore include them in
itself becomes another source of learning, in an ongoing cycle of reflection
to reflect on the discussions and identify themes and their implications. Their
inputs became a component of the learning.
To delve deeper into the initial broad areas of inquiry, the two research assis-
tants and the research lead coded the interviews and personal observations,
first independently identifying additional emerging themes and then com-
paring and discussing them together. This was presented to the hub members
for further reflection before collaboratively taking a final decision on how to
present them. Partners and participants names are included, where requested
by them. All participants are members of the Gulu Hub network, and there is
deep bias ingrained in the research and this report. Acknowledging that this
is a learning endeavour in which we are all intertwined aligns with our onto-
logical understanding of intersubjectivity and interdependence. Epistemolog-
ically speaking, this connects to learning as being interpreted, and meaning
being made through applying our diverse experiences to situations that we are
part of, not removed from. We hope that our open and reflexive collective voice
can share some of the emotion and passion we have in a deeper intertextual
shared sensory experience with the reader. We therefore try to bring in longer
quotations. We consider this to be important for translating those aspects of
the sensory and emotional knowledge that we have gained and is difficult to
express within the limits of written text.
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7 Learning Themes
In what follows we share the findings according to the core themes that
emerged to better understand knowledge bridging relationships. We draw on
the literature related to cognitive justice which emphasises reciprocity, respect
and dialogue. The findings are framed in the power dynamics (based on the
reflections) and attempts to bridge the structural limitations to validating and
respecting the contributions of to the general pool of social knowledge
making.
A vital point to understand in the interpretation of the findings is
that the hub, while considering ongoing work moving forward, does not lay
claim to developing the associated work of our affiliated partners, such as
those of the herbal medicine program, which have been built over consider-
able time and with considerable effort. As participants in our hub, some of
the members have chosen to share their experiences in developing partner-
ships, and we include this in the research, as by extension we are involved in
shared activities and vision. In terms of bridging knowledge cultures, we are
wisdom and understanding of indigenous knowledge and Indigenous Knowledge
Systems
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moving forward and learning together as we reflect on the different partner-
ships and networks that we have. In the presentation of members’ perspec-
tives, we hesitatingly differentiate between the background of the members
(community, university, teacher, herbal doctor, etc), to provide some insight
into how the hub is composed; however, identities and roles of the mem-
bers are fluid and are not solely represented in the titles we have associated
with them.
7.1 Theme 1: What Healthy Relationships Look like
In terms of bridging knowledge cultures, the participants emphasised that
centring healthy and balanced relationships, rather than individual short term
research projects, was important. This is a major theme because it re-visions
research as an ongoing process that emerges from community contexts among
partners with similar learning interests. This re-centring shifts traditional sep-
arations of the researcher and the researched. One university partner reflected
on this shift:
As a researcher, as soon as I entered her house I entered a relationship.
She was not interested in my particular research questions, she was inter-
ested in sharing her story. She invited me into her life by sharing her story.
She served me food, I met her family and neighbours. I am not a stranger,
I am a trusted friend worthy of sharing food and discussing a common
issue. That conversation provided far more insight than if we had met as
strangers. But she is now part of this research, and I am bound ethically
to continue to work on this issue and other issues that come up in that
community – not just on my terms. I am no longer other, and that comes
with responsibility. Research is about people’s lives – real people – not
objects. It is serious”.
Beyond the ethical implications observed above, centring relationships
muddles the whole idea of research as being bound by time and questions.
It entangles conventional linear research paradigms of knowledge genera-
tion, validation, diffusion and use into an ongoing process of transdiscipli-
nary meaning-making in a world that is ongoing and emergent. Relationships
enhance an intrinsic drive for learning, personal contentment, peer recogni-
tion and self-actualization. This is reflected on by a university partner: “What
techniques are continuously updated to reflect current understanding and
needs”. Likewise a community partner reflects on the importance of bringing
together diversity, and not thinking of community as homogenous:
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There was initial interaction with the community, institutions and even
the communities themselves, the people in the community to guide how
the research should be done. So, I think that was really, really nice work.
And it kind of brought that togetherness between the community and the
university, also giving opportunity for the youth to air out their thoughts.
A community partner described a picture of a tree they drew that represented
healthy relationships as, “a form of empowerment. So, for me, I looked at that”
[picture of a tree] “as symbolising birth, power; life, and politics changes the
com munity”. This reorients research as a broader conceptualisation of a flour-
ishing community, as one academic partner suggests: [We have to think] “what
are the reasons for research and knowledge we are trying to build in these com-
munities? For me, it’s around environmentally sustainable futures for every-
thing, for people and the planet”.
The hub partners all felt that building relationships required meeting regu-
larly, not only for research purposes, but as an academic partner observed: “We
are developing some important networks nationally and internationally … that
engage people in different ways but are all very important ways of staying con-
nected to each other”. Likewise, a community partner explained that meeting
regularly de-centres the university and builds “a common ground, and acknowl-
edges both power dynamic and fully equal participation of the community”.
Another community partner reflected how their organisation uses a “group
of community called reflection action groups” in their own practice. They
explain that these are fundamental to setting the organisation’s work because
the reflection action groups, “will sit and discuss what is wrong for them”.
Creating spaces and concerted action to understand the full ontological
underpinnings of different traditions of knowledge was seen as essential.
Simply listening or letting people speak is not sufficient for understanding,
though it is seen as a starting point as one community partner suggests: “bridg-
ing knowledge cultures can be improved by recognising the voice of all and to
understand that boundaries are fluid … thus knowledge and values will always
interface with another”.
In terms of bridging knowledge cultures, relationships open up an oppor-
tunity for what Odora Hoppers (2021) refers to as inter-personal and inter-
community communication and understanding. We will finish this theme on
healthy relationships with a quote from one of the academic partners, which
sums up their value: “Essentially, builds on the way that engagement
between practitioners/communities and researchers generates opportunities
to bring very diverse resources to understanding causes of, and solutions to,
wicked societal problems”.
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7.2 Theme 2: Barriers to Healthy Relationships
Most of the hub reflections are oriented towards challenging the traditional
university approach towards knowledge and research. This is because the
current paradigm of knowledge production is dominated by Ameripean
approaches. Hub partners reflected on the power imbalance and ways to pro-
mote .
Broadly speaking, the core problem that stakeholders observed was that
community has little agency when it comes to relationships. An academic
partner explained,
The community has been ignored for a very long time. And yet, there is
a lot of knowledge down there, which is not disseminated. So, I feel that
this is because the decisions are normally made from the top … ignoring
the other one. And then when somebody talks, and you get a very impor-
tant finding, even when you know that the knowledge was got from there,
there’s no recognition. It remains up. And it’s usually [remains] like that.
A community partner reflected on a research project they were in, where they
felt objectified and excluded:
the decisions were made by researchers or the lead team. Once you have
made up your mind, you don’t want to listen to anyone, no one wants to
listen, she needs to say yes, I’ve got it, it’s me, it’s me who has this, it’s me
who got the money, we will have this so you don’t listen to anybody else.
So we lose out a lot on that.
An university partner agreed that power is often unbalanced in research and
adds that it is often defined by funders’ requirements:
Top down, we had the power. Gulu University now, we did a lot of formal
traditional research. So we went to stakeholders, and we would ask them,
approach them to do focus group discussions and interviews. That’s very
top-down. You know, we decided based on what other people [wanted
from us].
Reliance on funders and their associated demands and expectations is chal-
lenged as a structural problem that has created a dependency on money
and consequent control by the people who own the structures we buy into.
A community participant reminds us that,
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money is a perceived challenge and we are chasing it a little bit always …
we think that we can’t bring our community together without money.
Time is also a resource that we measure in a very linear way and we have
our lives that we are measuring, so we are doing lots of things. Community
often changes with very little budget and often no budget.
7.3 Theme 3: Focus on Community and iks
As explained in the introduction, the Gulu hub and Gulu university attempts
to use an framework to interpret and build relationships in the commu-
nity. It is therefore not surprising that this emerged as a theme.
One participant from the university explained, “Often the most important
resource is forgotten: The knowledge and power of working together”. This is
an important point when it comes to building which relies on the onto-
logical assumption of shared experience and values the diverse skills and
knowledge that exist in the community. Relying on money as the only con-
ceptualisation of wealth demeans community knowledge and plays into the
carefully constructed hierarchies of knowing and the narrative of Ameripean
universality that permeates the traditional university. A community member
recognises that reorienting and rebalancing relationships requires finding a
more balanced sharing of all wealth, including money: “The element of trust
plays a big role in engagement and we start with probably the youth group,
this means money is coming into it unless people can come up with things”.
Devaluing culture and other ways of knowing also reduces the financial con-
tributions back to the community.
Legal rights were also a core concern related to valuation of herbal doctors.
In developing processes for drug certification, this was especially relevant.
There have been many experiences of researchers coming and taking infor-
mation, transforming it, and claiming it as their own. Herbal doctors were
elaborated on how this happens in the pharmaceutical industry. However,
this is not isolated to herbal medicine. Denigrating people to objects and
claiming knowledge superiority lies at the centre of colonisation and the jus-
tification of exploitation (Ndawula, 2017; Odora Hoppers, 2021; Visvanathan,
The community partners working in indigenous science emphasised a feel-
ing of not being accepted by society, because the communicative structures
on the part of the dominant paradigm of knowing are unable to interpret or
understand the different knowledge systems. One practitioner explained that,
“the population still shuns traditional medicine and associates it with witch-
craft/ being evil … thus mindset is a limitation to knowledge culture”.
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Indigenous knowledge holders were seeking ways of opening the channels
of communication, by packaging their products in ways people can under-
stand. Two traditional healers from the Pharmbiotrac project were of the
view, “that the traditional set up of the structures is not conducive and doesn’t
attract those seeking traditional and contemporary health service”.
Challenging the epistemic narrative that separates culture from knowing,
and knowing from certain communities, is therefore a foundational activity in
the search for cognitive justice and any attempt to bridge knowledge cultures
requires efforts to include meaningful epistemic dialogue and reciprocal rela-
tions which equally value different contributions (financial or otherwise) to a
flourishing society.
7.4 Theme 4: Research Solutions
Developing more balanced research partnerships and overcoming cultural
hierarchies has partially been discussed in the theme of relationship build-
ing. However, hub participants also reflected on the particularities of reconcil-
ing research methods within relationships. This comes back to the purpose of
research and the related outcomes.
A partner from a explained that research needs to be more of a cyclical
process because: “R&D is used for the communities, which will then go back to
the communities and work with them … a kind of relearning, which then puts
it more towards the community based research”.
A university partner emphasised that inclusion can take time, which is con-
ceived of differently by the university and the community, but it is important
to respect this. “I think we also need to let them give us their view, so that we
can move together without leaving anyone behind”. The same partner elabo-
rated that knowledge dissemination has to be done differently as well so that
“the commu nity fully understand and also disseminate this knowledge locally”.
A different university partner reflected on a research program that shifted
this power dynamic:
like this formulation lab, right, where we put some space more in the
hands of the community … a little bit more … I’m thinking about when
we did the talk with the elders. So that was a component of where we
were trying to build and connect with things in a more open way where
we weren’t going to, we weren’t deciding how things were being done.
Likewise, a community partner reflected on a different project: “We went to
the youth group, and they decided the questions that we were going to ask and
where we were going to do it and how we were going to do it”.
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Creating spaces of epistemic equality requires valuing the entire research
process, not just deciding what questions to ask. An academic partner empha-
sised that this is especially true in the case of “peer review and validation of
the research or work rather than the traditional peer review so that the com-
munity accepts it”.
Furthermore, sharing in the benefits of the research is crucial for equal and
healthy relationships. Participants reflect on instances of shared impact across
the community. For Gulu University Vice Chancellor, Openjuru, the relation-
ships that Gulu University has fostered with the community,
has led to numerous achievements like the innovation of Covilyce-1 herbal
remedy for Covid-1; agri-business entrepreneurship; Mango Enterprise
by Faculty of Agriculture; water drillings; and contribution to peace res-
toration. Testing of the entire town of Gulu by Gulu University has also
improved more engagement and participation in the vaccination [effort],
and has strengthened engagement both nationally and internationally.
Another example is given by a teacher in the herbal medicine program.
They explain that the students trained in the herbal medicine program
( Pharmbiotrac), “are helping out in the various communities like Omoro, Teso,
Lira in managing diseases using indigenous knowledge and culture”.
A practical example of social contribution comes from a traditional herbal-
ist doctor:
Now it is those who can afford and look at modern treatment as the best
treatment. However, those that cannot afford, go to herbalists for health-
care. The relationship we have with Gulu University, Pharmbiotrac has
created access to healthcare for the disadvantaged.
Reconceptualising research impact without borders of time or particular
orientation was seen as important, as one community participant inquired:
“So how impactful is a two-year project that eventually goes away or a one-year
project? What impact are you going to leave there and how sustainable are our
projects”?
All of these instances demonstrate that social impact is a core component
of authentic and reoriented paradigms of research partnerships. The empow-
ering nature of the research opens up potential for deep community change.
7.5 Theme 5: Future Directions
Bridging knowledge cultures is not a small endeavour, it requires reorienting
an entire paradigm of living, within which the university, as an acknowledged
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knowledge producer, must play a significant role. In this final theme, hub
members reflect on the practical and strategic role the hub can play to further
knowledge democracy and cultural plurality in the Gulu community.
A core strength of the hub is recognising that it is a network of differently
abled and differently interested people, with different cultural and knowledge
backgrounds. An academic partner explains that, “Appreciating and redesign-
ing community solution in partnership gives us an opportunity, because we all
have different expertise on how best we can redesign the solutions … the com-
munity has these solutions but it is a dream, not yet modified”.
A community partner suggested that this is effective both in terms of fund-
ing, but also in developing a transdisciplinary understanding of community:
We have effective partnerships and networks and what we have been
doing is building on the momentum of the different partners and differ-
ent projects that come in so there is money, research projects that come
here with this money and we need to integrate this research with [our]
research.
Our hub could do better in coordinating the disparate parts of our networked
efforts. A university partner reflects:
We need to coordinate, we need to share perspective for us to be effec-
tive … as said earlier, the different projects have to contribute to the
centre. Finding sustainable local solutions to global societal challenges
requires the active engagement of a variety of stakeholders. We need to
know about how wide our branches going to the community are to make
sure that at least everybody is aware about something, about what we are
doing, about the research.
Expanding personal and community learning and embodied practice is seen
as the most essential work needed. One university partner suggested this can
be done through:
-
ners on how to find research evidence in relation to indigenous knowl-
edge, for instance in education, agriculture. Initial training, however, is
effective only if it is supplemented by refresher sessions. For instance, it
is advisable for every decision maker to do a search and review it with a
-
ties need to be developed during training.
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A community partner felt that there
is a need for creation of modules for informal education to build Acholi
culture especially during the Wang OO in the forest that will build on
children, youths’ morals and character. Through this, the indigenous
knowledge will continue spreading and remain intact in memory and
transcribed in books.
These future directions point back to the rest of the themes, which are all
oriented towards understanding and integrating into practice. Shifting
habits of research from objective to relational, knowledge cultures from linear
to complex, and advancing cognitive justice takes time and requires an epis-
temic social movement. The Gulu hub has the goal to support this movement.
Certainly, Gulu University as an institution is taking strides to be a leader in
cognitive justice by establishing more equal partnerships with community and
emphasis on integrating .
8 Bridging Knowledge Cultures in Practice
Okot p’Bitek warns in his poems against using European frameworks to inter-
pret Acholi life. He explains that it cannot be translated, but rather needs to be
understood in Acholi, because the meanings are foundationally different. This
forms the core point in our research findings. In our hub’s very first meeting to
discuss the research for this case study, members agreed that you cannot take
the knowledge innovations and leave the Cen (spirts), dreamers, and rainmak-
ers, because they are the scientists. Acholi scientists are able to communicate
and interpret phenomena along dimensions that the Ameripean Knowledge
Systems are not capable of. This comes from a relational understanding of
time and being beyond human life-times. Much Acholi science comes from
understanding vibrations and energies. Acholi scientists are able to commu-
nicate using vibrations to, for example, hold off rain or shift the landing loca-
tion of locusts. The learning process is based on longstanding relationships
and learning to communicate with the human and non-human world in a
non-transactional, embodied way beyond the four dimensions perceived by
Ameripean science.
related to a dominant paradigm of science which has fractured relationships
to each other and to the world in which we live. A massive paradigm shift is
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essential, not just for cognitive justice, but for the survival of the planet. This
requires a shift in habits of perception and (re)learning how to “be”, using more
of our senses and keener atunement with phenomena, and recognising that
seeing, hearing, smelling, feeling are more than what is visible or physical. In
other words, we all need to become less ignorant, and this requires learning
and interpreting differently.
The reflections that we have shared above point towards a reconceptualisa-
tion of research as embedded in a complex field of diverse and interdependent
communities. In this section, we will deepen this learning from our research
and convey impressions and insights from participant observations (made
during inter-nation gatherings and herbal medicine week). We attempt to relay
the significance and impact of bridging knowledge cultures in practice to the
best of our ability in this written forma.
First, there are two very essential points we would like to make clear. For
one, diversity and plurality of knowledges and cultures are essential to make
meaning of our world (Hoppers, 2021; Husserl & Merleau-Ponty, 2002). The
difficulty is that repression of knowledge systems (epistemic injustice) are
used as a tool for colonisation and a rationalisation of violent oppression (Hill
Collins, 2017). Second, great efforts must be made to understand and learn
different approaches towards learning and living, including different knowl-
edge systems. This requires broadening the scope of our shared hermeneuti-
cal resources, and trying to make meaning of differences that we do not have
words or cultural capacities to fully understand.
The research we have conducted demonstrates just how important and
difficult it is to communicate across knowledge (making) cultures. When it
comes to knowledge production processes, our findings show our attempts to
listen, learn and practice. Creating spaces for intra-cultural and inter-cultural
dialogue and shared learning is what emerges as a good example at Gulu
University. Inter-nation gatherings and herbal medicine awareness week are
an important representation of the priority areas of the Gulu hub: building a
public movement for . These events also illustrate the difficulty involved
in translating knowledge cultures. Representing the rich embodied intellec-
tual work of all the senses is difficult to reduce to an Ameripean conception
of learning. In her 2012 book, Borderlands, Gloria Anzaldúa explains how the
Spanish colonisation process of Mexico, which involved stealing ancestral and
cultural artefacts, removed the spiritual ceremonial power from these mate-
rials and reduced them to mere European artefacts. It is the same in other
knowledges which, as Odora Hoppers (2021) explains, cannot be separated
from culture.
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Deep spiritual sensitivities and connective healing energies that comes from
listening and attuning the senses to the land and energies around us occurred
among the delegates sitting around the Wang OO, learning about how to set
the fire according to the position of the moon, which wood to use, and the
healing power of the fire. There are some things that we learn through sen-
sory experience – without words we learnt many things and communicated at
these gatherings.
Food and dance were integral to the entire process. Two full days were spent
on learning about the medicinal value of different plants, food combinations
and their preparation. Plants and knowledge were shared and exchanged
between visiting chiefdoms and nations. Likewise, different dances were
shared, including a dance therapy session that demonstrated through an intri-
cate process of dance and drumming, a deep spiritual healing process where
participants in the therapy were clearly in a trance and fully engaged with their
deepest demons which were enticed out by skilful psychiatrists. The events
brought together not only local participants (open to the public and pub-
licly open), but also indigenous academics and leaders from different parts of
Uganda and the world using digital technologies.
Reflecting from a meta perspective in terms of the power relations that this
process embodied, it is clear that the elders took over and owned the entire
process. The rich process of sharing knowledge and healing practices was a tra-
ditional academic activity. Elders taught traditional values and observed strict
cultural protocols.
The social impact of these gatherings and the integration of knowledge was
remarkably rich. First, the gatherings were connected to the herbal medicine,
biodiversity preservation and cultural centre. The centre sits on land owned
by the university. The space was developed according to a traditional Acholi
paco (village). Youth who work with our hub in other contexts were recruited
to build two large houses, outhouses, a granary, and clear the land for farming,
thus engaging younger generations in the embodied cultural learning. A loca-
tion for a shrine was set up and appropriate spiritual cleansing was done for
the space.
The significance of these events cannot be understated. The Acholi chiefs
and their parties heralded this shift at the university and took over the space.
They saw it as a space for historical alignment and networking among indige-
nous knowledge keepers from the disparate nations. They host quarterly meet-
ings in this space. Delegates from other nations commended the leadership of
Gulu University to carry the epistemic momentum forward.
The early inter-nation gatherings catalysed discussion about herbal rem-
edies for Covid-1 that were being used in different locations, which eventually
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resulted in the development of Covelyce-1. With. A unique time and space has
opened up, as the creation and clinical trials of Covelyce-1 challenge the colo-
nised and capitalised research processes. Covelyce-1 has resulted in a series
of activities with the National Drug Authority, National Council for Science
and Technology (), and the Ministry of Health (MoH). The President of
Uganda is a strong supporter of developing and has been a leader in initi-
ating both public discourse and a mandate for the and MoH to explore
indigenous validation mechanisms and intellectual property rights of indig-
enous pharmacology. In turn, possibilities emerge for dialogue in other areas
of indigenous science, not limited to indigenous knowledge in Acholi land, but
broadly within the traditional academy.
Having Gulu University participate and lead in this process was essential
in opening an academic dialogue that validates a different knowledge culture.
The university is seen as a space of higher knowledge, and often a represen-
tation of and reproduction of colonial hierarchies and epistemic injustice.
Crossing these boundaries at the university is an essential for breaking down
fallacious epistemic hierarchies.
9 Conclusion
The goal of this chapter has been to reflect on the possibilities of knowledge
pluralism and share some lessons that we have learned as we engage in a move-
ment of cognitive justice. The Gulu Hub’s pursuit of translating knowledge
cultures is made possible largely through its informality and broader univer-
sity vision and leadership, which itself is integrated and participating with(in)
the wider community. The hub does not lay claim or seek ownership of com-
munity university dialogue or knowledge democracy. Rather, it is focused on
developing relationships and networks among a vibrant community of exist-
ing initiatives which are bridging knowledge systems and promoting knowl-
edge democracy. The main work of the hub is finding spaces to support and
partner in a growing movement to include in community development
and improve dialogue across knowledge making cultures.
The power dynamics of the hub’s work are more distributed because of this
participative and supporting (rather than initiating) role. This forms one of our
essential learning points. The other learning point is the creation of a distinct
space for the practice of . The university provided space, built a traditional
village on the university campus, and developed an integrated herbal medicine
program which supports academic pursuits and publicly validates .
This is also a space of (and for) knowledge brokering – lecturers and the public
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cannot help but come and learn a little when the campfire is lit. Likewise, the
indigenous practitioners are making good use of the university labs and exper-
tise in branding and marketing. They also have a location to share their prod-
ucts in a place where the general public is comfortable to visit.
We would like to end this chapter on a cautionary note. The history of colo-
nisation and epistemic injustice is based on a zero sum power game that sug-
gests universality and ownership of truth. In his novel Things Fall Apart Chinua
Achebe comments on the flexible nature of the oppressor, to always be linger-
ing and ready to adapt to transformations and subversively return to oppress.
In the pursuit for knowledge democracy, we see universities as places which
need to change, and develop a stronger sense of mutuality and communica-
tion across knowledge systems in an effort to better meet the needs of society.
However, universities are themselves colonial institutions and extraordinary
-
tive, we draw on the warning of Achebe to caution against relying too much
on the university as an institution and structure of knowledge plurality and a
universality of knowledge cultures. Rather, as we seek out spaces for survival,
flourishing and living together, we need to perhaps recognise and validate a
plurality of spaces where this can happen differently, with toleration, respect
and dignity.
Note
1 Ndawula uses ‘Ameripean’ to reflect the shared hegemony of White European and American
epistemic cultures.
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This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the
Developing an Understanding of Traditional
Maasai Water Practices and Technologies
Experiences from the Nyerere K4C Hub, Tanzania
Mwemezi Johaiven Rwiza, Haikael D. Martin and Ahmad Kipacha
Abstract
The African traditional knowledges and knowledge systems are on the brink of extinc-
tion. The indigenous knowledge of Africa has not been extensively studied and docu-
mented. In sub-Saharan Africa, the supremacy of colonial education in higher learning
education has been responsible for erasing traditional knowledge. It is against this
Hub set out to investigate how traditional knowledges and modern, mainstream ways
of knowing can be bridged. The study we report on was conducted in collaboration
with the Maasai village leaders of Nduruma Village in Arusha, Northern Tanzania.
Village committee meetings, interviews, group discussions, photograph taking, video
recording, voice recording, and direct observation were among the methods used to
gain knowledge on the Maasai traditional technologies of water management. The
information gathered and shared in this case study contributes to building mutually
beneficial expert-community partnerships.
Keywords
Maasai communities – Indigenous knowledge – knowledge cultures – decolonisation
of knowledge – methods
1 Introduction
Currently led by the Nelson Mandela African Institution of Science and Tech-
nology (-) in Arusha, Tanzania, the Nyerere Knowledge for Change
Hub is to build community-based participatory research capacity to address
the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (
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and -
grams aimed at developing research capacity for the co-creation of knowledge
through collective action by professionals, community-based researchers,
community groups, and academics.
The partners in the Nyerere Hub consortium form a university-advocacy-
community
culture within the consortium, although intersecting, may vary. For example,
civil rights and advocacy, although important, are not the core business of the
-, which is a higher learning education () entity; but civil rights
and advocacy form a core business for both the -Training Centre for Devel-
opment Cooperation (-) and ActionAid Tanzania (). It was this
variation in the Nyerere Hub consortium that fuelled the idea to research how
traditional knowledge cultures, in this case the Maasai knowledge cultures,
could reshape the mainstream thinking in
(governmental organisations (
The - is a typical colonised-education university characterised by a
teacher-centered
learning pedagogy rooted in postcolonial teaching and learning style has been
shown to be less effective in the African learning context (ibid). For example,
to date, six decades after independence, it is still rare for a Tanzanian, Mozam-
bican, or Malawian construction company to win a contract of a multimillion-
dollar road construction project. The curriculum at the engineering school the
Tanzanian, Mozambican, or Malawian engineer has studied in is not directly
University (NM-AIST)
-Learning
- Teaching
-Research
-Innovation
-Outreach
NGO* (AATZ/MS-TCDC)
CSO* (MS-TCDC)
-Youthand gender movements
-Short term trainings
-Advocacy
-Literacyimprovement
-Communityprojects
-Projectmanagement
-Socialjusticeandinclusion
- Consultancy
- Non-prot
- Community engagement
- Societal change
- Goodgovernance
- Public rights
- Community awareness and
concerns
CBPR/BKC* Project
- Communities, universities,CSOs,
NGOs workingtogether.
- Decolonizationofknowledge and
ways of knowing.
- Communitiesasequal partnersin
knowledgecreation and
dissemination.
- Local context matters.
- Civilrights at thecoreofresearch
andknowledge co-creation.
- Reducing powerinequalities.
- Sustainablepartnerships.
Key:
*CSO =Civil SocietyOrganization
*NGO = Non-Governmental Organization
*CBPR =Community-based Participatory Research
*BKC =BridgingKnowledge Cultures
consortium and how the Bridging of Knowledge Cultures Project comes in
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tailored to their context, thus hindering effective practice (Blom
Kaplinsky & Kraemer-Mbula, 2022; Kithiia & Majambo, 2020; Sherratt &
Aboagye-Nimo, 2022). In most cases, in sub-Saharan Africa, what people grow
up learning in their local community is usually detached from what they come
to learn later in school and university settings (Seehawer & Breidlid, 2021).
Therefore, universities and research institutions in Tanzania, and in most of
the sub-Saharan Africa, still struggle when it comes to university-community
linkages. For economic and social development, education that takes into
account the culture and values of the community may help to avoid a mis-
match between the missions and visions of education institutions and com-
The Nyerere Hub is generally embedded in a postcolonial knowledge
environment characterised by walls and fences in which the co-creation of
knowledge is difficult (Seehawer & Breidlid, 2021). The - has a motto:
“Academia for Society and Industry”. However, - trains its scholars
using colonial tools and facilities, and the inclusion of ‘society’ has been ques-
tionable. - is, by design, an (ActionAid – Denmark) and a
at the same time. The principles of community-based participatory research
are key to the success of multipurpose and multicultural organisations such
as -. The culture is characterised by aid, donations, community
involvement, empowerment, and advocacy, and this approach could serve
communities better than the practice in higher learning education. However,
emphasis on ‘management for results’ may mean that
oriented than community-based
are under pressure to operate as a ‘business-like’ organisation. This may pose
some limitations on how
use community-based approaches are known to be more successful compared
to those that ignore the local contexts and community participation (Selman,
Rural communities of sub-Saharan Africa have an untapped wealth in the
form of indigenous knowledge (Thakur et al., 2020), though this knowledge
and associated practices ingrained in the local communities is gradually but
steadily eroding and may even be lost in the next generations (Lwoga et al.,
2010). The Nyerere Hub chose Maasai community water practices to learn how
to better engage with community, consider prioritising research and projects
that involve the community and action, and in doing so bridge the existing
gaps between community knowledge and expert knowledge. The topic of
water management addresses a multidimensional problem (ethics, rights,
access, and management). The goal of the case study was to learn how uni-
versities and advocacy groups,
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on equitable terms. By analysing how a Maasai community manages its com-
munity water project, we explored the Maasai knowledge culture. Hub part-
ners and Maasai village leaders narrated and co-investigated their different
knowledge cultures. By mapping differences in the two knowledge cultures we
aimed to better inform delivery of educational and other services which do not
neglect inclusion and co-creation with indigenous knowledge, and help estab-
lish more egalitarian and resilient expert-community relations. The knowledge
systems within the hub and the knowledge gathered in this case study will help
establish more.
Beginning with an overview and general background of the hub members,
this chapter moves on to the methodology used in the research and how the
data was analysed. The section on findings discusses key lessons learned. The
chapter concludes with some of the hub’s plans to bridge the Maasai knowl-
edge cultures with the work of the hub.
2 Study Area and Participants
-
-
lage are agriculture and livestock keeping.
In this case study, participants were of two types: (1) village leaders, elders
and (2) representatives from the hub partners. The village leaders/elders
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represented the people of Nduruma while the hub representatives were the
researchers (experts). One of the hub partners had previously worked in this
Maasai village on a different project. This prior engagement led to the selection
of Nduruma village for the case study.
All pictures used in this chapter were taken with consent from the
participants.
3 Methodology
Structured and nonstructured interviews were used to initiate a community
conversation with the Maasai village leaders. The interviews focused on how
the traditional knowledge about furrow maintenance, water distribution, and
irrigation management was acquired, retained, and transferred. For example,
how do the Maasai communities come up with new irrigation technologies?
Researchers also performed onsite observation by participating in the village
committee meetings and taking notes of how the meetings are conducted.
Through observation we gained information on leadership patterns in Maasai
communities.
3.1 Data Collection
An introductory session preceded the village meetings. Facilitators kicked off
the meeting by briefly introducing the role of community-based research in the
based
research there are no experts and laymen – we are co-learners and knowledge
co-creators. The host villagers were excited to hear that their knowledge was
valued and that not having formal education did not make them illiterate.
For triangulation purposes, different data collection tools were used. Also,
different methods fit different environments better than others. Standard
data collection methods such as interviews, observations, and focus groups
were used. Participatory methods such as community mapping, photography,
video recording, resource mapping, and story-telling were also used. A village
leaders’ workshop at - was planned, but this was not possible due
to time and budget constraints. The university was still determined to con-
duct at least one traditional knowledge workshop with the Maasai leaders.
With signed consent (release letters), the village and the meetings were (1)
meetings progressed, participants from the university and
their notebooks. Voice clips, video clips, and pictures were taken using mobile
phones. Maasai village leaders led the mapping of water and infrastructure
resources by drawing on flipcharts. The flipcharts and marker pens were
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brought in by the university participants. The interviews and discussions were
used during the study.
3.2 Analysis
The data collected was investigated by the hub team to consolidate lessons rel-
evant to the project. The hub team also reviewed the pictures taken in the
field to identify the ones to use in this chapter. The videos were watched by the
hub members to augment the lessons learnt from the discussion notes. Like-
wise, the voice recordings were played to ensure key messages were not getting
missed. The messages were synthesized in a report under the following heads:
(1) Village lifeline: the water canal; (2) Water resource sustainability: a living
-
-
set system,
democracy, and culture.
As a dissemination strategy, a summary of the report was printed and shared
with the Maasai village leaders in a workshop. The printout summary and the
presentation were in Kiswahili. This was done to ensure that all participants
understood the content of the report. The hub partners led the discussions.
Whenever disagreement occurred, the village chairman (Maasai elder) would
intervene to narrate the correct information that should be included in the
report. This has a bearing on in-hub power relations. Like in any other formal
organisation, the Maasai have a leader who comes in to settle disputes. Unlike
Kati, and other
subvillages in Mlangarini village. The canal passes through a largely semi-arid
landscape of the Arusha region in Tanzania (Photo taken onsite)
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No. Method/Tool Procedures
1. Interviews The interview schedule with open-ended questions was
prepared by the hub members. One hub member was
selected to lead the question-and-answer session with
other hub members allowed to join in the discussion by
asking follow-up
enrich the discussion.
2. Observation The hub members accompanied by the Maasai elders
features of the village were recorded by either taking
photos or by jotting down what was being discussed in the
notebooks. The purpose was to gain more understand of
what the day-to-day life in a Maasai village setting is like.
Focus group Apart from the discussions that resulted from the interview
questions, there were sessions that were led thematically,
e.g., leadership practices, water resource management, the
importance of indigenous knowledge, etc. This was done
with a few selected elders to gain a deeper understanding
of how systems work in the Maasai knowledge culture.
Community
mapping/resource
mapping
We asked the elders to draw maps indicating natural
resources and settlement arrangement with a focus
on water resources distribution. This encouraged
rich discussions about indigenous natural resource
management among the Maasai.
Photography/
video recording
The hub members were accompanied by a Maasai
warrior (youth) who used a smartphone to take pictures
in the village walks and during the meetings. During the
introductory visits, the hub members helped the Maasai
warrior learn how to take good pictures and videos using a
smartphone.
Storytelling The village elders have a culture leader for their village
narrated historical events relating to changes in climate
and the changing of Maasai livelihood strategies. We also
heard stories about how knowledge is transferred from one
Maasai generation to another.
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in formal organisation settings, the Maasai leader must be a respected elder.
Furthermore, in one of the focus group discussions, the village leaders were
asked to compare the Maasai knowledge system against the formal education
4 Discussions
In the following discussions, the excerpts are transcriptions from the audio-
video recordings of the village meetings.
education cultures
No. Maasai knowledge culture HLE knowledge culture
1. Characterised by collective learning to
improve the livelihoods of the whole
community.
Individualistic and driven by personal
achievements.
2. Learning-intensive. Teaching-intensive.
Dominated by daily practice. A mix of theoretical and practical
components. In Africa, the
theoretical component supersedes the
practical component.
Skills more important than
achievements.
Importance laid on program
completion and timely graduation
with high grades.
No accreditation bodies required. Local and international accreditation
an important feature.
Gender segregation dominant. Highly inclusive.
7. Social values and age seniority over
democratic practices.
Knowledge and democracy are
compatible.
8. High knowledge democracy.
Knowledge acquired in an open
community setting.
Operated under colonial principles.
Knowledge walled in campuses,
libraries, and auditoriums.
Knowledge is a community property. Copyrights and intellectual properties.
10. Knowledge and skills are
intergenerational and governed by
culture and traditions.
Demand-driven curricula.
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4.1 Lesson 1: Village Lifeline – The Water Canal
We manage a water canal for livestock watering and irrigation purposes
Kati and
Olmaroroi. But the canal goes as far as the neighbouring Mlangarini vil-
lage. The water canal brings the village communities together to manage
the water in the canal as ‘canal members’ come from the two sub-villages
that were mentioned before, and from sub-villages in Mlangarini village.
However, the water canal is owned by the Olmaroroi sub-village. (Village
leader)
To us, the experts, and for the project in particular, this was eye-opening.
The fact that a natural resource brought the community together through
shared knowledge on water management, led us to think can a resource and
knowledge that is at risk bring the hub partners together? As a follow-up, the
hub will run workshops in which the Maasai elders will be co-facilitators and
co-trainers – focusing on traditional natural resource management and fos-
tering of indigenous knowledge. A recent study conducted in the indigenous
communities of Australia found that indigenous land and sea management
promoted knowledge exchange, and generated opportunities for both learning
and sharing to enhance the quality of life (Jarvis et al., 2021).
traditional Maasai water canal leaders
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4.2 Lesson 2: Water Resource Sustainability – A Living Classroom
This [the canal] is not just water; it is water for this and future generations.
We are water stewards. There is a difference between wealth heritage and
knowledge heritage. These are different. Our ancestors, the Maasai ances-
tors, made us inherit knowledge, not wealth. They did so with a purpose:
they knew that by making us inherit good knowledge, we will definitely
find wealth. This inheritance process works by ensuring that the Maasai
child stays close to their father as the father performs his day-to-day
duties. [Note: the Maasai culture is predominantly patriarchal]. As the
child stays close to the father and sees his father working, they acquire
knowledge, this is practical knowledge. But these fathers and grandfa-
thers also acquire knowledge from their children and grandchildren. The
children do not passively watch their elders to learn. These children work
alongside their fathers and grandfathers. But, you know, children invent
things. So, it is a living classroom for both groups – knowledge exchange
between elders and the younger generation. (Maasai elder 1)
For sustainable university-community partnerships, the hub partners need to
develop community-based curricula that has a large proportion of hands-on
-
ties to sustainably work with communities, a possible methodology would be
conducting participatory action research. This, they argue, would facilitate
bottom-up sustainable planning and development in socio-economically dis-
advantaged rural communities. To this end, the hub members plan to work with
communities on common research topics to address a community problem.
4.3 Lesson 3: Maasai Knowledge System and Knowledge Culture
Our knowledge system, unlike the [post-colonial type, colonized] class-
room, is highly dynamic. Our knowledge system is based on values.
Younger generations must respect older generations. We have a highly
strict ethical system. We cannot separate values and ethics from knowl-
edge. They go together. For example, the value we place on cattle is almost
religious [laugh]. Your cattle, your life – we say. We almost look at our
herds the same way we look at our fellow humans [laugh]. No cattle, no
Maasai. We do not have [commercial] banking systems. Our livestock is
our bank and our economy. Our traditional water management practices
are somehow better than what is usually taught in formal [engineering]
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classes. We have had educated villagers come to our village with their
classroom knowledge; very boastful. In most cases their classroom prac-
tices have failed, and these educated people end up getting frustrated.
However, we have also had some educated people who came to live in
our village, and they listened to us [we taught them how things work]
and they live with us happily. We may not have received a formal educa-
tion, but we know how life works here in the semiarid lands. We research,
learn, and acquire knowledge while working. You fail, you do it again,
until you pass. (Maasai elder 2)
The post-colonial, non-participatory, and teacher-centered model in higher
education has largely failed Africa. A recent study of the Maasai students’
experiences and their perception of the education process in Tanzania
revealed that formal (post-colonial) education was challenging in a way that
it was difficult for them to reconcile the requirements of their traditional
life with those of formal schooling (Pesambili & Novelli 2021). It seems to us,
that experts need to develop curricula that suits the needs of the commu-
nity. In doing so, the bridging of knowledge cultures is inevitable. Curriculum
design, development, and review must consider the needs of the immediate
beneficiaries – the neighbouring community. Needs assessments, therefore,
have to be community-based.
Community knowledge, handed down over generations, is not antagonis-
tic to expert knowledge. The production, use, validation, and dissemination of
community knowledge may revitalise university-community linkages by pro-
moting local participation in higher education initiatives to counter the power
Llamazares & Cabeza, 2018). Social responsibility in higher learning requires
academic and research institutions to open up to society’s real problems,
narrowing the expert-community power inequalities that exist (Bodorkós
knowledge is generated and handed down from generation to generation, hub
members may gain insights on how to practice a locally-relevant pedagogy.
Our hub is currently not practicing this. The Nyerere hub will work with the
neighboring Maasai communities to run workshops and informal classes for
indigenous knowledge transfer.
4.4 Lesson 4: Canal History – The Water Heritage
This water canal was established a long time ago by our forefathers.
They built it from scratch. This was during the colonial era [before
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were living freely, there were no maps, no delimitations, no modern
land use planning, etc. The water canal was a private property owned
by two Maasai elders [late]: Toviwo and Elkeleyoni. There was no need
for a village water committee because the canal was privately owned by
the two elders. If someone wanted a portion of this water, they would
bring a token (a bag of sugar or a goat) and request to be permitted to
use the water. These were very powerful elders. People feared them. In
the past [pre-independence], this village was not as arid as today. There
used to be rivers [points to a nearby gully]; and from these large rivers,
our elders dug trenches to transfer water to their pasturelands. It is dryer
these days. So, this canal is even more important today than it used to be
This is a great lesson to the universities in Tanzania and the hub members, in
particular. We can see how the Maasai communities have been changing their
practices to respond to socio-political and socio-economic changes. The canal
started as private property and later, as the circumstances changed, ownership
of the canal became communal. We can also see that water canal management
in the beginning was nondemocratic, but over time a more democratic natu-
ral resource management system was introduced. Unlike the general percep-
tion of many African elites, the traditional systems are not conservative and
static. Instead of criticizing rural communities for not being progressive, the
hub members need to work collaboratively with communities as they grapple
with changing environments, including climate change (Mapfumo
For the Nyerere Hub members, this would mean that we visit communities
when writing research projects, to co-generate project concept notes and write
proposals that address the community’s problems.
4.5 Lesson 5: Not Agricultural, but Pastoral – The Leadership Heritage
You may think that this canal was built to bring water to the village for
irrigation. However, remember that the Maasai are traditionally pastoral-
ists. Therefore, in the beginning, this water canal was made in order to
bring water to the herds. Irrigation and smallholder farming came later,
probably as a means to cope with the changing environments. Farming
is new and when it started, most farmers depended on rains. When the
rains became unreliable, these smallholder farmers began to ask for a
portion of the canal water to irrigate their farms. Farming practices in
our Maasai communities are, in themselves, a community classroom
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for knowledge production, sharing, and usage. This is something we are
learning. It is a very practical classroom. We have no teachers, we teach
ourselves. And we are learning from each other. When a neighbour fails,
you learn from their mistakes and do something different. [Because of
the changing climate and increasing population], the implementation of
water canal management was necessary to avoid disputes and conflicts
over water use. The Maasai knowledge system is a continuously evolving
living classroom [or laboratory]. As we speak, we have formal leadership
We conduct whole-village meetings to elect leaders. (Village chairman)
This is a situation referred to by Brock-Utne
the situation in which even the social construction of a people’s reality is
(expert knowledge) is too ‘westernised’ to respond to the needs of Africa.
African experts need to find its eyes in the eyes of her elders – in the rural
‘unlearned’ communities. The Nyerere Hub will advocate for a community-
inclusive curriculum. Currently, stakeholders in curriculum development
exclude the village and rural marginalised communities. Through our collabo-
ration with the Maasai communities, the hub will seek community members’
participation during curriculum development and review stages. The
and hub members will initiate campaigns for community-inclusive cur-
ricula; the university hub member will create the modalities through which
community voices can be tapped during development and review of academic
and research curricula.
4.6 Lesson 6: Water Governance
In the beginning, there was no government interference with the
village water committee leadership. The canal was managed accord-
ing to the Maasai ‘age set’ system. Although the village government has
a hand in the management of the water canal, the canal is still largely
managed using traditional means. The elders are passing on the skills,
knowledge, and culture of water management to the younger age groups.
The elders are mentors, trainers, and teachers. The culture of water
canal management is inheritable. It is passed on from one generation
to another. The Maasai culture is a heritage one: one may go to formal
school, but the governance structure is usually traditional. We listen to
elders and prioritise herds over agriculture. It will probably always be
that way. (Village chairman)
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It would be of interest to the hub partners in the future to study the role of the
Maasai age-set system on natural resource management in order to bridge the
gap with indigenous knowledge cultures. In search for literature reflections on
the Maasai age-set system and the role it plays in natural resource manage-
ment, it was difficult to find published information on this subject. Bruyere
-
ting knowledge to younger generations, recognising the scarcity of literature
that explains traditional Maasai knowledge and how it can be passed on to
future generations for sustainable environmental management.
4.7 Lesson 7: Cultural Modernization?
The Maasai culture that used to be strict and strong, is gradually chang-
ing. The younger generations are slowly learning that farming can be
equally profitable. They are learning from their non-traditionalist neigh-
bours that having a smaller but well managed herd could be more profit-
In this change to more modern practices, there is a danger – the loss of tradi-
tional knowledge. Authors such as Bruyere
Communities have shifted to alternative modes of traditional knowledge
transmission when the historically familial modes are weakened, or as
more viable alternatives develop. These new and non-familial avenues
for knowledge transmission have often emerged when communities
The Nyerere hub, by working with the Maasai communities, will look for fund-
ing to establish the ‘Maasai indigenous knowledge bank’ to prevent valuable
knowledge from getting lost.
4.8 Lesson 8: Age-Set System, Democracy, and Culture
We vote to get village leaders. Voters vote for people who they think
will uphold our Maasai traditions. In the past, it was impossible for the
younger members of the community to be voted to lead because that was
against the traditions. However, that is changing. We have young leaders,
but the elders were satisfied that these young ones were cultured enough
before they were elected. The elders were satisfied that the young lead-
ers would follow the traditions. The Maasai age-set system is nonetheless
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still respected. Without the age-set system, there will be no values. The
age set system is basically a value system. The age-set system is tradition-
ally highly-coded – a group of young men who went for circumcision
during the same period, have a specific name that refers only to them.
A mention of the age-set name is loaded with information – of the year
that this group of people attended the circumcision rituals, definitely of
an approximate year that this group of people were born. The name of
that particular age-set also carries a meaning – heavy rains, disaster, plen-
tiful harvest, droughts, etc. “Korianga”, “Nyanguro”, “Seuri”, and “Makaa”
are some of the Maasai age-set names, and they all have a meaning. The
age-set names are made by a group of respected elders (the Laigwanans).
They are not just random names. These names have a history imbedded
in them. In our Maasai traditional (cultural) meetings, all age-sets partic-
ipate. It is in such meetings where old-age knowledge is passed on from
the very old generations to the younger generations. In such meetings, it
is mostly the elders (the “Laigwanans”) who lead the conversations; the
younger age-sets sit and listen. The wise elders (the Laigwanans who are
knowledge specialists, the) have a special name, they are also the clan
The strict Maasai age-set system draws many controversies. Some scholars have
argued that the Maasai age-set system is incompatible to the modern educa-
tion system and may lead to increased illiteracy among males in the Maasai
communities (Rohoh et al., 2010). Other scholars have argued, however, that
the introduction of modern schooling system into the traditional Maasai age-
set system has empowered Maasai girls who, customarily, would have been rel-
egated by the age-set system to domestic duties; modern education could then
be a useful tool in the preservation of the Maasai culture (Archambault, 2017).
The tensions that exist between the Maasai age-set culture and how these
can be reconciled by bridging knowledge cultures is still subject to research.
The Nyerere Hub will encourage conversations around gender inclusivity in
meetings with the Maasai communities; the hub will also run conversations
with the Maasai community on the role of inclusive education for community
development.
5 Water and Other Resources Mapping
The Maasai conversations was followed by the water and other village
resources mapping. A flipchart was hung on a sycamore fig tree by the water
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canal, and the Maasai leaders held marker pens to draw the village resources
In the resource mapping session, the visiting researchers were surprised
by how highly knowledgeable their village counterparts were. The completed
knowledge and modern knowledge can be bridged to yield great results –
although the Maasai elders did not go to a formal school to learn map draw-
ing, they still could draw a good map, meaning that traditional knowledges
and academic knowledge are synergistic. The question that is still bothering
the research participants is: Why have African universities, to a large extent,
that the postcolonial model university may not the ‘only’ best fit for African
education. African scholarship needs to rethink the postcolonial knowledge
model by embracing participatory approaches. The renewed movement for
the decolonisation of the African university should be started by African schol-
ars. The marginalization by postcolonial education of the cultural uniqueness
of different African societies and the consequences this marginalisation car-
ries cannot be overemphasised (Prempeh 2022).
After the resource map, the villagers drew the leadership pattern for their vil-
leaders – (a) the whole-village map, (b) to (d) zoom-in crops of the
whole-village map
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was simple and self-explanatory. The village water committee leaders did not
include lines or arrows to join the boxes. Power relations and power dynam-
ics are interpreted. Apart from organised leadership, the Maasai follow the
culture-based traditional leadership that is difficult to draw – parallel to the
formal water management system there is a complex age-set system playing
in the background. This could be a reason why the village water committee
leaders avoided drawing lines and arrows in the water canal leadership organo-
gram. The village water canal management practices were well organised, and
they were amicably optimised by the embedded culture and traditions. This a
good lesson to university hydrologists and water resource management profes-
sionals. It is also a lesson for
access to safe and clean water for all. What the Western (North) literature
identifies as underdevelopment in Africa is probably replicated in the African
village – (A) Village water canal general meeting; (B) The advisory council of
elders; (C) Water canal chairperson; (D) Water canal secretary; (E) Water canal
treasurer; (F) and (G) Water canal guards; (H) to (K) Water distribution persons;
and (L) Water users
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methods could be used to mitigate the effects of the damaging colonial legacy
in African systems.
6 Maasai Knowledge versus Hub’s Knowledge Systems: Bridging the
Two Cultures
1. In Maasai traditional settings, knowledge is handed down over genera-
tions through storytelling and hands-on practice in which the younger
generations learn from their elders. In the hub setting, knowledge is gen-
erated through scientific research, validated by reviewers, and shared
through print media, videos, pictures, policy briefs, dissemination meet-
ings, etc. By working together, methods such as storytelling, elder-youth
engagement, practical skill impartation, whole-village meetings, and
communal leadership used by the Maasai community to generate, vali-
date, and transmit knowledge can be tapped by the hub members. Simi-
larly, scientific technological methods such as observation, geo-mapping,
photo-taking, and videography that are compatible with the Maasai cul-
ture may be transferred to the Maasai community in order to record and
preserve their practices.
2. The hub members face difficulties relating to organisational change. The
Maasai, although traditionally pastoralists, have managed to acquire and
apply skills in agriculture and water management and transition into a
pastoral-agricultural livelihood strategy. By working together, commu-
nity knowledge on how to transition into a different business model may
be beneficial to the hub members, who are accustomed to the , ,
university culture, i.e., the experts need to be less rigid to change, and
learn to transition and operate in a way that is compatible for mutual
understanding and enriched community engagement. The hub members
should feel that it is their social responsibility to reach out and work with
the Maasai community to document the livelihood transitions that the
Maasai, have made in response to climate change and population growth.
Some cultural aspects of the Maasai culture are difficult (or so we felt)
to bridge with the hub practices. While the age-set cultural aspect
of the Maasai traditions is good for them, we felt that it marginalises
women and girls and portrays elderly men as dominant figures in the
community. The hub believes that the Maasai age-set system and its rigid
structures will change as a result of community---university
engagement.
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The Maasai culture is loaded with power asymmetries, i.e., the position of
the Laigwanans on social matters cannot be challenged. The Laigwanans
are the community guardians whose word is final. Our hub strives for
excellence in social and gender inclusivity. We acknowledge that there
are some aspects of the Maasai culture that cannot be democratised. In
the hub, we believe that as expert knowledge will gradually start change
in response to including community knowledge, the same will happen in
the Maasai community – and power inequities with also change.
Mutual change is essential for bridging knowledge cultures. Through co-
generation, co-validation, and co-dissemination of knowledge, we hope the
two knowledge systems will impact each other in a positive way. There are
knowledge culture aspects such equal opportunity and gender-inclusive
practices that the Maasai communities can acquire from institutions
and
many knowledge culture aspects such as skill-based practices, learning by
doing, intergenerational handing down of knowledge, etc., that institu-
tions,
is not only limited to water management practices and technologies but also
to the learning environment, mode of teaching, value system, knowledge
democracy, etc.
Acknowledgements
The research team would like to acknowledge the Chair in Community
Based Research and Social Responsibility in Higher Education for support and
guidance. Many thanks to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Coun-
cil of Canada (), Canada, for financial support. We would like to thank
the Nelson Mandela African Institution of Science and Technology (-),
the -Training Center for Cooperation Development (-, ActionAid
Denmark), and ActionAid Tanzania () for supporting and hosting the
like to thank the following village leaders and community members: Petro
Toviwo Mollel, Mejool Toviwo Mollel, Elibariki Ng’idare, Alex Toviwo ole Mer-
inye, Lucas Abraham, Mesiaki Mungaya, Sangau Toviwo Mollel, Peter Gombo,
Thobias Ng’dare, Tayai Sumlei, and Jackson Lamiani. Many thanks to the then
staff members at - and : Nkatha Mercy, Redimna Ginwas, and
Zahra Mansoor.
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This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the
Bridging Knowledge Cultures in Rural Health
Education
The Trompsburg Project at the South African (North) K4C Hub
Lesley Wood, René Walter Botha, Beatrix (Bibi) Bouwman,
Hendri Coetzee, Alfi Moolman and Karen Venter
Abstract
Devaluing African indigenous knowledge during the apartheid years has implications
for how the still marginalised populations that the Trompsburg Project works with
in service-learning and community-based research respond to, and behave within, a
working partnership. Using the Interprofessional Health Education () project, in
which students from various health professions engage with a rural community to
improve local health outcomes, the authors of this case study explore the different
knowledge cultures and how they contribute to the power differentials between uni-
versity and community partners, interrogating concepts of democratisation of knowl-
edge, knowledge validation and dissemination of knowledge, to help understand how
universities can begin to change perceptions and behaviour within
Keywords
health – knowledge democratisation – levels of knowledge – structure of knowledge –
power differentials
1 Introduction
International literature positions community engagement () as an essential
Welch & Plaxton-Moore, 2017), with many South African researchers also con-
tributing to the debate (e.g., Musesengwa & Chimbari, 2017; Mtshali & Gwele,
Tolken & Bitzer, 2017). For over twenty years, policy (Department
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as one of the three core activities of public universities. Most South African
universities now boast elaborate policies to govern within their institu-
tions and require academics to integrate it into their core activities. Moreo-
ver, institutions are obliged to deliver an annual report on their social impact
to the Ministry of Higher Education and Training (Higher Education Quality
build mutually beneficial community-university research partnerships ()
to enable service-learning and community-based research. Such partnerships
are necessary to generate knowledge that is useful, relevant and responsive to
local social issues and needs (Wood, 2022) and to inform research agendas and
strategy. However, this is easier said than done as it requires a drastic para-
digm shift on the part of both university and community partners. Specific
ideas within the academy about the ownership, validity and purpose of knowl-
edge have been built up over centuries and are not easily discarded. These ideas
Likewise community partners also have their own knowledge cultures. The aim
of this chapter is to indicate what these differences are in the field of Health
Education through referring to a case study of an existing community-based
education project. The ultimate aim of generating an improved understanding
of the different knowledge cultures is to reduce power inequalities between
the different partners so that they can converge them to more effectively and
sustainably address relevant development goals. Five of the authors of this
hub, part of an international network co-ordinated by the Chairs for
Community-based Research and Social Responsibility in Higher Education.
This hub is a collaboration between North-West University and University of
the Free State. First, we position our discussion of knowledge environments
within the context of South African society.
2 The Historical and Political Knowledge Environment in
South Africa
In countries with a colonial history, such as South Africa, indigenous knowledge
was basically eradicated through legislation and practices designed to favour
epistemicide
to describe the process of gradual devaluation and extinction of local knowl-
edges. The legacy of colonialism still negatively impacts on education and
development in the African continent. In South Africa, however, the situation
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1) of apartheid rule fol-
1 saw the introduction of legislation that increasingly restricted the
rights of non-Whites in the country. Christian National Education (), the
curriculum adopted by the Afrikaner regime, aimed to “[indoctrinate] all chil-
dren in Nationalist ideology from the nursery school right through beyond the
-
ology viewed the world through the lens of the doctrine of the Dutch Reformed
Church and any deviation from this way of thinking and being was condemned
as sinful and wrong. Racial separation was justified by scriptural injunction,
reducing non-Whites to the level of children who should consent to be cared
Indigenous culture was regarded as barbaric, and this ideology suggested that
non-Whites needed to be educated to think and behave in accordance with
nationalist doctrine or, if they wanted to continue with cultural practices, they
should move to designated homelands, which were undeveloped and under-
served rural areas. thus determined what should be learnt and by whom,
and such epistemological brainwashing naturally takes years to eliminate.
Harper (2012) explained how this knowledge dominated and manipulated the
minds of all, causing Whites to believe they were superior and Blacks (particu-
larly those of African origin) to feel inferior. It is known that the oppressed
learn to assimilate the knowledge and behaviours of the oppressor in a bid
to raise their social standing and feel better about themselves (Fiske & Ladd,
the indigenous groups themselves. The education system was thus impacted
by this knowledge environment.
3 Knowledge Environment of the South African Education System
weapon which you can use to change the world”, but of course it depends on
what epistemological foundations that education is based. Education sys-
tems are rooted in a specific philosophy, which in turn creates a knowledge
culture. A racist ideology thus creates a hegemonic knowledge culture that
represses the production and dissemination of any paradigm rooted in a cul-
ture of universal human rights; it validates its own knowledge culture through
indoctrination, oppressive legislation and systematic disempowering of other
race-groups. Apartheid used education to promote the “strategic dehumani-
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through racial segregation, differing curriculums and unequal distribution of
resources at both school and tertiary level.
Thus, transformation of education has been the focus of post-apartheid
education policy. It is important to know this history because it has implica-
tions for how the still marginalised populations that we work with in service-
learning and community-based research respond to, and behave within, a
working partnership. Longstanding social and economic inequalities have not
reduced despite progressive legislation. Poverty, unemployment, crime, health
this context that the gap between university and community knowledge cul-
tures has also increased. Moreover, the predominant ivory tower image and
paternalistic approach to knowledge sharing between higher education insti-
tutions and communities further propagates the devaluation of community/
indigenous knowledge. Community engagement is one of the key approaches
to bringing about change at tertiary level to shatter this ivory tower and promote
collaboration for knowledge production between university and community.
For successful establishment of working partnerships for knowledge crea-
tion between the university and community, there is a need to dispel the
-
tively created, structured and validated in universities and communities.
Policy may mandate the university to be more socially responsive and work
with community partners to co-create
pointed out, accompanying paradigm shifts in the stakeholders implementing
the policies is a slower yet essential process for real transformation to occur.
Likewise, community partners have to learn to believe in their own ability to
make valuable contributions to the generation of new knowledge (Wood &
Zuber-Skerritt, 2021).
4 Institutional Knowledge Environments of the Universities Involved
in the K4C Hub
University of the Free State and North-West University were both formerly
Afrikaans institutions, whose curriculum and culture reflected the nationalist
ideology and Calvinistic theology. Both universities have since merged with
formerly Black institutions to form multi-campus organisations. The unitary
culture and alignment have taken place slowly over the past few years. Both
institutions are driven by the values contained in the South African constitu-
tion, especially human dignity, equity and freedom. Their constitutions pro-
mote tolerance and respect for all perspectives and belief systems to ensure
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a suitable environment for teaching, learning, research and community
engagement. The allocation of bursaries, funding projects and loans are used
as a mechanism to make higher education accessible to historically disadvan-
taged students. However, successful completion of programmes among this
demographic remains significantly lower than their historically advantaged
White students dropping out before
completion (Council on Higher Education, 2018).
Notwithstanding the still unequal outcomes, concerted efforts over recent
years indicate the commitment of higher education to adopt an engaged
approach to scholarship (Beaulieu et al., 2018) to be more responsive to societal
needs. Community engagement is an umbrella term that is used by universities
to include engaged research in mutually beneficial partnerships with diverse
communities and engaged teaching and learning which is delivered through
service-learning or work integrated learning. Both universities also subscribe
to contributing to the scholarship of engagement and therefore all activities
have a strong engaged research approach. One of the recent initiatives is the
and health sciences, as well as from institutional directorates of commu-
nity engagement, with memoranda of understanding with local community
organisations. The mission of the hub is to enable the university to become
more socially responsible through conducting community-based teaching,
learning and research. Yet, although in theory there is a growing acceptance
of the need to embrace indigenous and local knowledge to address the many
societal problems that hinder attainment of the United Nations’ Sustainable
Development Goals (
have all the answers (Diaz et al., 2018), in practice traditional ‘scientific’ views
of knowledge still tend to prevail, and community knowledge is not yet suf-
ficiently valued (Wood, 2020).
Exploration of the different knowledge cultures and how they contribute
to the power differentials between university and community partners is thus
necessary and justified to help us understand how we can begin to change
perceptions and behaviour within s. This paper reports on findings from
research undertaken to interrogate concepts such as the democratisation of
knowledge (e.g., who has the right to create knowledge), the validation of
knowledge (e.g., who decides if knowledge is valid, useful, etc.) and the dis-
semination of knowledge (e.g., who will have access to the knowledge and
how will those in the know gain access). We also analyse complex issues such
as the level of knowledge (e.g., whether knowledge is entrenched or superfi-
cial), the generality of knowledge (e.g., whether knowledge can be simplified
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and/or made understandable for people who struggle to access it), the level
of atomization of knowledge (i.e., uptake), the modality of knowledge (i.e.,
what form it takes – written, oral, visual etc.), and the structure of knowledge
(i.e., conceptual, declarative, procedural). We chose as the case study a project
within the Faculty of Health Sciences at the University of the Free State, where
students from various health professions engage with a rural community to
improve local health outcomes. The programme is known as the Interprofes-
sional Health Education () project. We now explain some of the key con-
cepts underpinning our theoretical framework for .
5 Knowledge Cultures
In the literature, knowledge culture usually refers to how knowledge is man-
-
ceptualise it as the way knowledge is respectively created, validated and
disseminated in and by the university and in and by community. Knowledge
creation within the university has traditionally been a result of rational, cogni-
tive and technical procedures undertaken by ‘accredited’ academics (Cetina,
2007). The validity and usefulness of this scientific knowledge was not ques-
tioned so long as peers judged it to adhere to strict academic conventions. This
understanding of knowledge is on the opposite end of the continuum from
practical or experiential knowledge, whose validity is tested not by some pre-
determined criteria, but by how well it solves the problem at hand (Travica,
called scientific knowledge is separate from the crea-
tor. Objectivity is key, and the foremost aim is to contribute to theory, rather
than be of practical use.
In terms of public health professionals, the focus of our case study, scien-
tific knowledge is akin to factual information, such as knowing how to avoid
transmission of . It does not take into consideration the life circumstances
and beliefs of the target population and assumes that if people know the
biomedical facts, they will adjust their behaviour accordingly. Of course, we
know this is not so since cultural beliefs and practices tend to wield more influ-
ence over people’s behaviour, as the persistent high rate of infection in
South Africa shows (Kilburn et al., 2018). It is therefore important that health
care professionals understand the cultural beliefs and knowledge systems of
those they serve, since these influence the uptake and impact of health educa-
tion. Although both parties may have a shared goal – improved health within
the community – the various knowledges that they hold can either work for
or against positive health outcomes (World Health Orgnisation, 2020). Thus,
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it is imperative to identify the differences between these diverse knowledge
cultures to bridge them for mutual benefit.
The aim of service-learning and community-based research is to create a
space where knowledge can be democratically generated for the purpose of
reducing social injustices, such as health inequities, and improving life for all
-
temic diversity where the “intellectual colonialism” of the traditional academy
is replaced by an “ecology of knowledges” (de Sousa Santos, 2017, p. 7) in which
diverse types and representations of knowledge are welcomed and acknowl-
edged as being equally valuable and valid. Unlike in traditional, theory-driven
research or philanthropic approaches to service-learning, in community-based
research participants reflect on power relations to reduce them so that every-
one can contribute what they know and determine how they want that knowl-
edge to be used. In other words, diverse knowledge cultures converge to form
a knowledge democracy, with the aim of bringing about sustainable improve-
ment in the lives of all. In the next section, we explain the context of the study.
6 Context of the Case Study
The University of the Free State () Trompsburg community-based and
State Province, was considered as a unique context for an in-depth exploration
of the participants’ subjective experiences to identify knowledge differences/
gaps and recommendations to bridge them. The Trompsburg community lies
just off the main N1 motorway about an hour’s drive from Bloemfontein, the
capital city of the Free State. According to the 2011 census (most recent avail-
with Sesotho as the other main language. Although a rural area, due to its
strategic geographical location, it boasts a well-equipped hospital. Apart from
the hospital, the main employment is on local farms and shops that serve the
community. The unemployment rate in 2011 was 7% but one can suppose it
is now higher in line with the national increase. Most households have run-
ning water and electricity, but many of them also live close to the poverty line
(Department of Corporate Governance and Traditional Affairs, 2020).
The engagement initiative established in the Southern Free State includes
collaboration and knowledge sharing between groups of individual commu-
nity members diagnosed with diabetes mellitus and student groups (nurs-
ing, nutrition and dietetic, occupational therapy, physiotherapy, medicine
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and biokinetics). The aims are to improve health outcomes by establishing
Lifestyle Groups () to enable sharing of health information among par-
ticipants, and thereby encourage sustainable, accountable lifestyle practices.
The engagements with these s include home visits by students, accom-
panied by community healthcare workers, to conduct holistic screenings, as
well as two-hour weekly meetings to discuss topics proposed by the
members, facilitated by student groups. During the Covid-1 pandemic
virtual engagement in this low technology environment included telephonic
discussion between students and members, the distribution of pamphlets
themed around feedback from surveys regarding the current needs of group
members, low contact shortened home visits, and the loan of university equip-
ment to enable members to self-monitor their sugar levels and blood pres-
sure. These student-community engagements are supervised and monitored
by academic personnel. The methodology we adopted in this case study will
now be discussed.
7 Methodology
We adopted a qualitative design (Nassaji, 2020) to understand how partici-
pants perceived the different facets of knowledge generation, use and dis-
semination within the community-based initiative. The co-ordinator of the
project invited students, academics and community members involved in the
programme to participate, after explaining to them the purpose of the
project and what was expected of them. The interviews with academics and
students were conducted on the university campus but since some of these
participants requested online sessions, we decided to conduct semi-structured
interviews rather than use more participatory strategies for data generation.
Semi-structured interviews meant that the six interviewers (authors of this
paper) could use the same questions for all participants, with some latitude to
interviews would be comparable and useful for answering the research ques-
tions guiding our case study. Six students, five academic staff involved in
the programme and ten community members who attended the s run by
the students agreed to participate in the study in response to a general invita-
tion to all. Due to Covid-1, the regular face-to-face sessions had been sus-
pended for some time but we provided transport for the community members
to come to the facility where they normally had their sessions. We provided
refreshments for them as a token of gratitude for their time, in line with accept-
able ethical practices in community-based research (Wood, 2020). Interviews
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were conducted in either English or Afrikaans, depending on the choice of the
participants. Unfortunately, we were not able to accommodate Sesotho, but all
participants were fluent in at least one of the two languages mentioned and no
interpreter was necessary.
The questions asked are listed below and where necessary, the interviewers
rephrased them to aid understanding.
– Do you think that the knowledge you bring and create within a research
partnership matters? Explain why or why not.
– How do you think you can best partner with the university/community to
ensure the democratisation of knowledge? (i.e., that all can generate knowl-
edge, not just university researchers).
– Who has the right to create knowledge and who should own it within the
partnership?
– What are the best methods to generate knowledge in community engaged
research/education?
– What kind of knowledge is valid and useful to you as a community member/
educator?
– How can the knowledge be generalised (made more understandable) to
enable more people to access it?
– How should knowledge be disseminated/mobilised for the greatest impact?
The audio-recorded0 minutes each and were
transcribed verbatim by an independent person. The transcriptions were done
in the language of the interview. The members of the research team then
analysed the transcripts to identify themes (Creswell & Creswell, 2017) that
spoke to the knowledge cultures of the respective participants and the existing
power relations that guided their interaction. After individually identifying the
themes, the team met to validate them and make changes where necessary. We
are aware that this rather one-sided method of data generation and analysis
is not in line with the principles of community-based research but, given the
Covid-1 restrictions which had prohibited us from doing any research for sev-
eral months, this was the most efficient and safe way to conduct the research in
the limited time available. Trustworthiness of data was ensured by triangula-
tion of data sources (three sets of participants), peer debriefing of the research
team after the interviews, avoidance of inferences and generalisations, avoid-
ing the selective use of data, as well as independent re-coding by different
team members before coming together to reach consensus (Flick, 2018). The
usual ethical considerations applicable to qualitative research (Neuman, 2011)
were employed and the study received ethical clearance from both universities
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involved (-00782-18A2/-2021
to their stringent ethical requirements.
8 Findings
We now present the findings in relation to the main questions outlined in
the introduction to this paper: Who has the right to create knowledge? Who
decides if knowledge is valid? Who will have access to the knowledge? The
findings are supported by verbatim quotes from the participants who are iden-
tified by the following codes: An (academics); Sn (students); CMn (commu-
nity members). Findings are also controlled against relevant literature. In each
theme we explore the power relations within the partnership in relation to the
respective knowledge cultures.
8.1 Theme 1: Knowledge Creation and Sharing
The nature of the engagement determined to a certain extent the kind and
level of knowledge that was created and shared within the partnership. Since
the instigator of the relationship was the university, to meet their need of pro-
viding practical experience for the students and services to the community,
the knowledge shared with the community was initially pre-determined and
based on biomedical science. However, as reported below, the community also
created and shared knowledge with the students within the s. The Tromps-
burg project enables the university to research the changing process of engage-
ment via a service-learning and community-based education programme, and
it was thus ideal as a case study to explore the mutually beneficial partnership
that has been established over recent years.
An important part of the relationship was sharing, rather than creating,
knowledge with the community about how to live a healthier lifestyle and
manage/reduce their level of lifestyle-related disease since this project was
conceived as community education, with a focus on teaching and learning,
rather than a research partnership. Students had little choice in whether they
want to be part of the partnership or not, as it is an integral component of
students need to achieve”.
Feedback from one academic indicates that the university tended to take
the lead in terms of research, determining what services are rendered and who
benefits from them since they control the funding. The university sourced
the funds to implement the rural community initiative and has the fiduciary
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responsibility to the funders to manage them well and in accordance with the
funder’s criteria for use. Only one academic mentioned the power accorded to
the university in this respect, which implies that extant power relations tend to
deter any questioning about how funds are spent, even although the needs of
the community might warrant the funds to be spent in other areas than those
determined by the university:
So, this whole was initiated and driven by the university, which is correct.
They arranged money and sponsorship, and so the university attempted
to provide that service, which, which I think is great … the problem, the
underlying problem is that the university is dependent on sponsorship
research money. And so, they can initiate things if they give them money
for that. (A1)
The above remark implies that the university is also vulnerable as it relies on
outside sponsorship which could be withdrawn at any time, which may force
the services they render in the community to come to an end. The institutional
knowledge environment thus influences the relationship with funders, who
could be seen to dictate what research is conducted and how. Universities
often rely on financial investments from corporate donors (stock exchange
listed companies) that have to spend corporate social investment () fund-
ing to contribute to the development of the country. These industry partners
have developed various sets of rules in terms of how they wish to see return of
investment of their donations in order to be able to report to their sharehold-
ers and to determine the impact that was made by their donations. Funders
have to comply with the legislation and guidelines of King on corporate
(Next Generation, 2021). Unfortunately, pervasive corruption has dominated
all spheres of public and government life in South Africa and this situation
has forced private sector funders to apply very stringent controls over how and
where their funds are spent (Patel & Govindasamy, 2021).
In terms of the reciprocity of knowledge sharing, the perceptions of the aca-
demics were mixed, with some thinking that the students learnt a lot from the
community about what life is really like in contexts of poverty and how resil-
ient community members can be, which they would not otherwise learn from
their lecturers. “Everyone learns from everyone … so yes, I think knowledge
saying that it was the university who provided the information “with knowl-
edge that we can give them” (A2). The students were aware of the need “to
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partnership” -
cal, and more about context, e.g., how difficult it was to afford more healthy
food options. This does not make it any less valuable, as uptake of medical
members themselves regard the medical knowledge shared by the team
as valid (“And we have to do what we hear, we have to do it. We cannot just do
our own thing” – -
thing about diabetes” – 2). At the same time, community members enjoyed
it “when they listen when you tell them something no, so, not so” (
community member was proud of the fact that she “taught” the student about
how drinking water can help to improve vision. She said she knew this, because
she had experienced this benefit herself. On the whole, the community mem-
bers felt they “were part of the team” (10) when it came to making decisions
about what knowledge was important to be shared as they were asked each
week what they would like to talk about the next time. Community members
also conveyed their knowledge through storytelling, which is a form of knowl-
edge sharing embedded in traditional African culture (“A grandma teaches you
with stories, she sits with you, teaches you, tells you that story to allow you to
understand” –
learning through visual and participatory methods but that this was only used
on occasion by the students.
The findings also indicate that both university and community can take the
lead in knowledge management. As far as ownership of knowledge goes, there
was agreement that it belonged to everyone, that it should be “shared and
10).
One student even referred to experiential knowledge (as opposed to research-
based knowledge) as “expert knowledge” created by people “who all see things
differently” (S1). The academics who facilitate the programme recommended
that local facilitators should be used to harness local knowledge and equalise
power relations: “In my perception of primary health care, about a third of the
educators of that programme should actually be local people” (A2).
There are some local educators at present, but they tend to be highly quali-
fied people who live in that area, rather than grassroots community members
who could share their experiential knowledge of living in challenging circum-
stances and trying to live healthily.
Even if the current knowledge cultures tend to skew power relations
in favour of the university, there was acknowledgement by academics that
this needed to change and that it should not be “a top down approach … for me
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it is a partnership … a partnership between me and the community to thereby
transfer and share knowledge” (A2). Another commented that they needed to
engage community at all levels of the project to make it a truly collaborative
effort:
I think, definitely the community can be there to generate knowledge,
not just that we come here and make them guinea pigs, but … they must
form part you know, in terms of like, active research that they form part
of the whole process and actually from the get go, that they must also give
their input and that we must ensure that where they buy in that they feel
Another academic insisted that the community should be “asked what they
need, or make sure that we don’t just go there and put info in their heads,
-
demics working on the programme realise the importance of reciprocal rela-
tionships but that perhaps the programmatic bureaucracy of the university
system has not allowed them to practice true collaboration. From the perspec-
tive of true collaboration and equal power relationships, the context of the
programmatic bureaucracy of the university system does limit the control
over some of the community needs that are currently addressed. The obvious
example is the needs that are addressed are not only influenced by the ,
but also by the funders of the programme and what the funds are purposed
for. Funders in general are from the private sector and require strict reporting
and seek a good return on investment for their shareholders. Students too felt
it important to involve the community in an analysis of their needs and then
Currently the students and academics do listen to the needs of the community
in terms of what they want to learn and attempt to meet those needs, but to a
greater extent it is still a matter of students providing the information to com-
munity, rather than community being completely involved in meeting their
own needs.
It does appear that academics learn from the community about things other
than just medical issues (“my knowledge broadens and I get a new perspective
don’t have it, I can use another way” – A2). Also, what the students learn from
the community members they interact with contributes to their development
as professionals as they “understand the circumstances and the role that these
circumstances play … their impact from a community perspective” (S1).
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The relationship with the students also enables community members to
access additional information, rather than just treatment.
I could see that the people are hungry for knowledge, they crave for
what we can give them. They made it clear that they need this knowl-
edge because they don’t always get it from the clinics because the clinics
don’t always have the time to pay attention to their search for knowledge.
Attention is only paid to their immediate physical, medical needs, but
not to what else they want to know. (S2)
In summary, although the knowledge shared with the community was mostly
controlled by the university, it is also clear that the community valued this
knowledge and adapted it to their own needs. University academics involved
in the project appeared to value the knowledge brought by the community, but
it is doubtful if this is the general attitude within the university, indicating the
need for capacity building in this area. What knowledge is considered valid, is
thus an important aspect to interrogate.
8.2 Theme 2: Knowledge Validation
Academics are also open to indigenous knowledge, or knowledge passed
down over the generations (“and that [indigenous knowledge] is also a form
knowledge should be explored (“If they found that this was actually working
that knowledge could not be validated until it was then “scientifically proven”
-
ber shared how they lick the molasses given to cattle, as it contains specific
vitamins and minerals that help to combat against disease (1); another
explained how they use cannabis tea to lower blood pressure (7). However,
it was interesting that community members did not always consider this type
licked it as children but did not know that it was medicine. Now we realised it
is iron. We did not share it with the students”.
Community members also have the capacity to work out how best to treat
specific illnesses, as one student was surprised to learn when a community
appointment could be made with the physiotherapist. A novel suggestion for
based research within the partnership so that both parties can learn how they
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need to improve their collaboration in their mutual quest to improve health
outcomes. Another aspect that such dialogue could cover is how the knowl-
edge is shared and used in the wider community.
Although we did not interview the primary health care workers ()
that the students work with on a daily basis due to the Covid situation (they
were not available at the site), it appears that students in general respected
them, unlike some specialist doctors who felt their knowledge was superior to
that of the and that they had nothing to learn from them. This issue was
regarded as a serious one by one of the academics, as they are also local people
who hold contextual knowledge that will influence diagnosis and treatment
options:
Well, he (primary health care worker) understands the context of the
disease he treats. So if I’m a young person and I go straight into my spe-
ciality, I will disregard health workers in the primary care because I am
a specialist and much more important. I actually know everything and
the stupid community just can’t do their thing. And that gap is, is a big
problem. (A1)
In other words, by excluding the knowledge of the community-based
health workers, it negated its value. This highlights the importance for the
principles and paradigm of community engagement to be part of the training
of all health professionals so that they begin to understand the value of listen-
ing to local people to learn how the community lifestyle and circumstances
affect the prevalence and treatment of disease. This would include local pro-
fessionals who were seen to have valuable insights to share to guide the uni-
versity team in their decision-making about what knowledge to share and how
to share it (S1).
8.3 Theme 3: The Dissemination and Use of Knowledge
Students and academics thought that the language used for sharing health
information should be in “layman’s terms” (S1) and “available in terms of the
-
nicate on the level of the community (“I think the first thing is to … make the
However, students could not always communicate in the language of the com-
munity members and this presented a barrier (S1). This speaks to the impor-
tance of having a diverse team so that interpreters can be called in if needed.
Another interesting point made by community members is that the rela-
tionship with the students enables them to access information that they would
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not have got otherwise as they are reluctant to visit the clinic to seek treatment
for what they perceive to be minor issues:
when you maybe have a wound, then the student tells you that you must
go to the clinic, they will take you. We did not work like that. We always
thought we had to wash that wound with hot water and salt. (1)
They also perceive that the knowledge they gain enables them to control
their own health, thus imbuing them with personal power (“We believe in the
knowledge we get from the students. Now that is what we take and we use
it” – 1). Knowledge gained by students on home visits pertaining to specific
patient’s home circumstances is shared with the health care professionals at
the clinic and hospital so that they have a better idea of how the lived experi-
ences of the patient might impact their health or treatment of ailments (“This
infor mation is shared with the local clinic, who in turn use the information
to make decisions or to compile basic stats” – A2). Regarding sustainability
of improved health outcomes, both students and academics thought it was
important that “the community, when we are not there anymore, the commu-
nity must still continue”
disseminate knowledge and become community educators who can run their
own education sessions.
Currently, knowledge sharing is more on a one-to-one basis by community
members and limited to repeating what they learned by participating in the
(“And when I have guests that also have diabetes, I talk to them and share what
we learned at the Lifestyle Group” – 2). One community member (
collated information from pamphlets supplied by the students into a book to
enable her to share it with others and use it as a reference when community
members needed help with a particular ailment. In general, community mem-
bers reported improved physical health because of the interactions with the
student groups. One aspect that hindered uptake was the fact that most of the
community members live on a limited income and struggle to purchase the
healthy food recommended by the students to improve their diet. For exam-
ple, although peanut butter is a relatively cheap source of protein, commu-
nity members found it expensive and could thus only afford to buy it once a
month (-
cumstances of the community and take this into consideration when making
dietary recommendations.
An outlier finding is that the interaction with others at the sessions was
not only beneficial for improving physical health outcomes, but also had impli-
cations for mental and social wellbeing. Several of the community members
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voiced that they missed the companionship that the groups provided before
they were stopped due to lockdown restrictions:
I am glad about the students. I enjoy their company. I enjoy working with
them. (
And the week that they [students] come, we come to get company. (1)
This finding was also validated by the students (“For them it’s much more dif-
ferent, they really not only want the pills that they need but they also want that
.
Table 10.1 gives a broad summary of the findings regarding the differences
in knowledge cultures of each party in the community-university relationship.
9 Implications of Findings for Bridging Knowledge Cultures to Create
a More Equitable Community-University Relationship
We now discuss the implications of these findings in terms of creating more
equitable power relations within the project and bridging the gaps in knowl-
edge cultures. We also make some suggestions for action that can help to
democratise the way knowledge is created, validated and disseminated to
bridge knowledge gaps.
The first thing to mention is that this project was not originally conceived as
a community-university research partnership. The main reason for the initia-
tion of the project was to include within the health science curricula, both
to satisfy university requirements to integrate and to better equip students
to work in an interprofessional manner within diverse communities. The focus
was therefore more on student development through service delivery to meet
student outcomes, rather than on forming equitable research partnerships.
Since the inception of the project, the programme developers have evaluated
to develop it to be more in line with accepted community-based research prin-
ciples that promote democratic knowledge cultures (Costigan, 2020). There-
fore, our discussions and suggestions are made with this understanding. We
focus on the various inter-related and overlapping aspects of power relations
such as decision-making and leadership, funding, the evaluation, and influ-
ence and impact of research outcomes. These should be interpreted within the
socio-political knowledge environment (history of social oppression in South
Africa and domination of Western, scientific knowledge); the institutional
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Comparison of academic versus community knowledge cultures
Academic knowledge culture Community knowledge culture
What is
knowledge?
Biopsychosocial knowledge, knowledge
engagement, knowledge of research, ethical
processes, how to access funding.
The community is
knowledgeable about their
living conditions and how these
impact on their ability to live
healthy lives and implement
the knowledge provided by the
university. They are also aware
of some indigenous substitutes
for patented medication/food
supplements.
How is
knowledge
generated?
Traditional/positivistic science
(extractive research). At this stage, it is
mostly Mode 1 form of knowledge generation
as the community is not involved in research
or determining the services provided. The
partnership is focused on the education of
students and education of community and
provision of health services. Student learning
is a key focus of partnership and is mediated
and assessed according to a pre-determined
curriculum.
Knowledge is mostly received
from university. The community
do generate their own
understandings of how to apply
it to their lives through self-
r and discussion with
peers.
Some examples where
community is a source of
knowledge.
Funders dictate to a certain extent what
services are provided and thus what
knowledge should be generated.
How is
knowledge
validated/
evaluated?
Peer review process: presentation of
knowledge products at conferences that leads
to submission of knowledge products for
publications in journal or books. Publication
depends on the approval of experts in
knowledge and the way it is produced have
Student knowledge assessed according to
pre-determined outcomes.
The community does not really
consider the knowledge it holds
to be as important as that of
the health professionals from
the university. However, they
feel that their knowledge is
validated though generational
successive use.
They evaluate the knowledge
received by testing its useful-
ness in improving their health.
(cont.)
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Academic knowledge culture Community knowledge culture
How is
knowledge
disseminated?
Knowledge is shared through a wide range
of outlets (e.g., peer-reviewed scholarly
journals and books; public media). Students
acquire knowledge through a pre-determined
curriculum constructed by university
personnel according to requirements of
statutory health bodies.
Knowledge is transmitted (in most instances)
by students to community by means of
discussion and information pamphlets.
The community members share
their knowledge with students
(some evidence found).
Community members share
knowledge from engagements
with students with family and
friends through discussion and,
in some instances, the creation
of booklets.
How is
knowledge
used?
of health sciences through contribution to
academic debates.
health practitioners and curricula for training
them.
Evaluation of programme feeds back into
improved curriculum
Knowledge is used to improve
individual and collective health
outcomes in community.
Knowledge must be translated
into behavioural change to be
of use.
Comparison of academic versus community knowledge cultures (cont.)
knowledge environment (traditional university transitioning towards a more
engaged institution); and the knowledge setting within which the project is
managed (health sciences within a rural context).
9.1 Who Makes the Decisions?
The findings clearly indicate that the university has been the main decision-
maker in terms of who takes part in the programme, what knowledge and
services they provide, where they are provided and how they are mediated
in terms of communication, uptake and adaptation. This made sense at the
start of the project as nothing would have happened if the university had not
initiated the project. However, the findings also indicate that this one-sided
decision-making process is not ideal for the sustainability of the project. As
shown during the Covid-1 lockdowns, the university was severely hampered
in continuing the programme and the community were not well enough
organised to continue on their own. Although the community are consulted
about what aspects of health they would like to discuss in a specific week, this
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is more about topics presented, rather than a change in the prescribed pro-
ject planning. Based on the data gathered in this project, we suggest changes
could be made on several levels to make the relationship more resonant of an
authentic partnership in terms of decision-making about how knowledge is
created, used and shared. For example:
– A core group consisting of representatives from each category of stakehold-
ers (e.g., university lecturers, student representatives, local health profes-
sionals, community organisations, users of the programme) could be formed
to meet regularly to reflect on roles, responsibilities and ways of working
to find ways to constantly improve the outcomes for mutual benefit. This
group could decide on evaluation processes and involve more than just the
academic members in ongoing research on the project.
– More intense use of participatory pedagogies such as storytelling, visual
methods, etc. by students to convey health knowledge would also enable
the members to learn how to use these methods to further disseminate
the knowledge among the wider community. The latter could also share
their indigenous methods of knowledge and skills transfer to improve the
pedagogy adopted by students. Participatory pedagogies encourage engage-
ment of community members in the creation of knowledge (Farenga, 2020).
– The research element of the Trompsburg project, including this current
research, was directed by and decided on by the university partner and
they benefitted in terms of several publications by using Trompsburg as a
research site. However, the research done relates to teaching and learning,
and influences future engagement with the community. Although com-
munity members may think that research is of no importance to them, a
community-based approach would enable them to engage in finding ways
to improve their lives and this practical action would be of benefit to them.
For example, lack of access to nourishing food was one concern mentioned
by community and a community-based research project could help them to
find sustainable ways to access good food to improve health (e.g., setting up
and running of community-based vegetable gardens or cooperatives to buy
food in bulk).
Closely related to decision-making is the question of funding.
9.2 Who Holds the Purse Strings?
In any partnership, money tends to dictate who is seen to be ‘in charge’ and
thus has the power to make decisions. In this case, all the funding was sourced
from and by the university, and thus if this partner were to lose funding, the
project sustainability becomes questionable. The question here is how to
make the project more sustainable by enabling the community to source or
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generate their own funds. If a community-based research project was initiated
to develop the facility as a social enterprise of some kind, then it could con-
tinue to function as a health resource even if the current funders pulled out.
This is something worth exploring as it would also provide additional income
for community members and thus have extended social impact (Lumpkin
et al., 2018).
9.3 What Knowledge Is Valued and How Is It Validated?
The findings indicate that, although some academics are open to learning from
the community, there are others who still see their role as being the primary
providers of knowledge to the community. There is a gradual shift in higher
education towards realising the value of local knowledge in solving complex
social problems (Hall & Tandon, 2021). However, to date, community-based
research is still not embraced by the majority, and therefore capacity develop-
ment among academics and students in this regard is important if they are to
initiate and sustain s. This would require that all programmes begin to
integrate the idea of engaged scholarship into the curriculum, and particularly
in programmes such as these where students are directly working with com-
The community did not seem to value their own knowledge very much and
perhaps this is because they have never engaged in research with the univer-
sity and therefore view themselves more as knowledge recipients and less as
knowledge producers. Community-based research has educational and eman-
cipatory outcomes (Wood, 2020); therefore participation as co-researchers
in a project would help them realise the importance and value of their lived
knowledge and experiences. This is essential if they are to become community
educators and disseminate the knowledge in the wider community.
9.4 What Difference Does the Knowledge Make?
Although this study did not set out to measure the impact of the Trompsburg
project on the health of the community, other projects have conducted
research on health outcomes in this community during the duration of the
project (see, for example, Jordaan et al., 2020; Pienaar et al., 2017; Walsh et al.,
2002) and postgraduate studies have been conducted on how the students
view the collaboration (e.g., Mona-Dinthe, 2020). The university has there-
fore benefitted from using Trompsburg as a research site, but the findings of
this study also indicate that the members think they have benefitted from
the services rendered in terms of physical and mental health. Students feel
better prepared for their future professions and so it appears that the knowl-
edge generated has been of some benefit to all. However, it can be postulated
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that if knowledge sharing was conducted using a community-based research
approach as explained above, it could have a larger and more sustainable
impact in the wider community.
Research which involves dialogical interaction can change the way universi-
ties interact with community. As Moreno-Cely et al. (2021) argue, this should
start with dialogue about knowledge and power relations within the project.
Similarly, a participatory action-learning and action-research process starts
with relationship building through dialogues around ethical ways of work-
ing, the respective outcomes each party desires, how best to work together
and with whom in a given context, and identifying and addressing any learn-
ing needs that parties might have (Wood, 2020). Establishing such relation-
ships promotes mutual learning and knowledge co-creation between different
knowledge systems and allows for the inclusion and valuing of local/indige-
nous knowledge, which in turn contributes to the decolonisation of knowledge
(Moreno-Cely et al., 2021) and leads to the creation of “ethical, inclusive and
university
engagement.
In terms of the case study in question, adopting a more community-based
research approach to the engagement would help to bridge knowledge cultures
through enabling each partner to contribute their specific expertise towards
attaining the research goals. However, given the unequal starting points in
terms of education and resources, this would entail supporting the community
to acquire the skills and knowledge needed to be able to participate on a more
equal basis. In addition, one of the biggest challenges of universities is to main-
tain cash-flow and predictable income, and since most universities in South
Africa get approximately one-third of their income from government, a con-
sistently dimishing contribution, and the other two-thirds must be generated
from fees (which is also decreasing), the application of smart partnerships in
the triple or quadruple helix seems to be the best way forward. Unfortunately,
the reliance on industry to fund many of the developemental challenges is
becoming unrealistic and contributes to socio-economic and political ten-
sions in the country. Inequality needs to be addressed, and we have to start
by empowering and growing our communities via education at all levels of
10 Conclusion
This research set out to explore how knowledge in a community-university
engagement was created, validated and disseminated by the respective parties
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in the Trompsburg project, as well as to determine the usefulness of the knowl-
edge for the different stakeholders. Findings indicate that in this case, the uni-
versity is the main decision-maker and leader in determining what knowledge
is generated and shared. The limited evidence of community generated and
shared knowledge and the uptake thereof by students is influenced by the
perception of its value from both community members and students. Both
university and community benefit from the service provided by the students.
The relationship at this stage cannot be described as an equal partnership,
since the power relations are skewed in favour of the university. The findings
also indicate the need to adopt a more community-based research approach
that would then improve the sustainability of the project in the long term.
By engaging in more collaborative research with community stakeholders,
including existing service providers and local government, solutions could be
found to address the issues that impact negatively on health outcomes, such
as food insecurity, the need for social interaction and sporadic unavailability
of the students due to Covid-1. Ongoing reflexive dialogue between university
and community representatives is necessary to encourage research that is “a
process of thinking through ideas”, rather than only being about the systematic
“collecting [of] data that is then subjected to analysis by the external observer
is the basis for bridging diverse knowledge cultures to reduce power inequali-
ties and decide on actions to make the change process more ethical, inclusive
and sustainable.
Notes
1 The term Afrikaans institution refers to those intended to serve the white Afrikaans-
speaking population since it was the language of instruction. Even although Afrikaans is also
the primary language spoken by many so-called “Coloureds” in South Africa, only White stu-
2 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trompsburg
district. Unfortunately, recent information on Trompsburg itself was not available.
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This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the
Bridging the Knowledge Culture Gap between
Early Childhood Development Practitioners and
Academic Researchers
Experiences from the DUT K4C Hub, Durban, South Africa
Darren Lortan and Savathrie Margie Maistry
Abstract
This case study focuses on the differences in knowledge cultures between academic
researchers and early childhood development () practitioners in Durban, South
Africa, providing a historical context of and the role of practitioners in South
Africa. The authors unfurl the relationship between the academics and practitioners,
and how those who participated in this research were first brought together as
part of a doctoral study on. The trust in the relationship between the participants was
key to undertaking this research process. They conclude with how the gap between
academic researchers and practitioners can be bridged.
Keywords
early childhood development in South Africa – trust – knowledge and wisdom –
co-creating knowledge – epistemic injustice – relationship building in
1 Introduction
culture to include the group or the collectiveness; a way of life; and the learned
behaviours, values, knowledge and perceptions of the people. They define
knowledge culture as “an organizational lifestyle which empowers individuals
and motivates them to create, share, and apply knowledge in order to reach
consistent organizational success and benefits” (Oliver & Reddy Kandadi,
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creation of a knowledge culture has the potential to facilitate and promote
knowledge creation, sharing, transmission, and effective application for mak-
ing decisions, strategic planning and measurable development of economic
assets.
This case study focuses on the differences in knowledge cultures between
academic researchers and early childhood development () practitioners in
Durban, South Africa, and how to bridge this gap in the field of education.
The participants comprise authors of this chapter, a doctoral student at the
Durban University of Technology () supervised by the authors, and three
of Durban. We acknowledge with gratitude the participation and knowledge
of the three facilitators: Zanele Mpisane, Nomusa Mtshali and Sindisiwa
Msomi. Unfortunately, due to -1, we were unable to co-write the case
study. We are satisfied that we have captured their views. We hope they are too.
The research undertaken is part of a macro project developed by the
Chair in Community Based Research and Social Responsibility in
Higher Education, the Bridging Knowledge Cultures () Project. It explores
in the context of community-university research partnerships within the
Chair, how
to address extant power inequalities between diverse knowledge cultures of
collaborating partners to make these partnerships sustainable and secure over
time. This study asked the following research questions:
– What are the different ways in which knowledge is understood, constructed,
validated and disseminated in academic and non-academic (community)
settings?
– What are the practical challenges/obstructions that differences cre-
ate for working across knowledge cultures and how do we address these
challenges?
In this chapter, we first set the scene for the inquiry by unfurling the relation-
ship between the aforementioned academics and practitioners. The key role
players in this case study were first brought together as part of a doctoral study
on in South Africa. In order to obtain a comprehensive picture of this
case study in relation to the doctoral research and the collaborative relation-
ship with the practitioners, we first describe the relationship between the
participants and thereafter provide a historical context of and the role of
practitioners in South Africa. Details of the research process undertaken
is presented to answer the research questions, followed by the findings and
discussions.
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2 Situating the Case Study
was the first hub to be estab-
lished in South Africa in 2017. The Rhodes University Community Engagement
() division together with
Southern Hub in 2021. In the same year, North West University (), in
partnership with the University of the Free State (
Northern Hub. The Southern Hub’s current research focus is education across
the continuum of levels, namely , primary, secondary and tertiary. Initially,
this case study’s intention was to explore knowledge cultures at all four levels
of education. The ethical approval procedures for this enquiry could not
be obtained by within the timeframe of the project. The disruptions
-
erbated the challenges for , who made the difficult decision to withdraw
from the project.
It has become imperative for academic researchers working in community-
based participatory research (), to raise at their universities the limi-
tations of the current ethics structures, which tend to cater exclusively for
conventional forms of research. We as the team (two academic research-
ers and a doctoral student) continued with the research project focus-
ing on the doctoral student’s study on integral education at the level. The
three practitioners who participated in this case study have an ongoing
relationship with the doctoral student and academic researchers since 2018.
The overall goal of the doctoral study is the development of a framework for
a transformative integral education programme with Ubuntu values for
social responsibility and civic participation towards participatory democracy
in South Africa. It was possible to collect data for this case study based on the
existing ethics approval for the doctoral research.
As mentioned above, the three practitioners are from the district of
under-serviced with virtually no economy and a place where much suffering
has taken place as a result of sporadic political and faction-based violence
roads, schools and clinics, and electricity and water are gradually being deliv-
ered in Umbumbulu. However, the fundamental problems of poverty, unem-
ployment, crime and political violence remain very much a part of the fabric
in townships require a good deal of protection and resilience to overcome
the obstacles and adversities in their context of development (Mampane &
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Bouwer, 2011). This is the lived reality to which the larger majority of South
Africa’s population is subjected, and it is within this context that the doctoral
study viewed the urgency of education interventions, generally, and inter-
ventions in particular, and invited the three practitioners to participate in
3 Contextualizing ECD in South Africa
The early childhood period is considered the most important developmen-
tal phase throughout an individual’s lifespan. What happens to the child in
the early years is critical for the child’s trajectory and life course (Irwin et al.,
2007), particularly in South Africa with its plethora of social ills and various
manifestations of violence. These are the formative years in which behav-
iour, attitudes and values that children are exposed to will be learnt through
imitation and role-modelling and which will determine much of their later
behaviour ( Burton, 2008). South Africa’s National Integrated Early Childhood
) confirms this critical link between
and outcomes later in life when it highlights that investments bring about
higher levels of positive self-regulation which lead to significantly less crime
and greater public safety, reduced public violence, and greater social cohesion
South Africa has a deep and long history of violence, at the core of which
lies colonialism and grand apartheid underpinned by patriarchal relations.
been neglected and abused by the political ideologies and structures of the
compulsory education for white children and voluntary education for black
children, creating a two-tier system. Early learning opportunities based on
western models of play and school readiness were available for white children
in government-funded pre-primary centres that targeted three- to five-year-
olds. There was limited provision for all other race groups, of which black
African children were the most disadvantaged (Ebrahim et al., 2021).
middle-class, with trained teachers, separated from crèches where African
working-class children were only given custodial care. These racial dispari-
ties extended to the training of pre-school
courses for African teachers were restricted, while those for Whites, albeit on a
smaller scale, were allowed to continue. Lower-level teacher training courses,
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set up by the provincial education departments, were phased out by the end of
The void in preschool education for the vast majority of Black (African)
children led several women from their communities to organise preschools
called Educare centres in the rural homeland areas and townships (Stevens,
-
hood education (), most had not completed secondary education, and
few had any formal knowledge of child development. Yet, these community
women were motivated to organise centres and become Educare teach-
ers because of their love for young children and their awareness that children
needed assistance to lead healthy and safe lives and be prepared for formal
primary schooling. In support of the community initiated Educare centres
and the absence of support from South African government agencies, non-
government organisations (
teachers (ibid.).
,
especially in the wake of the high drop-out and failure rates among African
children in schools. State involvement in education, as with all other sectors,
at the time was characterised as inadequate, segregated, fragmented, unco-
ordinated and lacking a comprehensive vision (Department of Social Devel-
opment, 2001). Thus, parents, communities and the private sector bore the
responsibility for provisioning while state-owned pre-primary schools
were few in number.
Post-1, the National Integrated Early Childhood Development Policy
had the ambitious aim of transforming service delivery to address the
gap in universally available equitable services. However, there is a mismatch
between the funding strategies and infrastructure to support the aim of the
(Ebrahim et al., 2021). In most cases,
programmes with limited funding. Provision of services include the tradi-
tional centre-based model of provision, playgroups and family outreach
programmes. Community facilities are often based in private homes where an
practitioner converts a portion of her house to accommodate children,
or classes can be provided at centre-based facilities where a community has
a dedicated building for the children, known as community-based centres
based
early learning sites, most rely on parent fees. While this is affordable for those
in well-resourced households, it is problematic for families living in poverty.
The mushrooming of private providers with business orientations and unreg-
istered sites continues to be a feature (Ebrahim et al., 2021).
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The authors point to some of the concerns with regards to human resources
in the sector. Because of the lack of status and the under-development
of a robust system to professionalise the field, fails to attract high quality
personnel. Harrison (2020) argues that it is imperative that South Africa has
a well-trained workforce of early childhood teachers who can meet the needs
of children but claims that there are many challenges that constrain a positive
outcome. A significant number of children under the age of six do not have
access to essential services such as clean running water, adequate nutri-
tion and safe structures to learn in. As a result of the vast difference in context,
a distinction must be made between young children in rural areas and those in
urban settings. The rural environment is often characterised by a lack of access
to clinics, schools and adequate nutrition, which can lead to stunted growth in
children (Ebrahim et al., 2021).
From the brief presentation on the historical and current context
in South Africa, it is clear that the potential for research and action is immense
and urgent. Within this scenario, the relationship between academic research-
ers and the various stakeholders in , the culture of academics, and their
openness to knowledge democracy, the co-creation of knowledge and in
the sector becomes critical to South Africa’s post-apartheid developmen-
tal and transformation agenda, which higher education institutions (
4 Purpose and Objectives of the Study
Knowledge cultures exist in various sites of knowledge creation and sharing
such as families, communities and institutions/organisations. However, differ-
ences in knowledge cultures exist within and between these knowledge sites
while power dynamics are also at play. As an example, in the case of
privileging of knowledge production through standardised western academic
forms of research is one way in which the unequal and hierarchical relation-
ship between the academic as researcher and community members as objects
of study is evident. The project literature points to tensions caused by
the often-unspoken differences in understandings between the knowledge
cultures within community settings and the academy. The literature points to
one of the biggest challenges being the establishment of truly respectful and
equitable knowledge accumulation partnerships.
The purpose of this case study is to understand the different knowledge cul-
tures of university and community partners in the context of training,
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identify the gaps and explore how to bridge the gap, if any. The objectives of
this qualitative case study were:
– To understand the different ways in which knowledge is understood, con-
structed, validated and disseminated in academic and non-academic (com-
munity) settings;
– To examine the practical challenges that differences create for working
across knowledge cultures and how to address these challenges.
5 Methodology
5.1 The Case Study Method
The case study method supports the explorative and descriptive nature
of this study. A case study is defined as “an empirical inquiry that inves-
tigates a contemporary phenomenon (the ‘case’) in depth and within its
real-world depth description
of a process, a programme, an event, or an activity is undertaken” (Miller &
Salkind, 2002, p. 2). The phenomenon under investigation in this case study
is the epistemological worldview in community-university research relation-
ships. The focus is on the ways of knowing and learning that highlights the
different knowledge cultures in community-university research relationships
and its impact on the co-creation of knowledge. One of the procedures that
is followed in a case study is asking questions about an issue under examina-
tion or about the details of a case that is of unusual interest. The case is then
described in detail and an analysis of the issues or themes is presented and an
interpretation of the meaning of the case analysis is made (ibid.). Purposive
sampling was used in this case study in selecting the three practitioners
as the sample of this study.
5.2 Research Participants
This study comprises six participants – five females and a male. Three were
practitioners (Z, N & S), two were academic researchers (D, the only male
participant and M), who are the authors of this chapter and co-supervisors of
The practitioners and the two authors were originally brought together
during the exploratory phase of K’s doctoral study titled, Integral Education for
Early Childhood Development: Building Values through Indigenous Knowledge in
.
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The practitioners work in three different community-based pre-
schools established by s. The practitioners each have an entry level
qualification, which is meant to provide practitioners with the necessary
skills to facilitate the holistic development of young children and to offer
quality services in a variety of settings. However, research has shown that
qualification level was not always associated with higher-quality outcomes,
With eighteen years of combined experience, Z, N and S are rooted in
the communities in which they practice. They were considered well qualified
experientially to form the participating practitioner team responsible for co-
creating with the doctoral student the integral education programme that
was the final objective of the doctoral study. Prior to the commencement of the
doctoral study, K spent more than five years working on the co-development of
community training programmes in the field of . At the time, she worked
for a civil society organisation (), whose office was located on the
campus where we are currently based. Our paths inevitably crossed because of
our work with communities.
During the five-year period alluded to, K developed a relationship with Z
and upon commencement of the doctoral programme, she was introduced to
N and S and the communities with which all four of them collectively worked.
In a sense K anchored the relationship between the community and univer-
sity partners, representing the interests of both from the commencement
of her doctoral research. She was a boundary spanner as contemplated by
Christopherson et al. (2021), namely, an individual who crosses the boundaries
of a social group to enable knowledge exchange, translate language, and share
values among various groups. Over the years, their relationships transcended
the boundaries created by varying approaches to the recognition of knowledge
generated outside of academia, which is further elaborated in the findings of
this study.
The participants in the exploratory phase of the doctoral study com-
prised parents and grandparents of children in the sample pre-schools and
interested community members and key informants. The sample group of
the community, directly concerned with the education of their children,
was apt because of their lived experiences and close understanding of the rel-
evant issues. The conclusion of the doctoral study and the commencement
of this case study overlapped unintentionally. K remained in contact with Z,
N and S and with the both of us as her supervisors. Our relative familiarity
with each other and collective approach to , together with the mutual
recognition of our lived experiences, knowledge and wisdom made it easy for
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us to make the collective decision to approach this case study in the manner
that we have.
5.3 Data Collection
In order to achieve the above objectives, an interview schedule was used for
data collection through a focus group meeting. Even though it was a chal-
lenge to organise the data collection, given the Covid-1 context, the face-to-
face interview method was preferred in this project to achieve our objective of
exploring differences in knowledge cultures.
The pre-determined questions were obviously instruments of the academic
culture and opportunities were afforded to participants to bear them in mind
rather than be governed by them. The interview schedule contained the fol-
lowing questions that guided our conversation:
1. How do we understand knowledge?
2. How do we understand culture?
What is/are the source/s of knowledge?
How do we bridge knowledge cultures between university and
community?
How do we approach a process of co-creation, validation and dissemina-
tion of knowledge?
How did the practitioners experience the process in which knowl-
edge was co-created in the integral education research project with the
doctoral student?
The setting for the focus group meeting of the participants was K’s home
(the neutral home of the boundary spanner). We sat around a circular table.
The table was located at the edge of a garden, near the kitchen door of the
home and a garage formed a boundary to the space in which the table was set.
The expanse of the garden was visible to most of us. As an icebreaker to the
conversation and using the analogy below as a way of explaining the purpose
of the case study, D asked each participant to describe our surroundings. As
each participant described what they saw, D began asking what appeared to be
random questions about the surroundings. For example, in response to some
descriptions, the colour of a flower was sought, or the exact number of birds
that were visible, or who could see the clouds.
The directed questions were intended to introduce the idea that our
responses were different and influenced by our individual perspectives,
enabled and/or limited by our positions at the table. Our positions and con-
comitant views were then used as a metaphor for the differences in our per-
spectives on what constitutes knowledge; how knowledge is described and
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shaped by these perspectives; and how these perspectives may be different
from others. After a brief discussion about our surroundings, D introduced the
research topic to the practitioners explaining the establishment of the
holders of the Chair in
Community-Based Research.
Right from the outset of the interaction between the practitioners and
us as academic researchers, it was noted that data gathering became a process;
that the prepared questions actually elicited more questions, as it should hap-
pen in a case study (Miller & Salkind, 2002). Asking pertinent questions is a
clear indication of the critical disposition of the practitioners and their
questioning also influenced the research process. Consequently, the whole
research process was more organic than structured, notwithstanding the pre-
determined questions. The focus group meeting was recorded with the prior
permission of all participants.
5.4 Data Analysis
M first transcribed participants’ responses verbatim to ensure that actual
thematically, with the pre-determined themes drawn from the interview ques-
tions above. M then identified initial codes and organised data into meaning-
ful groups to elicit new themes that arose. The themes were discussed with the
participants as the first draft of the research report. All participants involved
in the study agreed with the themes and the findings of the study. The partici-
pants recognised that although they were all at this stage of the proceedings,
accustomed to the knowledge cultural devices of the academe (data, interview
schedules, codes, themes and findings), they lamented the lack of intentional-
ity in our approach to capture it all in the knowledge culture of the commu-
nity. This may be an additional outcome of this case study.
6 Findings of the Study
6.1 Understanding Knowledge
First, S asked for clarification on what knowledge we were talking about, gen-
eral knowledge or knowledge specific to universities. We then proceeded to
understanding knowledge generally and then specifically from a community-
university relationship perspective.
Knowledge was understood by Z as “coming from experiences and out of
these experiences, I choose what knowledge to use and how. Knowledge is
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the collection of information from the environment and the people I associ-
ate with”. As an example, N said that for the doctoral research, they had to go
to the community to collect information and she considered this as valuable
knowledge. However, she observed, “university knowledge is seen as people
who know more and is more valuable”. According to S, “there is no right or
wrong knowledge. We put it together – theory and practice to make it right”.
Z’s response was that:
the knowledge we have is suppressed because we do not have the nec-
essary qualification(s) on paper. I can teach very well because of my
experiences. I have practical knowledge and teaching is done out of love
which is different from a university [where] focus is on theory and seen
as experts lacking in practical experience, [and] no love to share with the
children.
S supported Z’s statements by saying “with qualified persons, the child is pro-
grammed, and the child does not learn much”. She added that the manage-
ment of knowledge happens according to one’s circumstances. “My parents
wrote knowledge on a slate. It was not permanent as it had to be erased … the
knowl edge disappeared, so my parents had to remember the knowledge”.
S added to the way knowledge was learnt and managed in the past, by using
her grandfather as an example. “He would not use a calculator to do his maths
but his hands and head – not modern technology”.
6.2 Understanding Culture
Z and N described culture as “a set of practices people engage in to under-
stand what we have in common and what differentiates us”. Z mentioned that:
“ Western culture suppresses community knowledge. As an example, in child
development, local, indigenous knowledge is devalued because of western
culture”.
D’s response was
Culture is the collective approach to our common livelihoods (knowl-
edge). Although there are aspects to our approaches to our livelihoods
(knowledge) that distinguishes us from others within the collective, it is
what we share in common that becomes culture. Culture refers to liveli-
hoods in general and knowledge culture to knowledge.
M described culture as
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the values and beliefs of individuals, groups and organisations that
guided or influenced the way in which they behaved. These values and
beliefs permeated all aspects of their lives. Peoples understanding of
certain concepts such as knowledge may be similar, same or different
depending on the values and beliefs they hold and their experiences.
According to K, culture refers to the “practices, customs, ideas, habits, behav-
iours, beliefs of a society or groups of people”. The discussion on knowledge
and culture by the participants led to the following question: What is the dif-
ference between knowledge and wisdom?
6.3 Understanding Knowledge and Wisdom
Z said that there is a clear difference between knowledge and wisdom.
Information/knowledge is collected from an external source and wisdom
comes from within the person. It is innate. In , love comes from
within to teach a child, so it is part of wisdom.
She added that she taught herself on how to teach a child: “It was the wisdom
from within that taught me how to teach a child”.
Z and S stated that knowledge is what you know to teach a child. All three
practitioners agreed that “wisdom must come from within and must have love”.
Implicit in this observation is that knowledge is transmitted and/or acquired
through instrumental understanding (thought-based) while wisdom does so
through relational understanding (emotion-based).
D added his views on knowledge and wisdom which differed slightly from
the practitioners’ views: “Knowledge can be learnt and taught. Wisdom is not
always learnt. It comes from within and also from experience, depending on
the exercise that is being accomplished”. To a large extent the observations
of the practitioners are aligned with the academics in that knowledge can be
transmitted while wisdom is innate.
Z then asked another question: “How do children with disabilities, such as
children with autism, slow learning and dyslexia cope with processing infor-
mation into knowledge”? She used the example of a teacher telling a story and
asking the children to repeat the story.
If there are three children with disabilities in the class, then they would
provide a different version of the story in accordance with how they
internalised and processed the information. Therefore, the teacher will
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have to accept each child’s version of the story according to how they
internalised and understood the story. Most often, the teacher expects all
the children to understand the story in a specific way, according to what
she had planned to be the aim of the story. Moreover, if the child does
not understand it this way, then the teacher thinks that the child is wrong
and tries to correct the child so that the story is understood according to
the teacher’s version.
All three practitioners admitted that they were guilty of telling children
who did not answer according to their version of the story that they were
wrong. Now, they will respond differently through their understanding that
children interpret the information differently and that they should listen to
their version of the story rather than saying that they are wrong. This may illus-
trate the difference between the promotion of an instrumental versus a rela-
tional approach to understanding.
The practitioners viewed knowledge (general) as existing in the
environment, in people and practical experiences. In comparison, university
knowledge was viewed as theoretical with academics seen as the experts. A
clear distinction is made between general knowledge (practical) and uni-
versity (theoretical) knowledge. Interestingly, the practitioners related their
knowledge to love (an emotion) while that of the academics is programmed.
Even the way in which knowledge is learnt and managed in a community is
different from the university. Community members manage their knowledge,
for example, in traditional ways, such as through the telling of stories and not
through modern technology. Importantly, they believe that the knowledge of
those without the ‘necessary qualification’ is not valued. Practical knowledge
is valued less than theoretical knowledge. The responses indicate, as do some
literature, that there is no single conceptualization of knowledge (Oeberst
-
tinguish between individual and social notions of knowledge and point out
that different disciplines conceptualise knowledge differently. They conclude
that knowledge is not something that can be universally defined, but instead it
is what a specific knowledge-related system accepts. The acceptance of what
constitutes knowledge is influenced by the culture (values and beliefs) of the
It was agreed by all participants that there is a difference between knowl-
edge and wisdom, especially the source. The source of knowledge is external,
and the source of wisdom is from within, and it must include love. D was of
the view that wisdom is from within but also derived from external experience.
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Yang (2017, p. 228) presents a view of wisdom as “a process which emerges in
a specific context within a specific period of time through the interaction
between an individual and a real-life situation that he or she faces. Accord-
ingly, learning acquired from important life experiences can foster wisdom”.
“Wisdom is inherently concerned with ethical and moral conduct and the pur-
suit of social justice for all” (Ardelt, 2010 in Yang, 2017, p. 228), and “wisdom is
not merely a result of inquiring and reflecting on the relationship between self
and society, but it is also the embodiment of action taken to transform self and
society towards a better whole” (Bierly et al., 2000 in Yang, 2017, p. 228). How-
ever, Jakubik and Muursepp (2021) point out that there is no commonly agreed
upon definition of wisdom. It is not an entity that can have a strict definition
or even an explanation. It is a process, an unending quest and, as mentioned by
the participants, derived from both external and internal sources.
From the above discussion, we may conclude that the transmission of
knowledge is an easier process than that of wisdom. The question then arises,
can wisdom be transmitted from one individual to another, or does it require
a high degree of self-awareness, reflection and introspection? These qualities
may be taught as an enabler towards accessing one’s wisdom but wisdom itself
cannot be transmitted if we accept that it is innate, coming from within the
individual.
An alternative would be to describe the process of transmitting something
which is innate as promoting relational understanding, where the outcome is
not an artefact, but a connection.
Z’s question on differentiated learning and processing of information in
relation to children with disabilities resonated with the earlier comment that
knowledge is not wrong or right. The processing of knowledge and interpreta-
tion is largely influenced by our individual worldview and perspectives. Hauke
when she states that
knowledge may be thought of as the result of a personal relationship
between ideas, sources of evidence (and resulting ‘truths’) and the indi-
vidual. This is a dynamic relationship that shifts over time, is uncertain
and contestable, but provides a working certainty that allows us to fur-
ther develop that knowledge.
The example that Z provided on the teacher’s response to the three children
with disabilities caused all participants to reflect on how we tend to enforce
our view as being the right one on those whom we consider to be less knowl-
edgeable than we are. In this example, it is the teacher and the child; this
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relationship can be translated to university and community in which academ-
ics are guilty of seeing communities as less knowledgeable.
6.4 The Co-Creation of Knowledge
Z perceived the co-creation of knowledge as a combination of theory and prac-
tical knowledge. All three practitioners mentioned fear as the main obstacle to
the co-creation of knowledge.
Fear is the major obstacle for communities: they hold back their knowl-
edge because they are scared that they do not know much. Fear of aca-
demics as experts.
When asked how we change this, they cited their own experience in the
research project with K. N said that
initially there was fear, but it did not remain. It disappeared because K
brought it to the practical level. She asked them to talk about their expe-
riences and declared that she did not know much about . She men-
tioned that there were no right and wrong answers, and they were asked
to speak from their own perspective. She did not refer to any study or
theory as being the right answer.
Therefore, all three practitioners felt at ease and free to talk. They were sur-
prised that they could participate in the co-creation of the Integral Edu-
cation programme. It “took them by surprise when they saw the knowledge
they have” and accepted the fact that universities do not have all the knowl-
edge in a specific field. “Community has experience and practical knowl edge”.
The consolidation of academic and community knowledge must be done
in such a way that it is seen as having equal value as partners. This is one
of the hallmarks of an effective boundary spanner in community-university
partnerships.
N then asked the following question: “Why is it that only the knowledge of
professors from university is considered to be right”? As an example, she said
that
relevant and important, not the culture of traditional knowledge”. She said that
traditional knowledge was completely marginalised in the understanding of
the Covid-1 pandemic.
She pointed out the challenge is that there is an existing norm that the
university does not go to the other side (community) because universities
think they are superior, but communities are happy to work with universities.
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Universities present their knowledge for discussion, not for participation and
listening. Their knowledge is presented as right knowledge; the Covid-1 vac-
cination is a good example of scientific versus traditional knowledge cultures.
N observed:
Traditional knowledge is considered barbaric. Universities force us to use
what they have. Sometimes they take knowledge from the community,
make small changes and present it back to the community as the uni-
versities’ knowledge – as proven, tested knowledge. Like the mhlonyane
herb taken from the community. The Afrikaners used to take the method
from the community and present as theirs.
Z explained that mhlonyane is an indigenous medicinal plant that has been
used by local communities to successfully treat flu symptoms. She added that
it then becomes a battle between science, the economy, and the community.
For example, “garlic becomes expensive because the communities use it as a
medicine, then the economy raises the price of garlic. The price of the knowl-
edge and the product is increased. Communities are locked within a cage
because of cost”.
6.5 Epistemic Injustice and the Validation of Knowledge
The findings reveal that the co-creation of knowledge will mainly require
changes to be made on the part of the university. For too long community
knowledge has been appropriated, devalued and voices suppressed. The
response that “local indigenous knowledge is devalued because of western cul-
ture” highlights the power of one knowledge culture over another. It clearly
raises the issue of epistemic injustice. This also applies to the dominance of
the university knowledge culture over the knowledge of communities as high-
lighted in the case of Covid-1 by one of the participants.
The appropriation of traditional/community knowledge by universities
may be termed as a difference of ‘knowledge cultures’ – the one which is con-
sidered ‘superior’ is known to be usurping the knowledge of the other which
is considered ‘inferior’. And university knowledge is presented as right knowl-
edge. What must happen for co-creation of knowledge to work? How should
knowledge be validated and disseminated?
The practitioners were unanimous in their responses. Z noted that “the
barriers, especially the mindset/thinking that one is superior, and the other is
inferior, needs to be broken from both sides”. S added that
when people are told often enough that they do not know anything, they
eventually believe it. It is not enough to require of those who think they
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are superior to stop. Those who have started to believe in the inferiority
need to undo the damage and not wait for the other side to act.
The response to these questions (What must happen for co-creation of knowl-
edge to work? How should knowledge be validated and disseminated?) was once
again an organic process, leading to further questions and possible answers.
The practitioners were of the view that the responsibility is on the academ-
ics to realise that they are not the experts on knowledge with regards to com-
munities. The behaviour and attitudes emanating from academics serve to
perpetuate the notion that the majority community are inferior, a notion that
was instilled during the apartheid system of inferior education for the majority
black community. Hence, the comment by S that “when people are told often
enough that they do not know anything, they eventually believe it”.
This was followed by a question of remediation: Where then do we meet
with an idea? The response was through co-creation of knowledge but with the
proviso that after co-creation everything must be ‘tested’. When asked where?
The unanimous response was “in the community where the knowledge was
created”.
The practitioners did not know how knowledge should be validated but
were of the view that:
together both parties have to reach an agreement on the way to
validate the knowledge. When we reach a stage where we can value each
other, respect each other, then we can come up with a way to validate
the knowledge. Collaboration and partnership must happen all the way.
The dissemination of knowledge can take place through media, espe-
cially the radio, community workshops and newspapers. There must be
follow up because the dissemination of knowledge is not a one-off event.
Godinho et al. (2021) highlight that the use of participatory knowledge
co-creation provides a means to address pertinent societal crises. However,
they point to one way of ensuring its sustainability through institutionalisation
of knowledge co-creation within existing and novel structures. Oeberst et al.
-
ent systems become epistemic agents and collaboratively construct knowledge.
If people participate in different knowledge-related communities, their activi-
ties would be expected to differ as a function of the different social systems.
Their approach stresses that for successfully achieving the goal of collaborative
knowledge creation, reflection about the conditions imposed by a system is an
imperative. Higher education institutions need to reflect on and promote
for collaborative knowledge creation between community and university.
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6.6 How Did Practitioners Experience Their Involvement in the
Doctoral Study?
The final question of how the practitioners experienced their involvement in
the doctoral study provided the academic researchers with a comprehensive
understanding of the effect of academic researcher attitude towards commu-
nity partners in the research process. The practitioners mentioned they were
impressed with the way in which the doctoral student approached them and
explained the study and the importance of their participation in the study.
Most importantly, she stated upfront that she was not the expert on the subject
of and was looking forward to learning from them, which put them at ease
and mitigated their intimidation of someone from a university. Subsequent
meetings with the team further progressed the non-intimidating relation-
ship in this community-university partnership. The group meeting for the case
study readily revealed the mutually respectful relationship between the
practitioners and personnel that was progressively established over the
years. While we are confident that the description of the relationship as ‘non-
intimidating’ was sincere, it would be remiss not to declare that we may not
fully know how much was withheld due to politeness, respect and other cul-
tural nuances and expressions that inadvertently impede authenticity.
7 Consolidation of Findings and Discussion
The findings reveal that there is no single definition of knowledge, and that
our values and beliefs influence our notion of what knowledge is. We agree
creation through which the difference in knowledge cultures between com-
munity and university can be bridged. In addition, more consideration should
be given to the building of trusting relationships with community partners, the
nurturing of boundary spanners, promoting epistemic justice through preven-
tion of the appropriation and exploitation of community (indigenous) knowl-
edge, the co-construction of knowledge and building knowledge democracy.
Currently, institutional structures and procedures (policy) for ethics approval
for at universities in South Africa is a huge challenge. This too requires
transformation.
7.1 Relationship Building in cbpr
Establishing a trusting relationship between community and university is
one, if not the most, important component of
affirmed the importance of building partnerships with the community for
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to co-create “knowledge which draws dynamically on multiple epistemologies
civic and community engagement is fundamentally relational, and a relation-
ship is always a work in progress. Much like deep friendships, partnerships
need ongoing cultivation and care. They require sustained attention, stubborn
commitment, flexibility, empathy, humility, patience, imagination, and a gen-
erous sense of humour. The practice of building community-university part-
nership relationships is not an easy task in the South African context in which
structural racism demarcates the spatial divide between the ‘privileged’ and
the ‘marginalised Black’ population. Invariably, the mistrust that accompanies
the racial divide permeates interaction within the university, and within and
between communities, students and academics (Hornby & Maistry, 2022).
It is important to note that the interaction between the participants in this
case study was cordial and may be attributed to the considerable work under-
taken by participants with each other as part of the doctoral investigation. The
time and effort invested into the relationship between the practitioners and
doctoral student during this period served to set the scene for the research
written about in this chapter. In a sense, the work undertaken during the doc-
toral investigation may be viewed as preliminary work in relationship building
for this case study. Additionally, the role of academics as supervisors in the
preparation of post-graduate students in is critical to the relationship
development process. Academics need to understand that building relation-
ships between student and community partners is time consuming and labour
intensive. Given the diversity of South African communities and the complexi-
ties of a post-apartheid society, we have come to realise that academics also
require a wide range of practical relational experience derived from working
with communities to effectively implement and/or guide post-graduate stu-
dents in . In practice, the development of strong, healthy community-
university partnerships can be achieved through the core function of university
community engagement.
7.2 Doctoral Student as Boundary Spanner
The doctoral student continued to play the role of boundary spanner in this
case study. One possible way for boundary spanning to bridge recognised
gaps in knowledge cultures, is for at least one person from each ‘side’ of the
boundary to intentionally engage with a person from the other side. Such a
relationship, committed to addressing recognised hierarchies at play in, and
ameliorating their impact on, the community-university partnerships repre-
sents the beginning of the process of bridging the gap. By the time the six par-
ticipants in this case study met to complete the task set before us, we were
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relatively familiar with each other and the trust that had developed during
the doctoral study was evident in the ease of the research process in this case
study. As mentioned earlier, time invested in relationship building early in the
process is important.
7.3 Knowledge Democracy/Co-Construction of Knowledge
Hall and Tandon (2017) highlight three phenomena that intersect in knowl-
edge democracy: (1) acceptance of multiple epistemologies, (2) affirmation
that knowledge is created and represented in multiple forms (for exam-
ple, text, image, numbers, story, music, drama, poetry, ceremony, etc.), and
socially just and healthy world and for deepening democracy. D reminded par-
ticipants of the concept of ‘knowledge democracy’ by drawing an analogy with
the equality of each vote in an election. The value of the single ballot cast by a
billionaire is equal in impact to that of an hourly paid labourer. This principle
was intended to demonstrate that in a knowledge democracy, the knowledge
of the representatives of a university and the knowledge of the representatives
of the community have the same value (multiple epistemologies). If this is not
the case in practice, then the term knowledge democracy should not be used
to describe the community-based research that is undertaken in community-
university partnerships. Knowledge extraction may be a more fitting alterna-
tive to describe these scenarios.
The practitioners’ reflections of their personal experience with the doctoral
research project shows that the first step to knowledge democracy is invest-
ing in a relationship with community partners (discussed earlier) to allay their
fears and mistrust of university academics. Importantly, academics have to be
aware of and acknowledge the extant power imbalances inherent in the his-
torical and prevailing context of higher education in South Africa. The con-
solidation of academic and community knowledge must be done in such a
way that it is seen as having equal value as partners. This process is best facili-
tated through boundary spanning. We posit that such relationship building
is an inherent and necessary enabler of the bridging of knowledge cultures,
especially when both sides of the divide have boundary spanners bridging the
divide.
Collaboration, partnership, respect, valuing each other were considered
important factors to bridge the gap, essentially between the ‘practical knowl-
edge culture of community’ with the ‘theoretical knowledge culture of uni-
versity/academics’. While it did not escape us (the academic researchers)
that we were ‘leading the discussion’, the facilitators played a key role in
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setting the scene and supporting the boundary spanner role. In retrospect, it
may be claimed that indeed the first practitioner, Z, also had a boundary span-
describes as “a group of people who share a common interest or concern and
who deepen their knowledge and expertise in this area by interacting on an
ongoing basis”, boundary spanners can fulfil a variety of related functions: they
can connect people who might not otherwise have the opportunity to inter-
act; provide an opportunity to share information; help people organise around
purposeful action; stimulate learning through the transfer of knowledge from
one member to another; and generate new shared knowledge that helps peo-
ple transform practice.
In the context of the case study, the facilitators used the introductory
remarks and questions to engender an organic ‘easy flow of critical conversa-
tion’. Notwithstanding the inherent power dynamic at play, the conversational
approach was an attempt to mitigate the implicit power asymmetry. In par-
ticular, the introductory remarks and explications were (to the extent possi-
ble) carefully stripped of the language of the academe, and nuanced in what
was common to all of us. Once the hurdle of the introductory remarks was
surmounted, it became easier for the six of us collectively to position the con-
versation as ‘ours’. Even the questions that followed and guided the remainder
of the conversation could be deemed ‘ours’. The conversation led us naturally
to where we needed to be – a place of contemplation and reflection about us;
and the work we have accomplished.
7.4 Ethic Structures for cbpr in South African hei s
As mentioned in the introduction, the initial sample for the case study antici-
pated participation from four different projects across Rhodes University and
. could not receive ethics approval for its case study in alignment
with the time constraints of the project. The research team took
advantage of the fact that although the doctoral study was nearing its comple-
tion, the interview schedule for this case study could be included as an exten-
sion of the data collection process, especially since the key informants has
already been identified and ‘briefed’.
Procedures for ethics approval for by the relevant ethics committees
of
Africa. Currently, such procedures are an impediment to effective implemen-
tation of (especially with respect to the co-design and co-construction
of the inquiry). A number of
impediments (Connected Communities, 2011; Flicker et al., 2007; Pienaar,
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enabled by participatory ethical clearance practices.
8 Conclusion
The South African oppressive apartheid history lends its own particular char-
acteristic to understanding the notion of knowledge, knowledge cultures and
bridging the gap between knowledge cultures. A critical lesson learnt from
this case study is that relationship building is at the centre of community-
university partnerships and , specifically for the South African context.
The researchers are appreciably aware that if the doctoral research had
not laid the path of relationship building over a number of years prior to the
case study, we would not have been able to collaboratively generate the knowl-
edge to the extent that we have been able to do so in this chapter. To the extent
possible, the power dynamics that may have been at play in this study have
been mitigated. The personnel are and have been aware of the unequal
relationship between universities and communities from their own involve-
ment in community engagement and development and have been keen to
learn from the different knowledge cultures prevailing in the diversity of South
African communities, prior to the commencement of the project. But we
are also aware from our involvement with structures of university community
engagement that while there is some movement towards a better understand-
ing of community-based research and egalitarian community-university part-
nerships, the process is a slow one and it will take time for the majority of
academics to put this into practice.
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This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the
Towards Transdisciplinarity in the Co-Construction
of Knowledge
The Peace and Region Program at the University of Ibagué K4C Hub,
Colombia
Irma Flores, Luisa Fernanda González, Andrés Astaiza and
Daniel Lopera
Abstract
This case study presents the qualitative case study of a community-university part-
nership between the Peace and Region Semester (), a service-learning curricular
strategy of the University of Ibagué, and the Community Aqueduct Acuamiramar
(). It shares the approach of the strategy, analysing the imbalance in power
between the university and the community, and the tensions that arise between the
framing of the knowledge culture in the university’s policies, its practice through the
program, and the relations with . The results showcase the learnings of trying
to undertaken an inter-disciplinary training program for students and the challenges
in working across knowledge cultures.
Keywords
power – university social responsibility – service learning – inter-disciplinary
programs – dialogues of knowledge – tensions in research process
1 Introduction
Over the past forty years, around the globe the notion of knowledge has
increasingly shaped discourses on development and progress. Discussions
around ‘knowledge society’ and ‘knowledge for development’ have highlighted
different types of knowledge as crucial drivers for economic and social devel-
idea of knowledge-related cultures had little diffusion. Knowledge creation
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was assumed to be a matter of rational, objective and technical procedures
undertaken by scientists. If there was only one scientific method and one
type of knowledge, the notion of culture could not be applied to science
( Knorr-Cetina, 2007).
trend of the new sociology of science. Fieldwork began to be conducted in sci-
entific laboratories to investigate the processes of knowledge construction and
to promote the understanding of knowledge cultures as a structural feature
of contemporary societies (Knorr-Cetina
America, Africa and the Caribbean were the scene of a profound questioning
of social research. Positivism, an approach based on the objective measure-
ment of sociological, political and cultural phenomena, was confronted with
the concerns of independence movements in Africa, Asia and the Caribbean,
as well as with democratic struggles in Latin America, Europe and North
America. In these diverse contexts, a revolution about the transformative role
of science and research was taking place that would redefine the links between
research, action and learning. Today, many names are associated with the vari-
ous developments of this emerging paradigm, some of the best known being
participatory action research, southern epistemologies, or critical pedagogy
(Hall, 2021).
This movement has significantly influenced the work of higher education
institutions. Despite the trends of internationalisation and commercialisa-
tion that characterise the educational and research landscape today, proposals
based on Community-University Engagement () and Community-Based
Research () have been implemented by an increasing number of univer-
sities worldwide, constituting a fundamental component of the emerging
knowledge democracy movement that brings together social activists, univer-
sity researchers and students in community-based action research projects
Our chapter presents the qualitative case study of a community-university
partnership between the Peace and Region Semester (), a service-learning
curricular strategy of the University of Ibagué, and the Community Aqueduct
Acuamiramar (). This research was conducted by the IAPaz Colombia
-
versity of Ibague, and Foundation (International Center for Education
and Human Development). The chapter shares the approach of the strat-
egy. The case analyses the imbalance in power between the university and the
community, and the tensions that arise between the framing of the knowledge
culture in the university’s policies, its practice through the program, and
the relations with . To conduct the research we used documentary analysis,
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focus groups and semi-structured interviews as instruments for data collec-
tion. Data collection and analysis were carried out simultaneously, based on
open, axial, selective and theoretical contrast coding, supported by the use of
-
ing to undertaken an inter-disciplinary training program for students and the
challenges in working across knowledge cultures between and the .
2 Context
2.1 Peace and Region Semester
The is a curricular strategy, created in 2011, for integral education offered
by the University of Ibagué to all undergraduate academic programs, within
the internal policy of University Social Responsibility (). Its mission and its
commitment to integral education and regional development comprises two
main components – (1) to promote the training of students through an expe-
riential setting, and (2) strengthening public and private organisations and
actors that work for the sustainable development of the region and the con-
struction of peace. The program seeks to promote the educational and insti-
tutional identity of the university as a regional higher education institution
(University of Ibagué, 2021a).
The importance of the lies in its commitment to peace building in
-
flict in Colombia, as well as an opportunity that arises from the peace agree-
ments that the country has experienced. articulates teaching, research
and social projection through the participation of students in interdisciplinary
projects of long-term local development. It places the university’s students in
local areas and trains them to understand the context of development in the
state of Tolima and to learn the components of participation in development
projects.
The program’s goal is to develop critical thinking and citizen skills in the stu-
dents. Among its strategies, it includes the formation and installation of inter-
disciplinary teams of students in different municipalities, so that during an
academic semester they participate in long-term local development projects.
The students are placed after making arrangements with local actors involved
in the development process, and are accompanied by a regional advisor to
support the pedagogical process. Interlocutors are the main contact with the
organisations and municipalities, and help in developing the projects under-
taken by the students to tackle specific problems (University of Ibagué, 2021a).
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seeks to transcend the limits of discipline training and promote scenar-
ios of citizen education and ethical learning through experiencing the political,
cultural and social life in a municipality and getting involved in local develop-
ment projects. Likewise, it allows the university to make its processes of social
projection, training, and research more pertinent (University of Ibagué, 2021a).
As a training strategy, favours collaborative work among different
actors – students, technical professors, regional advisors, directors, local
entities and members of the community. The pedagogical model is oriented
towards an integrated education with the development of the human being
on service-learning, a methodology oriented towards citizenship education
based on active pedagogies, experience and service to the community (Batlle,
2007). The main features of the approach are critical understanding of
the social context, critical and reflective thinking, interest in producing social
change, development of participatory citizen practices, interpersonal develop-
ment, and skills for teamwork situated in diverse cultural contexts (University
of Ibagué, 2021a).
The engagement between academia and the community is led by the
regional advisors who facilitate the definition of common objectives and
the collaborative work of students, regional and university actors, which has
coordinated with local organisations. The involvement of the regional advisors
with the actors and organisations in the territory is permanent, which favours
continuity of processes and the linking of new student teams (University of
2.2 Acuamiramar Community Aqueduct
In Colombia, there are more than 12,000 community aqueducts, some of which
heritage and cultural construction of one of the richest expressions of partici-
patory environmental management in the country: Community aqueducts are
,
2017).
cent of the city’s inhabitants. These organizations are self-managed by com-
munities in low-income neighborhoods. In the absence of water and sewage
services, these communities have been forced to organize themselves to access
basic services. In addition, urban planning in the face of the city’s expansion
and scarce technical assistance does not respond assertively to the water
requirements of everyone residing in the city. The city faces the challenge
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of expanding its water and sewerage coverage, a challenge that poses risks
because the old structures were not designed for the exponential growth of
the city. This risk increases in communities that are supplied by community
aqueducts (Garzon Quiroga, 2020; Correa, 2020).
Acuamiramar is a community enterprise-
munity aqueducts, providing residential public aqueduct and complementary
services in the Miramar neighbourhood of the Municipality of Ibagué. It is
endowed with legal status, administrative and financial autonomy, and has its
own and independent assets and common funds.
Acuamiramar aims to supply water in the Miramar neighborhood by pro-
viding residential public aqueduct services. The organization is committed
to the integral management of water as an element of community life and
well-being, continuously seeking improvement, efficiency and coverage, while
respecting the commitment to sustainable development as a community
organization (Garzon Quiroga, 2020). The Acuamiramar aqueduct is in a pro-
cess of strengthening water governance through institutionalization, commit-
ment, culture, citizen oversight and participation. Convergence with is to
help strengthen Acuamiramar’s capacities for organising, designing, and self-
managing in its territory, and preserving the common purpose of safeguarding
water resources through adequate provisioning of water.
and by private entities, as possible guarantors of water supply in Colombia.
However, community aqueducts are treated by municipal and national enti-
ties as public service companies, without any type of restriction regarding
their origin, function and the spirit with which these community organisations
were created (Correa, 2020).
Water as an element of community power allows social mobilization
projects necessary to defend the dignity and life of the most vulnerable com-
munities in the country. Water has an openly political connotation, which
supports social organization around popular struggles for access to water.
However, large sections of the community in question do not identify with the
struggles raised by some community leaders and academics who try to build
our research is relevant because it is a case where the academic culture comes
into contact with a community aqueduct, showing if this confluence favours
the construction of spaces of social resistance around water care, or if, on
the contrary, it helps to reinforce a business vision about water management
(Correa, 2020). In the Acuamiramar case, knowledge about water management
and preservation is getting privatized and the academy may be reinforcing
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this dynamic by not considering the community knowledge that gave life to
Acuamiramar.
3 Methodology
The research undertaken by the Colombia Hub was designed and implemented
construction of a toolbox and resources to collect information from multiple
sources of evidence in an organized and coherent manner, useful for analysis
study the interrelationships and natural contexts of the problem. In addition
to the collection of information obtained through different sources, research
designed as case studies is privileged when these sources are triangulated to
The design for this case study began with mapping the different stake-
holders (Figure 12.1) involved in the processes of the Acuamiramar project.
This mapping was carried out in collaboration with the pedagogical and
administrative management team. Together, we first identified the key actors
who carry out the actions in the territory and defined how they would partici-
pate in the construction of the case. At the same time, we identified and con-
sulted secondary sources containing the guidelines that underlie the actions to
understand the methodological proposal through which acts in the field.
In defining the primary and secondary sources of information, we devel-
oped instruments that allowed us to collect the necessary data to understand
how the Acuamiramar project operates and how it does or does not enable the
building of bridges between academic and community knowledge cultures.
To analyse the secondary sources, a matrix was constructed that allowed
the analysis of the documents through pre-established categories. In the case
of primary sources, individual interview guides were designed by manag-
ers, professors, regional advisors and interlocutors. Guiding questions for the
focus groups were developed by the management team and the commu-
nity. Information was collected from students’ reports who participated in the
Acuamiramar project.
The information was transcribed and analysed using the analysis method-
software. The information collected with the different instruments was trian-
gulated and grouped by categories, both pre-established and emerging.
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4 Results
Data analysis generated three emerging categories that helps us comprehend
the knowledge cultures between Acuamiramar and , focusing on power
relations, the diverse ways in which knowledge is understood, constructed
and validated, and the challenges found in working across knowledge cultures.
These categories are:
1. Between disciplinary, interdisciplinary, and dialogue of knowledge
2. as a process that involves actors from the university and the
community
Two knowledge cultures between and Acuamiramar.
The results also showcase the experience of engaging in a transdisciplinary
knowledge culture-oriented study, where technical and professional support
from the university to the community interacts with processes aimed at build-
ing interdisciplinary knowledge.
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4.1 Between Disciplinary, Interdisciplinary, and Dialogue of Knowledge
The University of Ibagué acknowledges that its campus is not the only place
to build knowledge. For this reason, the institutional curriculum explores
alternatives to contribute to the education of citizens and professionals com-
mitted to the territory of Tolima and its development. One of the ways to
operationalise this is through the as a dynamic learning experience in
which students develop competencies and skills, both disciplinary and civic,
by interacting with communities. Through participation in projects, students,
in interdisciplinary teams, are expected to develop an action plan consistent
with the needs of the municipalities and local development agendas (Univer-
a purely disciplinary perspective but from the perspective of development,
through dialogue with the various communities and the knowledge communi-
ties possess.
We stand from a perspective where the student, although, it is not a dis-
ciplinary experience and we must be clear that as far as possible, what
interests us is the development of projects to solve certain problems and
that this contributes to improving the quality of life of communities …
we make a significant effort because, for the whole experience to be more
motivating for the student, we anchor it to certain disciplinary topics.
(Focus group discussion, )
This framework of knowledge could hinder the relationship with other knowl-
edge in co-construction, and this strategy operates differently in certain pro-
jects, as stated by regional advisors:
Because, as I was saying, the projects that take up in some cases
are purely disciplinary, where they will have to apply the knowledge of
their discipline … in others that are interdisciplinary projects, they must
apply a series of skills and knowledge that do not belong to their aca-
demic training, but that does carry it through their academic training.
(Interview, regional advisor)
Some of the projects are already structured from the beginning, so they do
not necessarily represent a co-construction bridge between the academy and
the communities. In other cases, a transdisciplinary team can emerge when
interests converge between different actors. The structure in which oper-
ates migrates between disciplinary and transdisciplinary forms. In some cases,
knowledge from the disciplinary vision is validated and, in others, discoveries
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emerge about the importance of working from the knowledge that resides in
the communities themselves.
The primary aim Is that the projects that are worked on in the territory are
motivating and meaningful for students. When the projects are anchored in
disciplinary topics, students are interested and apply the knowledge learned
throughout their careers. When they are living in the territory, sometimes sig-
nificant learning is built by understanding different scenarios learnt through
dialogue and the exchange of knowledge with community members. How-
ever, these variations are significant in terms of how the is operating with
different practices and ways of constructing knowledge.
In the case of Acuamiramar, there is both a disciplinary and interdiscipli-
nary approach, as described by the regional advisor:
We articulated the Civil Engineering program with Professor ... who
helped us to say, no, look, you can do this kind of thing and you can give
it an interdisciplinary approach if we also do some campaigns for water.
(Interview, regional advisor)
There was a discovery for a broader, transdisciplinary vision, as described by
the technical professor:
trying to guide the work of a student in a community, one finds that the
community has ways to address their problem that is not stated in the
disciplinary knowledge but are innovative and work. So, what we have to
do is to document them... But there are also other ways of doing things …
we are going to build knowledge, together, the community and us. I think
you call that methodology Participatory Action Research. (Interview,
technical professor)
An example where the processes described can be evidenced, is the formu-
lation of the action plan in the projects. To accomplish the purposes of the
, regional advisors, interlocutors and students formulate an action plan,
which incorporates the understanding of the social context of Acuamiramar,
the organization:
The projects in which students participate have a clearly defined
beginning, middle, and end. Before the students are linked to the organi-
zation, part of the proposal is arranged and structured between the
regional advisor and the interlocutor of the organisation … later, the
student enriches the components of the project and proposes routes
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of action in the semester plan, which is validated during the installa-
tion meeting and transformed as the semester progresses. (University of
The development of the action plan requires a series of activities and
processes aimed at achieving a final product that is socially relevant and contex-
tualized. Regional advisors, students and interlocutors make contributions to
the construction of the semester plan, which allows different perspectives to be
integrated and a flexible and participatory framework to be configured. It should
be noted that, as a requirement to start the , students must take a course on
human and sustainable development and methodologies for approaching the
specific problems of communities. However, the process is framed in a knowl-
edge culture where the distinctions between popular knowledge and academic
knowledge come into contact but do not enter a transcultural dialogue. This is
visible in the tendency to choose the organisation according to the professional
profile of the student:
We agreed with the University of Ibagué, and they provided us with two
students, two engineers, to do the topographic survey of the cadaster
for the aqueduct. (Focus group discussion, community members of
Acuamiramar)
Likewise, knowledge products generated by the students end up confined to
their disciplines of origin, because the interaction between and Acuamira-
mar occurred in an institutional framework which sought the integral educa-
tion of students. The linking of the organizations with is based on the
practical needs perceived by the actors in the communities.
In that sense, using the analytical framework for the study of knowledge cul-
tures in the project, the knowledge setting is characterized by knowledge
practices where the roles of each actor are well defined within the framework
of a pedagogical process that is formally oriented towards interdisciplinary
learning, but which ends up developing within the confines of a discipline
according to the needs of the organization. Due to this, it seems that the peda-
gogical process that takes place in does not manage to consolidate some of
its purposes of interdisciplinarity.
On the other hand, the has a learning strategy called Understanding
of the Territory, where the students interact with peers from other academic
programs and put disciplinary knowledge in conversation with other types of
knowledge to solve contextual problems:
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They have an activity called Understanding of the Territory. That is,
within the project that they do, another one, and that another project is
entirely social or environmental. (Interview, technical professor)
However, it is a complementary activity of the project and not something that
is fully integrated into the process to promote an interdisciplinary learning
experience. In addition to this, it should be noted that knowledge dissemina-
tion does not involve members of the community or those of the university.
Socialization processes only occur between the student, the regional advisor
and the interlocutor. The knowledge products are documents on how the pro-
ject was formulated, the presentation of a final report of the experience by
the student, and some products for the organization, such as designs or legal
orientation guides.
The student submits a document called the Experience Report. In this
document, the student describes the development of the project. Let us
say this document could give some information about the project devel-
opment and this information could be useful for a systematization pro-
cess. (Interview, regional advisor)
Taking this into account, the knowledge that emerges from this co-construction
has a pending debt, which is its dissemination. uses some strategies to
socialize knowledge, like the institutional repository that organizes and pre-
serves the documents produced at the university. Nevertheless, there is a need
to generate spaces for reflective dialogue on these experiences where different
actors participate and share knowledge.
4.2 The PRS as a Process That Involves Actors from the University and
the Community
For the University of Ibagué, it is not enough to generate knowledge only for
one discipline when there is the possibility and opportunity to strengthen
the training process through practice and research to respond to the needs
of the communities in the territory. Thus, in the search to generate partici-
patory spaces for the construction of knowledge that contributes to regional
development, the University of Ibagué conceives teaching and learning as a
participatory process mediated by research in the territory, in which the stu-
dent participates accompanied by the regional advisor. As a product of this
experience, students build knowledge to solve problems of the territory, which
strengthen the work of regional advisors and ensures that students learn skills,
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competencies, values, critical thinking, and comprehensive understanding of
the territory.
Learning is based on an educational triad. The student’s engagement
demands a role different from the usual from regional advisors and differ-
ent actors in the territories. Regional advisors and interlocutors from the
organization’s become facilitators or mediators of the process and direct
their efforts to encourage participation and the exchange of knowledge.
During the , students develop different activities within the framework of
the implementation of the action plan. To achieve these activities, students
create a semester plan, a schedule that defines the field activities for the col-
lection and analysis of information, as well as learning meetings, workshops
and processes for formal evaluation. Under these training expectations, it is
possible to find some spaces in which students of different disciplines, such as
mechanical engineering, lawyers, the interlocutor, or members of the commu-
nity, engage in a dialogic effort to understand problems and solutions, in which
the language of the territory is appropriated.
During the development of the experience, the regional advisors and
technical professors who accompany students through a pedagogical dia-
logue, become referents for critical and ethical reflection on the action,
as well as agents of transformation from a triple link with local govern-
ments, communities in the region, and students. (University of Ibague,
The methodological guidelines state the importance of regional advisors
and students working directly with the community, but despite this, in the
analysis of the data, we found that these actors maintain a closer relationship
with the interlocutor and a less direct relationship with the community. This
may be due to the leadership role given to the interlocutor in the guide-
lines, but it may also be associated with their negotiation role with university
stakeholders.
Approximately every three weeks a follow-up meeting is held between the
interlocutor, the regional advisor and the student. This meeting serves to
review the progress of the project in the implementation process. There
is also a network that holds several meetings, weekly, including phone
calls or WhatsApp chats. (Focus group discussion, )
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In the case of the Acuamiramar project, the interlocutor has a close relation-
ship with the students and constantly accompanies them. As expressed by
one of the regional advisors, this is justified by the understanding that it is the
interlocutor who remains in the territory, which generates greater communi-
cation and closeness with the community:
When we do the visit, we review what they did, and also take some time
to meet with the interlocutor. Yes, we always like the organization to
delegate a person who has the most direct contact with the student and
the community. (Interview, regional advisor)
As a result, the principle of participation, as stated in the guidelines,
vanishes in practice since not all the actors involved in the project (regional
advisors, interlocutors, students, and community) participate equally in the
different phases of the process. The relevance of the interlocutor is undeni-
able since it is fundamental to operationalise the project in all its phases. By
shadowing the students closely throughout whole process, the interlocutor
generates the conditions through which the link between the students and the
community is established.
The community recognizes the interlocutor as a stakeholder who maintains
a constant link with the student’s processes and the university-community
agreement. On the other hand, in their reports, the students recognize the
interlocutor as the person in the community with whom they interact daily
and with whom they define the actions to be taken within the project:
The development of this project includes the active participation of the
board of the , particularly the interlocutor who will be the bridge
between me and the entity. He is the one who approves and monitors
the different changes that I make during the development of the project.
(Student report)
One aspect to highlight is community feedback on the student’s work at the
end of the experience in the Acuamiramar project. In the focus group with
the community, we observed that the interlocutor is the one who has more
knowledge than the rest of the community about the student’s performance
and the results of the work. Considering the important role that the interlocu-
tor has in the agreement between the university and the community, several
questions arise: How could a training program for interlocutors be designed
to make their role more effective? What are the topics on which the university
could train them?
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One of the changes expected among those who take part in the train-
ing is a critical reflection of the experience in the territory and the pedagogi-
cal strategies implemented, focusing on competencies, critical thinking and
regional development. However, from the analysis of the data, we perceive that
the reflection and transformation are focused on the training model and
is not explicitly oriented to modify community participation strategies. It is
evident that in the meeting between students and regional advisors, the learn-
ing from the is evaluated; participation of the students throughout the
semester is reflected on from an operational perspective. Also, fulfillment of
the objectives was reviewed; there was little critical reflection on participation.
In this space, we [make] a global analysis of the experience, and that is
what we call this learning meeting, lessons learned at the end of the pro-
cess. (Interview, regional advisor)
The management network of the program is complex, because it implies
spatial arrangements, defining a clear organi, zational structure and defined
procedures, as well as respecting the different cultural forms. This is not easy,
especially when there is a tripartite relationship – students, regional advi-
sors and local stakeholders – that requires constant care and attention. It also
means that the regional advisor must travel frequently throughout the depart-
ment (territory) or other neighboring departments of the country during the
semester. It is observed that the high demand for work plus the need for a deep
monitoring process are aspects that require time, and this tends to make the
processes more complex. Faced with the reality of the territories and contexts,
these aspects privilege an operational-type training, which is neither expected
to nor designed to promote participation. This is consistent with the institu-
tional policy and the pedagogical model of the .
4.3 Two Knowledge Cultures
In the relationship between Acuamiramar and we can see two different
knowledge cultures. Acuamiramar is a culture of knowledge that arises from
the community’s relationship with water, ancestral knowledge, and common
sense. By contrast, the knowledge culture of the academy focuses on technical
aspects.
In reviewing different documents about community participation in the
construction, organization and care of community aqueducts in the state of
Tolima, we found that for several decades, rural and marginalized urban com-
munities have had to self-manage ways of supplying water to their communities.
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The public administration in Colombia has not provided an effective response
to the supply and organization of water for them.
Human communities have always defined their spatial location
concerning water, to water sources. For this reason, to go to the origin
of community water management is to investigate the primordial memory
of the relationship of people, families, and communities with water.
Over time they appropriated technologies and built access to water
sources in a family and community way based on self-management and
trust, and thus supplied that need of any population when it arrives at a
territory: a roof, water, and food.
The population that benefits from the community aqueducts are essen-
tially peasant population that develops agricultural practices, some activ-
ities with animals, or the cultivation of vegetables used for consumption.
(
In the case of the Acuamiramar aqueduct, communities, settled near water
sources, needed to find a way to supply water to their fields and for their fami-
lies. They organized themselves with two other neighboring communities and
presented a proposal to the municipal government for “the purchase of land
where the Boquerón, Miramar, and Ricaurte aqueducts were supplying an area
At that time, the Miramar community was a rural area located near a stream
or micro-watershed. The villagers organised themselves to build wells and
channeled the water resource.
The aqueducts show a culture of knowledge associated with daily experi-
ence, common sense, and learning through collaboration between families
and the community. Furthermore, they share ancestral knowledge for the con-
struction of wells, using natural resources such as guadua to channel water
from the streams and supply the community.
Currently, despite being in a conurbation area with the city of Ibagué, the
community continues to have activities associated with rurality, and water is a
fundamental resource to maintain these rural activities.
Regarding community participation in water management, there is cur-
rently an organisation in which some members of the community are part of
a Community Board of Directors which manages the aqueduct. The aqueduct
constituted as a public service company displaced community participation in
the administration and maintenance of the aqueduct.
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We organised ourselves as a solidarity service company and created
a made up of some members of the community to manage and
maintain the aqueduct and incorporate all the products that a public
service company requires. We began contracts, reports, accounting, and
everything related to managing it properly. (Aqueduct administrator
interview)
Unfortunately, throughout the history of community aqueducts, there has
been a lack of support from the national and local governments for their
proper functioning, which has meant that they do not comply with sanitation
and management standards, thus justifying their privatisation. As a result, a
business culture has displaced the community knowledge culture, and it is the
business culture that interacts with the academic culture.
As for the academic culture, we found that it related to the community cul-
ture from a technical perspective. The type of consultancy offered is related to
the maintenance of the network cadastre, the administration of the service,
and the attention to users. In this sense, the academic knowledge culture of
the university approaches community problems from a positivist-oriented
episteme.
I saw some new guys in the neighbourhood who were measuring. Not
knowing what they were doing, I asked the aqueduct administrator,
“What are those guys doing?” He answered: “The aqueduct made an
agreement with the University of Ibagué and they provided us with two
guys, two engineers, to do the topographic survey of the cadaster”. (Focus
group discussion with community members)
This shows the encounter between two cultures of knowledge that are far from
achieving convergence to mutually strengthen each other. On the contrary, it
seems that the actions of the academic culture are strengthening positivist
episteme dynamics, rather than orienting itself to engagement with the com-
munity to promote self-management and community participation in deci-
sions regarding the aqueduct.
5 Analysis
From what has been described above, it is possible to highlight some central
knowledge frameworks that interact in the experience, their characteris-
tics, and possible tensions.
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In the first instance, a distinction must be made between the frames of
meaning that reside in the institutionally declared knowledge and those that
end up being practiced. theoretically declares itself to be a transdisci-
plinary experience (knowledge beyond disciplinary frameworks), where the
co-construction of knowledge is a fundamental issue in the exercise of social
transformation. However, in practice, some processes are seen to be operating
under a framework tending to validate disciplinary knowledge for the selec-
tion of students to be placed with the organizations. In the Acuamiramar case,
the disciplinary frame operated with the interlocutor from the organization to
send students of a certain discipline (engineers).
A similar tension between disciplinary frameworks and transdisciplinary
experience operates in the construction of the action plans that students
develop. The actions developed during the experience of the Acuamiramar
project were structured to maintain a disciplinary form that, at times, already
conditions the type of response to be obtained from the practice of those
actions. Of course, this implies the reproduction of the idea of valid and invalid
knowledge, as well as the construction of conversational forms that ratify the
figure of the expert, in contrast with others that observe the experience from
the point of view of engagement and co-construction. The tension operates
from structural forms that maintain a separation between disciplinary pro-
grams and training designed with a more transdisciplinary approach. This is
a challenge already observed by regional advisors, which will require constant
reorientation of , both internally (university) and externally (regional).
Another framework of meaning is the focus given to the result in compari-
son to valuing the process of learning. The experience itself and its orientation
as a regional consultancy assumes, on part of the student, a knowledge related
to meaningful participation and integration with the community. Structural
and procedural characteristics, framed mainly due to financial reasons, imply
a constant challenge away from such orientation. Navigating these challenges,
and the power dynamics that emerge from the recurring relationships between
regional advisors, interlocutors and students, has been an important task for
to constantly observe and map. For example, one tension lies in the fact
that the high number of processes that a regional advisor may have to carry
out diminishes his or her capacity to unpack a life experience from multiple
dimensions for the students. The administrative functions are key, since the
disciplinary requirements of each experience can affect the quality of the advi-
sor’s role. This does not imply that agreements should be organised to only
connect the component of understanding the territory in the specific project
being developed. It is possible to connect understanding of the territory with
the specific actions that are agreed upon through relational reading during
the formative processes undertaken with the students at the beginning of the
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program. Building this however requires time and deep involvement by the
regional adviser, which is not always possible.
It is also possible to glimpse tensions between a certain instrumental
knowledge to deliver concrete products from each semester experience vis-
a-vis highlighting the process that is carried out and the progress even if
‘early victories’ have not been obtained, because it is not always possible to
achieve milestones in the short term of a experience over the semester.
The operational action plans created to guide the experience of each stu-
dent is based on the needs of the organization or the assigned project. These
are artifacts of knowledge that detail a procedure. We name it as an artifact
because from them it is possible to glimpse an operating epistemological per-
spective and a certain way of conversing and constructing the knowledge that
will be given during the semester. The plans highlight the general objectives
or purposes to be fulfilled as well as concrete actions to be developed; these
may operate more from a framework of relational sense with the purpose of
the organization in the particular territory in which it operates, or as precise
indicators of specific development where the support of the technical advi-
sor is fundamental. It depends, to a great extent, on the way the action plan
is built and the forms of knowledge that are highlighted, as well as the agree-
ments reached with the interlocutors. Are these agreements based mainly
on concrete products or are they agreements that interact relationally with
transdisciplinary as the central purpose? Cultural forms indicate a greater ten-
dency towards the concrete and the factual, as well as the disciplinary. This
challenge is latent and recognised by members of in the exercise of agree-
ments between the different actors, especially between the institutional actor
(university) and the organization. The agreements are mediated by financial
and operational needs, which orients the requirements from the program. It is
important to clarify that by using the word ‘disciplinary’ we are not assigning
a negative or fragmented connotation, but are rather demarcating a tension
existing between a formative process oriented towards the disciplinary and
one oriented towards the transdisciplinary.
In terms of knowledge dissemination, there is more emphasis on presenta-
tion and understanding of what has been done among advisors, students and
interlocutors. Knowledge artifacts can be identified here, such as final reports
or concrete products which may tend to be more attractive as evidence of con-
tribution. These reports and products are delivered in what are called ‘clos-
ing meetings’ and the experience can be reflected upon in ‘learning encounter
days’. However, doubts arise about the dissemination of this knowledge to the
community in general or other members of the organization. It seems that
a structural characteristic of workload will also operate here, which makes it
difficult to accompany or review broader perceptions of the organizational
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actor. In the processes known to , this is clear and various strategies are
observed that allow them not only to publish the reports made by the students
in a repository but also generate articles and dissemination events. However,
the formation of interlocutors who act as amplifiers of the experience and
its partial results in the territory becomes essential for the dissemination of
knowledge.
Some principal tensions we observed when trying to bridge knowledge
cultures and co-construct knowledge between academia and communities is
given in Figure 12.2.
In summary, is a highly ambitious proposal of engagement which
respects the process and emphasizes the transdisciplinary and collective con-
struction of knowledge for the development of the state of Tolima. However,
tensions persist at the level of the frameworks of meaning in which the dif-
ferent actors involved in operate, as well as the conflict and difficulty in
operating within what is formally described and what is possible in practice.
construction
of knowledge between academia and communities
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The tensions in constructing an experience from analytical frameworks of
meaning – that reduce and fragment the project or the functions, losing their
relationship with the whole – in contrast with highly relational exercises that
detail the parts and work on them without losing their connection with the
whole, stand out. This depends entirely on how engagement with each organi-
zation and in the specific territory is structured, and is mainly based on the
frameworks of perception the regional advisors, the interlocutors and even the
students themselves hold. Central issues, such as broad reflection about the ter-
ritory, development and the construction of a dignified life, necessary to obtain
early victories and to achieve clarity in the processes, hinder progress in terms
of more substantial objectives and processes. The epistemological perspectives
of the actors are much more oriented to the constructivist, where a type of
knowledge is centered on the realization of something concrete and on apply-
ing previously defined theories, rather than on participatory processes. This is
without detracting from the fact that instrumental concreteness is also funda-
mental for the advancement of actions.
Finally, there are the constant challenges to make the experience work
from a disciplinary perspective against the transdisciplinary; the student’s
assumptions about the experience before living it; the highly diverse territorial
dynamics with government agencies, social and productive organizations and
collectives; the expectations regarding the action plan; the demands in terms
of the time required for adequate support for particular interests against the
need for a comprehensive training in . These are not easy challenges to
deal with to establish, maintain and improve the training bridges between the
university and the organisations in the territory.
6 Conclusion
This case study of Acuamiramar, within the framework of the , allows
us to not only identify a series of challenges or tensions between the university-
community relationship but also to explore possible recommendations to
favor the generation of knowledge cultures from a transdisciplinary point
of view. In these confluences of ways of thinking and building knowledge,
we can observe that when the knowledge frameworks are not clear to all, or
when there is no parallel training for all the actors involved to recognize and
explore them, these tensions will occur. Perhaps it is because the academy
maintains a position of power that privileges expert knowledge over everyday
knowledge. One possible route to break this inequity is for the academy to rec-
ognise the value of other epistemologies and their paths. This can be achieved
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through concrete actions that transform how the academy has conventionally
operated.
Likewise, the need for integration as outlined in the university’s policies
implies a constant, critical and transforming connection with the context of
the territory. The problems that are manifested in a particular regional context
cannot be easily defined within disciplinary boundaries, so there is the need to
look towards transdisciplinary. In this sense, the formative work, not only for
students but for all the actors involved, implies learning to approach projects
or challenges that are not structured under the domain of a particular disci-
pline. This is vital for the coherence of the and its relationship with the
various organisations in the territory and is highly consistent with the formal
statement of the University of Ibagué regarding the construction of knowledge
(University of Ibagué, 2021b, 2022). The ways to operationalize this could imply
not emphasizing students be anchored to a particular discipline but seeing
them as people learning skills who, according to their profile and interest, are
linked to a project at a level beyond disciplines. In this sense, disciplines do not
come to , as in the case study observed, but students come from a variety of
interests to live a participatory experience.
Implementing this requires a substantial change in the cultures of knowl-
edge commonly operating in academic environments and the need to estab-
lish new ways to expand the frameworks, perspectives, recognition and respect
for the transdisciplinary approach. A clear difference between professional
practice and a experience, for example, would be that the professional
practical experience already has disciplinary or interdisciplinary structured
challenges build in, which is why the organization requests a practitioner
from a particular discipline, unlike that operates under a transdisciplinary
framework because the challenges or projects that the student addresses are
not already structured. The way in which the objectives, actions or functions
are structured in is key for interaction with communities in the develop-
ment of the project.
The transdisciplinary approach lays the foundations for a more partici-
patory exercise to deal with the diverse ways in which the actors involved
perceive the problem and reach agreements for action. In this case, the
figure of the interlocutor is extended to all the relevant actors in the situation,
and not just the person who is identified in the legal agreement between the
university and the organization. The question is: what forms the role of the
interlocutor? Surely, ‘taking part in a dialogue’, as mentioned in the standard
definition of the role, is not unique to a single person, as this framing is incon-
sistent with the participatory and transdisciplinary approach. It is proposed
to address this using a concept present in organizational cybernetics known
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as ‘amplification of variety’ (Díaz, n.d.). It implies that all of us, teachers of
academic programs, students, and the organizations we partner with, amplify
the capacity of , that is, amplify the framework of knowledge that allows
us to address complex situations (not structured in a disciplinary way) as a
collective and in a participatory manner. Therefore, every teacher at a regional
university such as the University of Ibagué is an amplifier of peace and of a
transdisciplinary epistemology, regardless of whether he/she works in other
functions for a particular project from his/her disciplinary framework or
not. What is important is that he/she can learn to migrate beyond the disci-
pline to other cognitive structures. Specifically, for , its curriculum would
allow training in knowledge cultures that are not only disciplinary but also
transdisciplinary.
In a highly relational way, ‘variety reduction’ could operate in proposing a
series of articulated projects or challenges with regional missions that reduce
the apparent variety of process options in each organization and articulate
common challenges. Thus, the regional advisors address a reduced set of artic-
ulated challenges, linking a wide variety of students. These adjustments would
favor constant dissemination of the experiences and partial results that are
generated involving all the actors.
If we want to create conditions for the confluence of knowledge cultures
between the university and community, we must develop learning and train-
ing that is oriented towards transdisciplinarity (Díaz, n.d.). This implies the
recognition of knowledge frameworks operating in any relationship and the
need to train both teachers and students internally, and organizations and
communities externally, about the importance of bridging the knowledges
each brings, to learn to observe how we are observing the phenomena, and con-
verge our different views and feelings. Transdisciplinary practice goes much
beyond the unidirectional relationship in which the university goes to the ter-
ritory, or a bi-directional one in which the university also receives from the
territory; it is oriented to be a recursive process in which one cannot operate
without the other because they are mutually constituted.
Notes
1 The University of Ibagué is a small private regional higher education institution that is
located in the city of Ibagué, in the state of Tolima, approximately 211 km from the capital of
Colombia, Bogotá.
2 Community-run aqueducts in Colombia are non-profit and community-driven, organized
civil society groups that provide water to households in rural and semi-urban areas.
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created as a
structured organization with all assets controlled, managed and directed by the community.
In the early days of the aqueducts, only the community participated in them; years later,
many have become companies with private, public, and community partners.
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This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the
Decolonising Knowledge for Social Change
Experiences of the Salish Sea K4C Hub, Canada
Suriani Dzulkifli, Crystal Tremblay, Walter Lepore, Tanya Clarmont,
Carol Hall and Sebastian Silva
Abstract
The history and impacts of colonisation in Canada are important for the efforts of the
-
ing of this history is presented to contextualise the ongoing movements towards Indig-
enous self-determination across all aspects of life and for the building of capacity for
research and training in support of these rights. Delving into the principles and vision
of the hub and a brief background of the university credited course offered by
the hub helps discern the key impacts of the course, and offers some reflections and
recommendations in bridging different knowledge cultures between universities and
communities.
Keywords
colonisation of knowledge – decolonising knowledge – Indigenous self-determination
– course impacts
1 Introduction
The Salish Sea is the network of coastal waterways surrounding the traditional
territories of the
Peoples and the southwestern portion of mainland British Columbia
(), Canada. The term Salish Sea was selected as the name of the Hub to
reflect the desire to focus its work in this area of Canada, to value the knowl-
edges and life experience of local Indigenous people, and to describe the intri-
cate ways we hope the hub will extend into local communities.
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sortium, the Salish Sea Hub () is a partnership between the University of
Victoria (UVic), the Victoria Native Friendship Centre () and the Victoria
Foundation (). The overall purpose of this hub is to decolonise knowledge
production and promote the co-creation of knowledge through community-
based and Indigenous-led research training and mentorship.
The consists of a group of six certified mentors of multidisciplinary,
multilingual, and multicultural backgrounds (see Chair -,
2022). Together we have co-developed an upper-level undergraduate course
offered through the Department of Geography at the University of Victoria,
which introduces students to the theory and practice of community-based par-
ticipatory research () and Indigenous ways of knowing, and exposes them
to experiential learning opportunities with local community partners. With a
special focus on addressing community-identified research needs linked to the
UN Sustainable Development Goals (
course is to advance community-engaged research and learning within and
outside academia, and contribute to the decolonisation and Indigenisation of
higher education in Western Canada. In this chapter, we discuss some of the
challenges and learnings we came across as we incorporated Western and local
Indigenous knowledge systems into the design and delivery of this course, tak-
ing into consideration colonial, hierarchical, patriarchal power structures that
still influence the work of community-university partnerships in Canada. As
part of the project, we were also interested in exploring the impacts of the
hub’s undergraduate course in working across knowledge systems outside and
within the academia.
We begin this chapter by briefly describing the history and impacts of col-
onisation in Canada and the ongoing movements towards Indigenous self-
determination across all aspects of life (i.e., general knowledge environment).
Situating this history is important within the context of the efforts and pri-
orities of the hub’s institutional members to build capacity for research and
training in support of the rights and well-being of Indigenous peoples and
other social groups that have been historically marginalised (i.e., institutional
knowledge environment). We then describe the local knowledge setting and
practice by delving into the principles and vision of the hub and a brief back-
ground of the course. To discern the key impacts of the course, we present the
findings of a case study of the hub that was carried out with the collaboration
of its mentors, partners and students. Lastly, we offer some reflections and rec-
ommendations in bridging different knowledge cultures between universities
and communities.
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2 General Knowledge Environment: Impacts of Colonialism
in Canada
In Canada, there is an on-going history of racism, oppression and discrimination
towards Indigenous peoples and their knowledge systems, which has led to
the annihilation of Indigenous ways of being and knowing. This epistemicide
of Indigenous peoples from their land, culture, language, and community,
stretching back to hundreds of years when European settlers seized unceded
Indigenous lands for resource extraction and conquering of new settlements.
In furthering their colonialist and imperialist agenda, the European colonis-
ers intentionally implemented displacement and assimilation policies with
the aim of removing and severing Indigenous peoples from their lands and
culture.
government, which still operates today undermining Indigenous peoples’
aspects of the daily lives and wellbeing of the Indigenous peoples in Canada,
and it has had a profound adverse impact on the translation and transmission
of knowledge in Indigenous communities. With the aim of assimilating the
Indigenous population and bringing them under one form of law and one way
of life, the Indian Act abolished traditional forms of governance, including the
restriction of women in decision-making and replacing their leadership roles
with a patriarchal, male-only elective system that are contrary to the often
matrilianal leadership roles of Indigenous women in political, economic and
social life in their communities (Sayers, 2001).
potlatches, an Indigenous cultural
ceremony that involves gift giving and feasting on important occasions such as
naming ceremonies, change of leadership, births and deaths. Potlatches were
considered a major barrier to assimilation as it maintains legal traditions of
the Coast Salish people with the redistribution of wealth, refinement of oral
prohibition of these cultural ceremonies has resulted in a major breakdown
in the ability of older generations to preserve their own culture and to share
important stories about laws and traditions with younger generations (Kan,
Further genocide and oppression of Indigenous knowledge systems
occurred during the implementation of the Indian Residential Schools ()
system – operated by the Anglican, Roman Catholic, Methodist, Presbyterian,
United churches, among others, and funded by the Canadian government – in
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which Indigenous children were abducted from their homes in attempts
to ‘kill the Indian in the child’ and assimilate them into the Western culture
from their communities and placed into ; many of them never returned
-
and isolated from their families and all their kinship ties for the entire time
they attended .
In this regard, it is important to note that, within Indigenous communities,
the extended kinship system plays an integral role in the function of children
learning and inter-generational transfer of knowledge (Poonwassie & Charter,
2001). The education system of residential schools replaced a reciprocal and
holistic learning and teaching cycle strongly founded in relationships and
cultural pedagogies of discovery and interdependency, with a pedagogy based
on authority, control, force, individualism and competition. The education
system introduced a new way of learning to Indigenous peoples as a mechanism
to Christianise, colonise and assimilate Indigenous children (by teaching them
foreign values and customs), and to destroy their cultures, beliefs, languages
and sense of pride (by shaming them into rejecting their own culture, tradi-
tions, spirituality and language) (Haig-Brown
were forced to attend suffered from physical, psychological and emotional
abuse which affected the generations that followed, causing intergenerational
and have left a legacy of poverty, economic marginalization, unemployment,
addiction, homelessness, and ongoing racism and stigmatization in systems
3 Decolonizing Knowledge Production and Dissemination
In recent years, conscious efforts have been made in decolonising knowl-
edge and institutions, including recognising Indigenous ways of knowing, to
address the harmful impacts colonialism and imperialism have brought onto
-
ment across Canada and globally, a number of initiatives have taken shape in
support of meaningful community engagement and Indigenous-led research,
as a response to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples () in 2007, the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
Act () created in 2022, and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s
(
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The Canada Research Coordinating Committee (), for instance, was
created in 2017 to help advance federal research priorities and the coordina-
tion of policies and programmes of Canada’s research funding agencies. One
of its key priorities is to support and enhance the capacity of First Nations,
Métis and Inuit communities to lead their own research and partner with the
broader research community. The , with extensive engagement across
the country, launched a national Indigenous research framework to strengthen
Indigenous-led
several First Nations and Indigenous organisations have developed their own
research protocols and strategies should they choose to partner with external
institutions and organisations (e.g., the National Inuit Strategy on Research).
Indigenous communities have also been at the forefront in creating research
principles and ethics to assert control over data gathering processes and gov-
ernance (e.g., the Ownership, Control, Access and Possession [] princi-
ples) and have advanced Indigenous research approaches, most of which are
community-based. In 2018, the Tri-Council Policy Statement set the ethical
standard for research that involves the First Nations, Inuit and Métis Peoples
of Canada.
In line with this decolonising and Indigenising movement, mainstream
universities –the University of Victoria included– have been developing spaces
for recruiting and retaining Indigenous students and faculty members (e.g.,
through equity, diversity and inclusion policies and programmes, and prefer-
ential or target hirings), and offer programmes that incorporate Indigenous
-
been a steady increase of Indigenous students in the postsecondary sector
-
tion rates between Indigenous and non-Indigenous undergraduate students
highly under-represented in Canadian universities (i.e., 1%), in the same way
Indigenous and non-Indigenous professors (ibid.).
4 Institutional Knowledge Environment: The Salish Sea Hub Partners
The works to contribute to the decolonising of knowledge production
and dissemination within and outside acedemia. The hub supports its part-
ners to come together and co-lead research that has been identified by the
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communities in which we serve. Each partner organisation of the has a
strong mandate to improve the lives of the people and communities in which
they operate and is committed to doing so. They are each recognised in the
region as being leaders for their commitment to community engagement and
decolonisation. These commitments are woven through the strategic visions
and mandates of the organisations that have various mechanisms and pro-
grammes that support this work.
4.1 Victoria Native Friendship Centre
The Victoria Native Friendship Centre () is an urban Indigenous organisa-
tion grounded in Indigenous worldviews and cultures, which serves the diverse
Indigenous communities living in the Capital Regional District of Victoria, BC.
The is one of 118 centres across Canada that are part of the Friendship
Centre Movement that helps connect people to the local community, provide
cultural support, and aims to bridge some of the gaps between Indigenous and
non-Indigenous people in urban settings. The ’s mandate is to encour-
age and promote the well-being of urban Indigenous people, by strengthen-
ing individuals, family and community. Community engagement is central to
achieving ’s mandate, and methods have been at the core of that
All programming offered at is culturally enhanced and developed spe-
cifically to respond to the needs of the surrounding urban Indigenous com-
munity. Urban life for Indigenous peoples is considerably different from that
of reserves and other rural areas given a number of distinctive characteristics
they face, such as: (a) economic marginalisation – urban Indigenous resi-
dents tend to be poorer than their non-Indigenous neighbours ( Obonsawin &
Howard-Bobiwash
unemployment, single parenthood, homelessness, and domestic violence
(Janovicek, 2007); (b) cultural diversity – urban Indigenous population is
made up of individuals and families that arrive to urban centres from many
different Indigenous communities, whether from reserves, smaller towns or
other cities (FitzMaurice & McCaskill, 2011); and (c) legal diversity – urban
Indigenous residents represent a complex mix of legal classifications across
conflicting responsibilities of the federal government and other levels of juris-
diction (FitzMaurice & McCaskill, 2001; Palmater, 2011). These characteristics
create real challenges in terms of providing programmes, services and funding
to urban Indigenous people.
has developed a strong leadership team who works with community
to undertake research for the purpose of enhancing programming, securing
funding, and creating programmes that aptly respond to community needs in
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a culturally safe and timely way. The services are available to the 17,000
residents from the First Nations communities in the southern Vancouver
Island region. The , as other Friendship Centres, can be considered a
hub of Indigenous culture (Howard, 2011). It works with and shares several
Indigenous knowledge systems reflective of the diversity of Indigenous peo-
ples that are part of their community and benefit from their services. Proto-
cols for sharing and disseminating these knowldeges is often guided by the
Elders and Advisory councils who ensure that the appropriate measures are
followed. This might include specific ceremonies, gifting protocols, witnessing,
and ways of working together that are unique to the customs and traditions of
local Indigenous peoples and their communities.
4.2 Victoria Foundation
The Victoria Foundation () is a philantropic organisation that has a vision
to create a vibrant, caring local community. The Foundation grounds its work
in community knowledge, and it supports hundreds of initiatives, both large
and small across southern Vancouver Island and beyond. In doing so, it enables
non-profit organisations to respond to the most pressing concerns and needs
in this community such as housing, food equity, gender equality and inclu-
sion, to name but a few. The Foundation also works closely with the local com-
munity to conduct the annual Victoria’s Vital Signs community report, which
measures the vitality of the region, identifies concerns, and supports actions
on issues that are relevant and critical to improving quality of life. has been
a strong proponent and leader of advancing the UN -
nity and has introduced the
as well as its other leadership initiatives.
The Foundation was one of the initial signatories to the Philanthropic Com-
munity’s Declaration of Action as a pledge to maintain an active commitment
to reconciliation based on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s Calls
to Action. The Reconciliation Task Group provides input and recommen-
dations to the Board of Directors and staff to continue its work to engage in
reconciliation.
4.3 University of Victoria
The University of Victoria (UVic) is a mid-size, public research university
highly engaged with its local, regional and national communities, respectfully
acknowledging its unique place situated on the traditional territories of the
First Nations. Guided by the values and wis-
dom of the Coast Salish First Peoples, the University’s first Indigenous Plan
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(2017–2022) provides an important path for reconciliation that is informed and
woven throughout the university’s research, teaching and service initiatives.
A focus on and appreciation for the unique cultural, physical and social
environment on which the campus sits is part of the university’s identity.
UVic is ranked strongly for promoting Indigenous visibility, and first nation-
ally for Open Access publications, commitment to Truth and Reconcilia-
tion Commission () Calls to Action, and open curriculum (University of
Victoria, 2022).
4.4 Principles, Visions and Institutional Challenges of the Salish Sea Hub
The work of the hub is oriented to address and create community interven-
tions and innovations addressing the UN with a particular focus on
good health and well-being (
(10), and climate action ( is
committed to promoting the full and effective participation in all matters that
concern Indigenous peoples and their right to remain distinct and pursue their
own visions of economic and social development. As such, the hub is specifi-
cally grounded in Indigenous ways of viewing and knowing the world to bridge
knowledge and research out of academia and into communities. A focus of the
hub is to centralize the voices, stories and experiences of underrepresented
communities through , including youth, Elders/seniors, 2+
peoples, new Canadians and refugees, and the unhoused community, to name
a few.
While the demonstrates a respectful working relationship between all of
its partner organisations, it has to be acknowledged that relationship-building
has not been spontaneous or without challenges. Interviews conducted as part
of this research for the project reveal that, from the university’s perspec-
tive, building trust with community partners is often seen as ‘invisible work’,
usually not recognised in the academia, while community organisations find
it difficult to navigate relationships with the university, not knowing ‘how it
works or which support to connect with’.
Although the collaborative work of the hub is institutionally established by
a non-binding MoU signed by the three partner organisations, personal rela-
tionships play a crucial role in breaking down barriers between community
organisations and the university. For instance, at present, the mentors
affiliated to the depend on their personal contacts with the UVic rep-
resentatives of the to help them connect with the right person or depart-
ment at the university. and have the insight and familiarity of working
with each other and other community organisations due to the similarity of
their mandates and works cultures, compared to working with UVic. The lack
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of cultural awareness, community knowledge and familiarity at the university
does not contribute to the advancement of community-university engagement
and knowledge co-creation outside the boundaries of academia.
5 Knowledge Setting: Training the Next Generations in CBPR
In working towards the hub’s goals of decolonising knowledge production and
dissemination, while featuring diverse voices and centring Indigenous ways of
knowing, we have co-developed a university credited course. The course
level
Geography course in the Department of Geography, where Tremblay, the aca-
demic lead of the , is a faculty member. The course is grounded in decolo-
nisation, knowledge democracy, anti-oppressive, arts-based, and Indigenous
methodologies through study of the literature, case studies, presentations by
community-academic partners, practicum term projects in community and
self-reflection activities.
The course has been offered during four academic terms between 2020
completed the course successfully. While this course is offered to upper-level
undergraduate students, several graduate level students have also enrolled in
it due to its unique design and content. There have been eleven community
organisation partners to date, many of whom have ongoing projects spanning
throughout the terms, with students handing off projects to the new cohort.
Since the course launched in 2020 during the -1 pandemic, it has been
delivered virtually, including all community-led projects with the students for
the first two terms with the support of Zoom and Brightspace, a learning man-
agement system that the university uses. The third term was the first time that
the course was conducted in person; however, as -1 policies at the uni-
versity and some community organisations differ, a few community-led pro-
jects were conducted online.
Indigenous Elder Advisors in partnership with the play an active role
in the course to provide guidance and training to students and hub mentors.
Despite this important collaboration from the community partners, the UVic
faculty member is the only one responsible for sourcing, finding and design-
ing community-based projects, and the timing of the course, reflecting the
continued power imbalance in favour of the university in terms of decision-
making and governance of the course. Similarly, other mentors who are
not UVic professors are not formally recognised or funded by the university,
and funds to support their participation needs to be obtained each term the
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course is offered, inhibiting the achievement of our goals as a hub and keeping
the course offering precarious.
6 Case Study: Knowledge Co-Creation at the Salish Sea Hub
The case study research for the project started in August 2021 and ended
in November 2021. The hub’s mentors co-designed the study; however, not all
mentors were able to be active participants of the project due to the lack of
capacity and resources (i.e., time, funding), which has been an ongoing chal-
lenge of the hub. For the duration of the research, we frequently met via Zoom
to design the research, choose appropriate conceptual frameworks, research
questions, timeline, participants, and methods, which are discussed in the fol-
lowing sections.
We identified several groups to recruit for the research – previous students
who had completed the course, representatives from and as
community partners of the hub, and representatives of UVic from the Office of
the Vice President Research as an academic partner of the hub. We contacted
former students via email regarding the project and six agreed to participate.
-
tion for volunteering their time. Further, each mentor of the hub identified
and communicated with their colleagues and were invited to participate in an
interview.
6.1 Methods: Focus Group, Interviews and Arts-Based Activity
Due to ongoing -1 restrictions we conducted one focus group and sev-
eral interviews with our participants as these were the safest and most feasible
methods to carry out the research under the given circumstances. To engage
minute focus group via Zoom at the end of
the first week of September 2021. Two mentors from UVic facilitated the
focus group with the six students. The students were invited to reflect on their
understanding of multiple knowledge systems (i.e., Indigenous, community-
based, arts-based) introduced in the course, their experience of being involved
directly in community-led projects, and the impacts the course had on their
learning and their personal and professional lives.
In addition to asking the students discussion questions, we also incorpo-
rated an arts-based component where we requested them to draw or share
a photo of what ‘knowledge’ means to them. Towards the end of the focus
groups, the students were given 10 minutes to do this arts-based activity. By
using an arts-based method, the students were able to conceptualise their
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understanding of knowledge critically without the limitations of words. Using
the arts in learning and teaching can “foster deeper awareness of self, one
another and the world, richer engagement with study, greater confidence and
the course’s impacts on the students learning.
The interviews with hub partners (UVic, and ) were conducted
between September and October of 2021. We separately interviewed a total
of six participants (two representatives from each institution/organisation).
Responses from the focus group and interviews were analysed and themati-
cally coded by two mentors using the inductive approach, allowing the
data collected to determine the themes. Upon analysing the content of focus
group discussion and interviews, the two mentors identified the themes
from the data separately. They then met up to discuss the themes that they
had each identified. Both mentors identified similar themes without major
discrepancies.
7 Findings
The common themes that emerged in all of the interviews and focus groups,
and the findings of the project are shared below.
7.1 Theme 1: Re-defining ‘Knowledge’
For centuries, ‘knowledge’ had been understood through Western Eurocentric
renowned professor of Indig-
enous education,
the arguments of different Indigenous peoples based on spiritual rela-
tionships to the universe, to the landscape and to stones, rocks, insects
and other things, seen and unseen, have been difficult arguments for
Yet, it is crucial to challenge the Western points of views in order to bridge
the different knowledge cultures. We must first understand what we know
and consider as knowledge. One clear theme that emerged was the expanded
understanding of what ‘knowledge’ is. Different knowledge cultures may view,
consider, and accept different elements as knowledge.
In the perspectives of civil society organisations, both community
partners – i.e., the and – perceive knowledge as place-based and
community-centred. Community knowledge is what informs their programmes,
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services and other projects for their organisations as they are designed and
built based on a needs-based approach in their local communities. In the case
of , their work has shifted from donor-focused to community focused, as
one of their representatives mentioned that they were “taking action based
on what is coming from [the] community”, recognising that knowledge comes
in different forms. They acknowledge that as an organisation they work as an
intermediary between donors and community members, and have the obliga-
tion to learn from the community as “without them, we do not know much”
about what is really needed. Using this community-centred approach, the
releases a yearly report called Vital Signs, and creates programmes to help
address community issues highlighted in the report, ensuring that all voices
are heard.
Similarly, the is community-responsive by gathering community
knowledge from its members to provide them with services and programmes
that are Indigenous-led and created based on their needs. Hence, all of their
services and programmes are unique to their own site. They describe knowl-
edge as “the accumulation of information … things that have been tried,
that worked, that failed, learning from those processes brings us knowledge”.
providing services to urban Indigenous communities, they share the knowl-
edge and best practices collectively among other Friendship Centres across the
province on services of shared priority. This could be, for example, information
about “financial literacy, nutrition, counselling, folded into training processes”,
highlighting that the oral transmission of knowledge remains very important
to their organisation.
On the other hand, UVic views knowledge in the form of research, scholar-
ship and experiential knowledge, which they describe as “evidence-based and
sustained experience knowledge” and bringing these different kinds of knowl-
edge together at the university. They elaborated on experiential knowledge as
“transmission of extended experience”, for example, from working with Indig-
enous communities such as the Elders. The knowledge is then produced typi-
cally in the forms of publications and conference presentations that are often
aimed to measure impact factor. Notably, UVic is in the midst of creating a
committee to reevaluate and measure knowledge production as a way of not
excluding knowledges cultures and navigating a new way of translating the
impact measurement of these knowledges.
Therefore, knowledge is not limited to just academic knowledge. We
acknowledge and accept that knowledge expands beyond the restricted aca-
demic/scientific knowledge including but not limited to Indigenous, local
and other types of knowledge systems that derive from the community. The
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students from our course also noted how the course impacted their new
understanding of ‘knowledge’, which is discussed as a subtheme below.
7.1.1 Subtheme: New Understanding of ‘Knowledge’
By using the arts in our course with community partners, we
invited the students to reflect on the expanded definition and meaning of
‘knowledge’ as a way to connect the different types and sources of knowl-
edge. To demonstrate this, the focus group participants, who were former stu-
dents of the hub’s course, were asked to draw or share an image that
expressed their understanding of ‘knowledge’ since completing the course.
Through visual representations, they shared their outlook that knowledge was
represented in different forms. Using the images they had drawn or selected,
they highlighted the importance of recognising knowledges that were out-
side of the university, and that the process of knowledge creation had to be
collaborative. Speaking specifically to the relationship with local Indigenous
communities, the participants mentioned that this collaborative process was
pertinent to reconciliation as the process was sometimes more important than
the outcome. We share below some of the participant’s visual representations
and interpretations of ‘knowledge’ in their own words. All names used are
pseudonyms.
expanded understanding about ‘knowledge’ upon taking the course:
She shared,
When asked to picture our thoughts about knowledge, I imagined some-
thing very vibrant, fluid and collaborative, much like a garden can be.
In the image, you can see components both above and below the soil,
demonstrating that knowledge may not always be where we expect and
that it can appear in many forms. In the photo, there are many contribu-
tors, such as pollinators and the sun and a lot of diversity, much like my
experience in the class. What is not pictured here, though could be dem-
onstrated further with this concept, are spaces where there is only one
entity creating knowledge, which might result in a mono-crop, or areas
where knowledge extraction is harmful, perhaps resulting in a garden
with poor health. For the most part, however, I wanted to represent the
knowledge that we encompassed in class, one that prioritises not only
the product, but the process as well.
understood of knowledge from taking the course:
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She explained,
This image is a conceptualisation of human made knowledge through
comparison of thoughts and knowledge. Thoughts are resembled by the
curvy lines and knowledge is resembled through the curvy lines that lead
to a bubble. People are resembled by diverse stick figures. I view human
made knowledge as something that stems from thoughts and experi-
ences that can stem from an individual and/or a collective.
new understanding of ‘knowledge’ from her involvement in the course.
According to her,
The photo is what I think of when I hear the word knowledge after taking
the course. I learned how incorporating Indigenous (non-Western)
epistemologies and ways of knowing is integral on the road to reconcilia-
tion. It inspired me to become a more confident student by validating my
learned experiences and my natural ability to relate to the environment
around me. There is no knowledge without the earth and all those who
different contributors
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inhabit it, and encourages a respectful sharing of that knowledge in
hopes of creating a more inclusive world.
is to him, following his participation in the course. He described,
This image of balancing stones represents the information that we have
in society has to be in balance with the lived experiences including all
of the little components of the world around us. In the same context, I
am really fascinated by the First Nations culture because they are willing
to understand everything around them. So, their knowledge comes from
their environment as well. And I think that the university’s knowledge
has to come from the outside in the same way, and when they develop
their knowledge, it has to be disseminated back into the community
because that is the only way to keep it balanced. We can’t have all knowl-
edge in isolation to maintain the balance. To me that is knowledge, to
accept everything around us and it is a necessary part of it.
These images that were either drawn or chosen by the students and their inter-
pretations of them, suggest that they now have a new, deeper and richer under-
standing of what knowledge is. All of them recognised and accepted that there
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is knowledge outside of the classroom, outside of the preferential system, and
within oneself, that is, each person’s experiences. The course has helped
them realise the power over knowledge, on whose knowledge is accepted as
‘valid’. It has made them aware of the extractive nature of the relationship
between institutions and Indigenous communities, and how important it is
for university and Indigenous communities to work together, collaboratively,
with reciprocity and respect.
7.2 Theme 2: Relationship as a Fundamental Aspect of Knowledge
Creation and Working Collaboratively
Scholars highlight that relationships are at the heart of practice, especially
since the approach involves the active participation of co-creating knowledge
with groups of people (MacKinnon, 2018; Rappaport, 2020). Unsurprisingly,
when it comes to working in partnerships with communities, relationships
as the core of and knowledge co-creation was an overwhelming theme
that emerged from analysis of the participants’ interviews and focus group
responses. All of the hub partners as well as the former students of the
course stated that having a strong foundation in relationships with communi-
ties eases the processes of working together collaboratively. It would also set
precedents and increase the possibility for future collaborations.
In this regard, a challenge highlighted by the representatives was the
excessive expectation from others when working with an Indigenous organisa-
tion as “there is a lot of pressure to help others participate in reconciliation.
The responsibility to inform and educate people to help them participate in
Indigenous spaces”. Separately, this challenge was also acknowledged by the
UVic representatives, that as a university, they sometimes “overuse community
partners but no one is tracking how much is being asked”. Better coordination
and organising at the institutional level are needed to avoid overuse issues. In
preventing this from further happening, the university is starting to create a
community portal to track their requests of community partners.
In managing expectations while working in collaboration with others, one
representative highlighted that
it’s important to think about what is the best for both sides of the table;
decide early on how to work with each other and being clear about
expectations at the beginning, discussing deliverables at the start, and
not making it up as you go. Knowing when to step away is important too.
An initiative like the allows for a continuous space to establish the
work and values that are needed in relationship building, and to practice
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the importance of nurturing these relationships bringing the values of trust,
respect and reciprocity forward.
As one of the highlights of this course, the former students mentioned
that the course provided them with the opportunity to build relationships with
the community partners as well as with others in the course (e.g., other stu-
dents, professors, mentors) more closely than they normally would have. They
recognised that the relationships developed also gave them the opportunity
for networking that was lacking in the other courses they were enrolled in.
However, while the students enjoyed building these relationships with com-
munity partners, they found that their involvement in community-led projects
ended abruptly after three months following the university’s schedule of the
end of a term. Some students shared that the timeframe for the course to com-
plete the project was too short. Further, there had been no clear expectations
for both the students and community partners when the course was over. Nev-
ertheless, there are several efforts to continue the student-community partner-
ships following the course, such as through directed studies, honours projects,
work study, or other funding sources that enable the students to continue
working on projects after the course ends. This has its own challenge in capac-
ity as trying to maintain so many projects and students (without funding) is
problematic.
7.3 Theme 3: Learning through Active Listening
-
ances and working collaboratively. In this study, both the hub’s community
partners and former students identified active listening as one of the impor-
tant skills required to build relationships with local communities. When work-
ing with communities of different cultural backgrounds and ways of knowing,
such as the Indigenous communities, active listening is one of the useful skills
to understand the community partners’ needs as well as to learn from them
with humility and empathy. The representatives at the highlighted that as
humans, “we have innate assumptions about others”, and so it is important
that “we unlearn and debunk these assumptions by learning about other peo-
ple through collaborations” with different organisations and populations, and
practising active listening. In this regard, it is important that “we make sure
all voices are heard, [thus] our work must be driven by real curiosity to learn”.
Requesting for and receiving feedback from others are also continuous pro-
cesses of learning when using active listening and reflection.
Likewise, the practices active listening with its community members,
especially when the programmes and services are catered specifically to the
members’ needs. This makes the practice of active listening vital to their work.
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Interestingly, the representatives highlighted that from their many expe-
riences of working with universities, people in academia have the tendency
of overthinking, and so they often over-speak as well. This shows there is a
lack of practice in active listening that academics need to start adopting into
their work, particularly when it involves working with communities to address
problems and needs they have identified.
It is particularly interesting that there was no mention of active listening by
the university as a key element in bringing together knowledge with communi-
ties. This is especially important given their observations of asking too much,
and not compensating enough when asking Indigenous peoples to participate
in university activities and research. Thus, it appears that there is more of a
need to emphasise and include active listening in university practice when
it collaborates with communities, something that requires researchers
to do as a way to foster reciprocal collaborations with humility and respect.
Through active listening, academics will be able to learn, appreciate and
respect the value of other experts’ knowledge that is all around them. Active
listening is one way of fostering openness and humility in learning that the
university must normalise. Active listening in is not just an asset or rec-
ommendation, it is a need.
7.4 Theme 4: Reflection as an Important Practice in cbpr
According to H. S. Kim, an expert in nursing practice, reflection is “a process
of consciously examining what has occurred in terms of thoughts, feelings,
and actions against underlying beliefs, assumptions and knowledge as well as
Building on this definition, Cameron et al. (2000) explain that by applying
reflective practice we gain “new understandings [which] can lead to a transfor-
mation in perspective and an eventual change in practice” (p. 218). Indeed, the
importance of reflection is the next theme that emerged. Although addressed
separately, it is closely connected to active listening.
The representatives from one of the hub’s community partners and the for-
mer students of the course mentioned how they found reflection as an impor-
tant component of . According to the representatives at the , they
discovered that reflective practice helped them improve the effectiveness of
their work and programme with the community. They mentioned that the
as an organisation has always worked in partnerships with different communi-
ties that came with their own sets of knowledge, experiences, concerns, ideas
and suggestions. Reflection helped them make informed decisions and take
local actions.
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Reflection requires the skill of active listening in order to truly understand
a situation. Practicing reflection can also lead to reflexivity when we are aware
of our judgements, assumptions and biases before making a decision or com-
mitting to an action. The students enrolled in the course also found this
to be true. They mentioned that participating in the course had allowed them
the opportunity to reflect on a regular basis through discussions, assignments,
as well as their interactions with community partners, mentors and other stu-
dents. Being involved in the course offers them the possibility to learn, unlearn
and re-learn the nature of relationships between colonial institutions (e.g., uni-
versities) and Indigenous communities, making them aware of the impacts of
historical and ongoing colonisation, privilege and power imbalance between
the two entities. Learning this had allowed the students to be both reflective
and reflexive of their own positionality in society, their biases, judgements and
assumptions. One student shared that being involved in this course had chal-
lenged him to be accountable of his white privilege and encouraged him to
practise decolonisation in his daily life.
8 Reflections and Recommendations to Bridge Knowledge between
Academia and Community
First, there has been a discrepancy in perception of what knowledge is, and
the value it holds. Indigenous knowledge and knowledge from local communi-
ties, for example, are often viewed as ‘inferior’ and at times deemed ‘invalid’
by universities for the fact that they are not knowledge produced or validated
by the institution. As a consequence of this colonial hegemony held by uni-
versities, it contributes to the epistemicide of other knowledge systems and
the perpetuation of colonisation in our systems and everyday lives. As a way
of preventing this from further happening, universities need to decolonise
research and teaching practices by recognising and accepting knowledge in
all forms, including those that are community based and outside of academia.
By integrating different knowledge systems into the design and delivery of our
course, we have helped students, who are the next generation of researchers,
to expand their perspectives and create a new understanding of what is con-
sidered as ‘knowledge’, which we hope will have broader impacts in their lives
and communities going forward.
Second, we learned that there are challenges for local communities to
navigate relationships with universities given the specific mandate and com-
plex organisational structure of the institution. The shifting structures of the
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university in regards to community engagement has been a challenge and
remains as one of the barriers for community-university partnerships and
engagement. Local communities currently depend on personal contacts at
universities, and at times, universities tend to overextend community partners,
especially non-profit and Indigenous community organisations. In bridging
this gap, better coordination and planning at the institutional level of universi-
ties is needed. Universities should consider to prioritize relationship building
with local communities by investing time and resources to get to know them
and their (working) culture. Universities also need to dedicate a unit or struc-
ture to community-university engagements that allows for easier navigation
to foster collaborations. This unit could assist with enhancing and facilitating
cultural awareness among university researchers when it comes to working
with communities.
Third, there has often been a lack of practice in listening to communities
by universities when working with communities. University researchers have
the tendency to over-speak and assert their ideas without, first, listening to
the communities and, second, taking their needs into consideration. Due to
this lack of active listening, universities struggle to view local communities as
‘experts’, or compensate them fairly for their contributions, when in fact Indig-
enous communities have their own highly evolved knowledge systems and
ways of being that include vast knowledge of the territories they call home.
Active listening helps to promote and bridge the understanding of these dif-
ferent knowledge cultures. As uninvited guests to the Indigenous territories,
universities must start listening actively to Indigenous communities, and hon-
our, respect and learn from, with humility and openness, the knowledge these
communities have and share. Academics are urged to embrace and incorpo-
rate active listening in their work when they collaborate with communities, as
it helps to understand their needs and allows for an open and respectful learn-
ing environment. The course has highlighted the usefulness of active lis-
tening when working with communities. Particularly, the course provided a
space for students to practice and apply this skill. While active listening is one
of the core aspects of , it requires practice.
Fourth, there is a need for reflection when working with local communities.
We learned that reflection contributes to the effectiveness and improvement
of community programmes and collaborations. Reflection helps to bridge dif-
ferent knowledge cultures as it provides us with the space to learn, re-learn and
unlearn our assumptions and biases, which can ultimately lead to changes in
beliefs and behaviours. Being both reflective and reflexive is important when
we collaborate with communities as they enable us to make more informed
decisions and take more purposeful actions. It is important to note that active
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listening and reflection go hand in hand as one needs to be able to listen atten-
tively before reflecting. The course has allowed for a space that promotes
reflection on a regular basis among students through the different activities
facilitated in the course. This has challenged the students and instructors to
reflect on their positionality, biases, assumptions and privileges when working
with the local communities.
9 Conclusions
This case study shows a series of challenges and lessons we have encountered
from the inception of the to the on-going delivery of a pedagogical prod-
uct that contributes to bridging the different knowledge cultures of the partner
organisations that make up the hub. We hope that by sharing our learned expe-
riences and best practices we will inspire more universities to foster ethical,
reciprocal and respectful partnerships with communities.
The collaborative course design and delivery by the civil society organisa-
tions and higher education members of the hub, along with the support of
local community partners, have been proved effective in developing soft skills
in community engagement that are useful not only for students’ academic
work, but also for their professional and daily lives. The ’s course has
been able to provide the space to train students to be more attentive listeners
and learners. Former students of the course shared that they were able to learn
and sharpen their skill in active listening through their hands-on learning with
the community partners in the community-led projects. Being able to apply
that skill and knowledge on the ground was very important to them as it added
meaning to their experience in community engagement. One of the students
found the skill of active listening she had learned in the course so useful
that she started to practise it in other parts of her life, such as in her work-
place. Through this course, the also managed to introduce the students
to the benefits of critical reflection and provided them with the environment
to apply this practice, heightening their awareness of the importance of co-
conducting ethical research with community partners.
The way we have worked as a hub has also contributed to strengthening
existing institutional relationships among the partner organisations. We have
consciously prioritised building and nurturing relationships of trust and
respect among the members of the hub and with our local partners. This has
helped to strengthen and ease the collaborative work and projects we under-
take together, despite significant epistemic differences. Recognising that rela-
tionships are at the core of community-university engagement, we aim to
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enhance and better support this practice in academia by promoting respectful
and mutual collaborations with community. Students also had the opportu-
nity to build relationships organically with the community partners, instruc-
tors, mentors and other students – an opportunity they typically do not have
in other courses.
Without minimising these important achievements at the level of knowl-
edge setting/practice and institutional knowledge environment, the hub has
also faced critical challenges at the institutional and policy level to meet its
objectives. Our pedagogical practice had to adjust to a more traditional teaching
approach that does not fully allow for the application of pedagogical principles
that underpin the teaching of and promote equitable and responsible
The impossibility to extend the students-community relationships beyond the
-
nition of non-university instructors have been some of the challenges hinder-
ing student learning. Regarding the former, while students were required to
adhere to the timeline and expectations of an undergraduate course, the end
of the course represents, for the most part, the interruption of the student-
community partner relationship, which contradicts practice that encour-
ages flexibility and continued fostering of relationships. Although we as a hub
tried to incorporate values as much as possible –while complying with
university requirements– working within these boundaries has proven chal-
lenging for the course participants. Regarding the latter, it is important to
acknowledge and work to reduce the differences in material conditions of part-
ners involved in participatory research and teaching. That is, when community
groups engage in a participatory academic project, their committed time is
usually unpaid and is in addition to their day-to-day responsibilities; however,
academics are often paid for the time they devote to research and teaching,
and even students ultimately receive credentials and higher status because of
their work in/with communities. As one of our community partners expressed,
“there seems to still be a real commitment to status through what letters fol-
low your name and if you don’t have [any] letters after your name then you are
treated different[ly], especially when Indigenous knowledge [keepers] get paid
in coffee mugs and parking passes, and not as experts in their field”.
Overall, it is important to recognise that while significant progress has been
made in terms of inclusion of Indigenous content and epistemologies in cur-
ricula, engaged research and community engagement at many universities in
Canada, ic included, much remains to be done to deliver community-based
pedagogy. The way teaching is generally delivered in Canadian higher educa-
tion institutions remains culturally biased and inadequate to preserve, protect
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and promote Indigenous languages and knowledge, as well as to acknowledge
cultural sensitivities surrounding the integration of Indigenous and traditional
worldviews into Western educational systems.
10 First Author’s Note
As a Malaysian, I do not have a family name. To cite this chapter, please use
my full name: Suriani Dzulkifli. This is another way to create visibility for non-
White women like myself.
Notes
1 The term ‘Salish’ refers to a linguistic grouping of North American Indigenous tribes located
in what are now the province of , and the northwestern U.S.
2 In Canada, the word Indigenous is capitalized because it is used as a proper name to refer to
a group of ancestral political and historical communities and societies – and any aspect of
their cultures – that existed in particular territories prior to contact with Europeans (Weeber,
2020; , n.d.). The term is also capitalized as a sign of respect in recognising it as an iden-
tity, and not just an adjective.
was organized by the parties of the Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement, which
included Residential Schools Survivors, the Assembly of First Nations, Inuit representatives,
the federal government and the church bodies (, 2002). To inform about what hap-
pened in residential schools, the documented the truth of Survivors, their families, com-
munities and anyone personally affected by the residential school experience. Its final report
People in Canada. The report be found in full here https://nctr.ca/records/reports/
and spiritual beliefs (Government of Canada, 2022). The First Nations are Indigenous peoples
who are not ethnically Inuit or Métis. The Inuit are the Indigenous communities who live
primarily in Northwest Territories, Nunavut, northern parts of Quebec and coastal Labrador,
while the Métis refer to Indigenous peoples who are mixed First Nations and European
ancestry (see The Canadian Encyclopedia, 2022; , n.d.).
principles assert that First Nations have control over data collection processes,
and that they own and control how this information can be used. These principles support
strong information governance on the path to First Nations data sovereignty by ensuring that
the data are collected, protected, used and shared ethically, respectfully and responsibly. See
more information on the principles: https://fnigc.ca/ocap-training/
Council Policy Statement is a a joint policy of Canada’s three federal research agencies –i.e.,
the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research
Council of Canada, and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada–
that provides ethics guidance that applies to all research involving human participants.
See: https://ethics.gc.ca/eng/tcps2--.html
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7 A study completed by the in 2022 found that there are over 70 distinct First Nations
represented by the Elders and Seniors group that participate in the programming.
8 Different categories apply to Aboriginal peoples in Canada (status Indians, non-status
Indians, treaty Indians, non-treaty Indians), in addition to the distinction between First
Nations, Métis, Inuit. The term ‘Indian’ is still commonly used in legal documents, although
it has fallen into disuse in Canada, and most people consider it to be pejorative.
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This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the
The Art of Bridging
Rajesh Tandon, Andrea Vargiu and Budd L. Hall
Abstract
Recognising that differences in knowledge cultures and power in the co-construction
of knowledge exist, means that work is required to create mechanisms for bridging.
Drawing on the experiences of how such bridging was attempted in the ten case stud-
ies, this chapter shares insights into what are the keys to the art of bridging. In doing
so, it also makes evident several layers of institutional and policy challenges that may
need to be addressed for the practice of bridging to be effective.
Keywords
bridging – power – acceptance – community knowledge – boundary-spanner – research
partnership
The purpose of this global study has been to provide evidence on the differences
between how knowledge is created, validated, shared and acted upon in aca-
demic and community settings. We refer to these as knowledge cultures. They
could be described as differing modes of knowledge production, but knowl-
edge cultures is a broader concept incorporating production, validation, shar-
ing and acting. As stated in the Introduction, the ability to create respectful
and egalitarian knowledge partnerships depends on recognition that what we
refer to in English as knowledge, is understood in quite different and diverse
ways outside of the academy. When academics write about the creation or
co-creation of knowledge, there is often an assumption that the concept of
knowledge is universally understood as the same in all structures of society.
However, the chapter on Community Knowledge Cultures explains what the
case studies revealed in detail about the nature, scale and diversity of elements
that make up community knowledge cultures in different contexts. The failure
to recognise the differences in knowledge cultures has meant that even within
the world of knowledge co-construction, power imbalances persist; therefore,
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creating mechanisms that bridge the different knowledge cultures remain
somewhat fragile and mono dimensional. Each of the ten case studies provide
some insights into how the bridging was attempted to try and connect what
have been separate archipelagos of knowledge. This chapter shares insights
into what are the keys to the art of bridging.
1 Acceptance and Acknowledgement of Community
Knowledge as Legitimate
The foundation of the bridge is laid upon the acceptance and acknowledge-
ment by academics of community knowledge as different and legitimate. The
Sangwari case study in Raipur, India is in a region with a high percentage of
Indigenous (tribal) peoples. They share their findings that in rural tribal areas
where they work, they learned that there were at least three distinct knowl-
edge systems in operation. Traditional birthing practices and maternal care
co-exist with Ayurveda health knowledge and Western maternal and childcare
practices promoted by others, among them . In the Acholi region of
epistemic privilege of
African Indigenous Knowledge Systems () which have a relational ontol-
ogy. Knowledge is represented through dance, ceremony and rituals which
are inseparable from land, culture, language and spirituality. The team based
while the Orang Asli (Indigenous peoples) of Malaysia have a distinctly differ-
ent way of understanding the world, little progress has been made over the last
indeed of their land and human rights.
Institute of Science and Technology describes itself as a colonised, western-
knowledge dominated university. Located on land shared for thousands of
years with the Maasai peoples, Maasai knowledge has been disregarded and
disrespected. Their study of water resource practices through the creation of
traditional water canals provides evidence of sophisticated understanding of
how to bring water to their cattle as well as crops. The fact that the care of
water irrigation canals is at the centre of village life was seen as eye-opening
for the academics. The Nyerere hub authors note,
Community knowledge, handed down over generations, is not antago-
nistic to expert knowledge. The production, use, validation and dissemi-
nation of community knowledge may revitalise university-community
linkages by promoting local participation in higher education initiatives
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to counter the power asymmetries that usually hinder engagement with
-
bility in higher learning requires academic and research institutions to
open up to society’s real problems, narrowing the expert-community
experiences from local communities on how knowledge is generated
and handed down from generation to generation, hub members gained
insights on how to practice a locally relevant pedagogy. Our hub is cur-
rently not practicing this.
The case study from Durban argues that practitioners of early childhood
development () found knowledge of the people practical, and that of
the academics largely theoretical. Academics tend to ‘devalue’ such practical
knowledge as it is not recorded and codified in the manner of formal knowl-
edge representation by experts. While researchers seemed to have understood
that the community knowledge on available with the community is use-
ful, acceptance of the same as ‘equally valid’ was contested as no formal quali-
fications were associated with the production of such knowledge. Their case
study claims,
Traditional knowledge is considered barbaric. Universities force us to use
what they have. Sometimes they take knowledge from the community,
make small changes and present it back to the community as the uni-
versities’ knowledge – as proven, tested knowledge. Like the mhlonyane
herb taken from the community. The Afrikaners used to take the method
from the community and present as theirs.
The study of the knowledge of the fisherfolk in East Java, Indonesia was
conversations about the understanding of knowledge with the Kenjeran com-
munity who live from fishing and have done so for thousands of years. The very
concept of knowledge they report in the various Indigenous cultures of the
region is far more complex than the Western European versions. Importantly,
they note that the traditional knowledge of the fisherfolk is not static. Unlike
how traditional knowledge is often portrayed, Kenjeran fishing knowledge has
adapted to many changes over the years. The ability of the fisherfolk to find
locations in the open sea without , depending on mythological stories and
observations of currents, is just one of the remarkable range of knowledge of
the sea used by them, but not available to academics.
The authors of the case study from Ibague region of Colombia describe
the tensions that arise when well-intentioned faculty/student-community
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interactions in Tolima region attempt to co-create knowledge for finding solu-
tions to practical needs of local communities. The academics continue to main-
tain a blind spot about differences in knowledge cultures since they have not yet
learnt the meanings of community knowledge in everyday life. Similar dynam-
ics are analysed in the case study from North-West University (South Africa)
where intellectual acceptance of the need for community knowledge to address
the agenda is reported from some academics but normative meaning of
‘scientific’ knowledge remains attached to the experts (Wood, 2020).
Reporting such a dynamic from the Jaipur hub,
It was very clear from the discussions that those who have been manag-
ing waste locally through traditional practices are happy and proud of it.
However, with launch of , a system of waste segregation at source
was introduced without any consultation with the local community.
A new system was imposed on them – that of giving their segregated
waste to the garbage collection van. They are hesitant to accept it as an
alternate practice to their traditional practice of waste management and
replace their knowledge that has been validated in their community over
a long period of time.
In the absence of understanding and acceptance of community knowl-
edge cultures, the case studies reaffirm the challenge that academia faces in
co-creation. The professional training of researchers exclusively focuses on
the ‘scientific’ method (related to each discipline). When they are expected
to ‘co-create’ knowledge, they naturally tend to assume that there is a single
knowledge culture, method and practice, which they have been ‘schooled’ in.
Without emotionally appreciating and cognitively accepting the diversity of
knowledge cultures, attempts to bridge remain superficial. Orienting academic
researchers to such a diverse reality of knowledges tends to prepare them pro-
fessionally to practice ‘co-creation’ respectfully. When academically trained
researchers acknowledge, in their hearts and minds, the historical existence
and continued practices of community knowledges as legitimate forms of
knowing, the common ground for connections emerges.
2 Relationships of Trust Are the ‘Cement’ of Equitable
Research Partnerships
Once experiential knowledge of people living in communities, ancient
land-based knowledge of Indigenous peoples and the epistemic privilege
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of those experiencing lives of poverty, different abilities, homelessness, and
more are recognised as legitimate, the challenge is to move beyond the tra-
ditional walls of academia to establish relations of mutual respect. Establish-
ing a trusting relationship between community and university is one, if not
the most, important component of co-creation
the importance of building partnerships with the community for to
co-create “knowledge which draws dynamically on multiple epistemologies
This may be the biggest challenge of all because the eyes and ears of many
of us as academics have been made blind and deaf by having been steeped in
the assumptions of Western science. But even if we have found respect for the
knowledge created in other ways, the history of academic research has cre-
ated its own path of limitations. Much of academic research has been used to
extract information from communities for analysis and publications. Research
remains an ugly practice in the eyes of Indigenous communities around the
world as an instrument of subjugation. And even when scholars are well inten-
tioned, the academic knowledge culture is constructed within short-term ‘pro-
jects’ of three to five years. Moving from one project to another is the name
of the game. The establishment and maintenance of authentic, on-going rela-
tionships where people know each other as people and not as subjects, experts
or helpers may need a much deeper shift than currently adequately examined
by even those in the field of engaged scholarship. Relationships across differ-
ent cultures, classes and status require proactive efforts by academics, whose
own training is often one of detachment, objectivity, distance from the com-
munity and unemotional non-engagement.
Each of the case studies is the result of the building of relationships of trust.
the Durban University of Technology and a long-time group of early childhood
practitioners. One sees in the description of how they worked together that
they are friends. They know each other. They meet in each other’s homes and
work from a position of mutual respect. In Durban they say that knowledge is
love.
-
munity engagement is fundamentally relational, and a relationship is
always a work in progress. Much like deep friendships, partnerships need
ongoing cultivation and care. They require sustained attention, stubborn
commitment, flexibility, empathy, humility, patience, imagination, and a
generous sense of humour.
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In Gulu, the hub itself has been driven more from the community side than
from the university side. Youth in the community, women in design start-ups,
Elders from Acholi land and Busoga all have taken a lead in the conversations
about knowledge. As one of the community researchers noted, “When I enter
in the home to have a conversation, I am entering into a relationship”. So, while
from an historical perspective Indigenous knowledge has not been valued by
the team from the Nyerere hub in Arusha acknowledging their university as a
colonial construct, has set out to break with Western knowledge traditions to
establish on-going relations of knowledge exchange on a mutually respectful
basis with the Maasai who live in the region.
In the Tolima region of Colombia, the University of Ibague’s Peace and
Region programme of student engaged research is predicated on the reality
that knowledge is locally contextualised, and that co-construction depends on
the creation of structures for permanent sets of students and their teachers to
live in communities for months at a time. In the Jaipur case, reluctance of the
community to partner with academia around waste management was largely
due to sporadic and project-based community engagement. Such occasional
and temporary orientation to engagement with community does not build
trust between parties.
Co-creation of knowledge relies on two precious resources: trust and time.
Positive and durable societal change in the community can take place only if
relationships are built on mutual trust. Therefore, engaged scholars need to
put a special effort in building and keeping trustworthy relationships with and
hub is located. The case of Sassari hub is not presented in this book, but the
hub actively collaborated on the project. Structured reflexive analysis of
their experience provides evidence to show that trust was built in many ini-
tiatives carried out under diverse situations. This is also a recurring issue in
literature (Lucero et al., 2018).
Building and maintaining trustworthy relationships with and within the
community requires community-based researchers to engage in often long
and delicate negotiation processes, and therefore entails peculiar relational
abilities and time.
The logic of time-bound projects which depend on external funding may
easily lead to frustration when all efforts and time dedicated to setting up a
trustworthy environment collapse. This happened in Sassari in a specific occa-
sion, when the promise of further funding that would cement a well-in-place
community-university dialogue progressively faded away. The disappointment
was two-fold: vis--vis the researchers’ own expectations, but also those of the
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community. Researchers did comply with the funder’s mandate, but the results
were not in line with what they came to expect, nor with the hopes that their
work raised in the community. An ordinary research project typically requires
researchers to be mainly, if not exclusively, accountable to their academic
community and their funders, whereas engaging with a community implies
nurturing relationships of trust with local communities is the key to effective
and mutually beneficial bridging of different knowledge cultures.
3 Learning to Listen: The Power of Story
When academics learn to listen (and resist from talking), to not just words but
the emotions behind them, relationships begin to develop. When academi-
cally trained researchers practice rebalancing feelings and thinking, the pro-
cess begins to support relationship building. This process entails time, requires
patience, and happens gradually. When academics unlearn self-indulgence,
mutuality occurs. Their capacity to cope with stress and anxiety caused by
such unlearning helps build next steps in building the bridge. The capacity of
academics to accept oral storage and transmission of community knowledge,
and openness to non-written documentation and records as legitimate sources
of knowledge helps to support the ‘arch of scaffolding’ of the bridge. Capacity
to understand stories and anecdotes as data helps bridge-building.
using participatory techniques in the co-creation of knowledge. These tech-
niques recognise that community knowledge cultures are based on everyday
practices of knowledge sharing which go beyond the traditional academic
norms. They reported that
Community members also conveyed their knowledge through story-
telling, which is a form of knowledge sharing embedded in traditional
African culture. (A grandma teaches you with stories, she sits with you,
teaches you, tells you that story to allow you to understand.)
But our colleagues from Manipal University in Jaipur say that based on their
experience, academics “lack direction and experience in community-based
participatory research approaches”. They go on to tell of conflicts over the shar-
ing of knowledge of waste management practices between the communities
and the local government. The local government has not listened to the com-
munities in this case. The communities that the Jaipur team worked with were
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sceptical about the value of academic inputs on the issues of waste manage-
ment. Universities have in the past never been involved in such practical mat-
ters as waste management. What can they do?
Describing the process of listening as transformative, we return to the case
study from Durban: “Fear is the major obstacle for communities: they hold
back their knowledge because they are scared that they do not know much.
Fear of academics as experts”. When asked how we change this, they cited
their own experience in the research project with K. N said that
initially there was fear, but it did not remain. It disappeared because K
brought it to the practical level. She asked them to talk about their expe-
riences and declared that she did not know much about . She men-
tioned that there were no right and wrong answers, and they were asked
to speak from their own perspective.
key to learning to listen. The Wang OO practice of meeting and sharing around
a bonfire was an effective way of tapping into the knowledge of Elders. The
bonfire has the power to bring people together. It creates a space for speak-
ing from the heart and for listening to each other. The Gulu hub has found
that dance, poetry, music and theatre is an excellent way for youth in the com-
munity to share knowledge. The Gulu case demonstrates how centering rela-
tionships becomes key when listening to stories happens. As narrated by an
academic:
As a researcher, as soon as I entered her house, I entered a relationship.
She was not interested in my research questions; she was interested in
sharing her story. She invited me into her life by sharing her story. She
served me food; I met her family and neighbours. I am not a stranger;
I am a trusted friend worthy of sharing food and discussing a common
issue. That conversation provided far more insight than if we had met as
strangers. But she is now part of this research, and I am bound ethically
to continue to work on this issue and other issues that come up in that
community – not just on my terms. I am no longer other, and that comes
with responsibility. Research is about people’s lives – real people – not
objects. It is serious.
A Gulu community partner reflected on a research project they were in, where
they felt objectified and excluded:
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the decisions were made by researchers or the lead team. Once you have
made up your mind, you don’t want to listen to anyone, no one wants to
listen, she needs to say yes, I’ve got it, it’s me, it’s me who has this, it’s me
who got the money, we will have this. So, you don’t listen to anybody else.
So, we lose out a lot on that.
The Gulu case illustrates the power of stories, music and dance, and capacity
for deep listening. When all five senses – hearing, seeing, touching, tasting and
smelling – are activated, such listening becomes possible. Being in the rela-
tionship, not just quickly conceptualising, becomes modus operandi for such
listening to occur.
The Mizan hub in Malaysia working with Orang Asli communities set up
separate focus groups for women, Elders and youth to make sure that all mem-
bers of the community were heard. The community setting for storytelling
encouraged many youth to pay attention to the experiences of Elders. In the
Arusha case, listening to Maasai stories about water management, helped aca-
demic researchers develop a sense of appreciation and respect of community
knowledge. Being with Maasai, in their village, on their territory, in their cul-
ture, enabled such listening to occur.
The Sassari hub experience around learning to listen brings in the added
complexity of languages. Hub members note:
Members of a linguistic community typically maintain a very prag-
matic relationship with their spoken language. The language spoken in
Logudoro, for instance (an area of Sardinia where one of the variants of
the Sardinian language is currently spoken nowadays), provides for dif-
ferent terms to designate what in English is simply ‘a lamb’. The term
anzone is generally used, but kids can also use the expression memmè. A
lamb who is still sucking milk is a coddettàriu, while a one-year-old lamb
is a saccàggiu, or saccàju. And many are the adjectives that this language
(like other variants of the Sardinian language) provides to designate
peculiar conditions or states of lambs. For instance, an anzone muroninu
is a plump lamb, while an anzone ràsinu is a shoddy lamb born between
winter and spring. And so forth. This variety of terms mirrors the ampli-
tude and richness of the knowledge culture that generated it.
Training of academic researchers rarely focuses on ‘learning to listen’, both
to words and the emotions underlying those words. Community knowledge
is narrated and learnt through stories, shared on festive occasions and cere-
monies. When required to listen, listen again and be deep in emotions, the
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academic researcher gets stressed since they have been socialised into treating
emotions as ‘polluting’ the research process.
4 Moving beyond Communities’ Sense That They Do Not Know
Overcoming initial hesitancy and sense of ‘we don’t know much’ by the com-
munity requires practical support from academics to encourage, listen and
value community knowledges. As academic research work began to be associ-
ated with expertise, as community knowledges was labeled as ‘unscientific’ by
outsiders, as European languages became dominant means of knowledge pro-
duction and dissemination, it undermined communities’ confidence in their
own knowledge. The power associated with ‘expert’ knowledge of universities
has resulted not only in society believing in the truth claims of experts but has
undermined the confidence of those outside the academy. Overcoming feel-
ings of distrust, scepticism and self-doubt is key to building bridges of respect-
ful sharing of a community’s different knowledges.
As a matter of fact, the typical top-down approach of scientific research
to addressing societal challenges is usually internalised by community mem-
bers along with its patronizing aspects. This can be rather reassuring for most
actors involved who enter the relationship with a clear and relatively sta-
ble set of roles and storyline. A co-creation process implies a rupture of the
typical role-set of the inquiry situation. This might be disturbing for some,
as it questions the main ordering codes and principles, and requires a rear-
rangement of power relations within the community itself. And this there-
fore implies rearticulating the existing asymmetries among different kinds of
knowledges.
The Durban hub notes that when speaking of early childhood practices
communities are afraid of experts from universities. The process of building
trust, of building relationships takes time. The early childhood practitioners
that the university researchers worked with have become permanent col-
leagues, not just sources of data for a quick research project. This patience and
attention to meeting where community members feel comfortable has been
key to overcoming the reluctance of community members to speak.
In working with the Orang Asli in Malaysia, the Mizan hub found that the
youth in the communities were keen to speak up as they were very interested
in finding ways to retain their language, culture and identity. But it took some
effort to facilitate ‘speaking up’ in the presence of university researchers. Urban
poor communities in Jaipur initially denied having any knowledge of waste
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disposal and looked at government officials and researchers from the Manipal
hub as experts. This self-denial is common to many communities when faced
with ‘experts’ and takes some time to overcome.
Describing this process of overcoming self-doubt, the case study from
North-West South Africa explains:
The community did not seem to value their own knowledge very much
and perhaps this is because they have never engaged in research with
the university and therefore view themselves more as knowledge recipi-
ents and less as knowledge producers. Community-based research has
educational and emancipatory outcomes (Wood, 2020); therefore, par-
ticipation as co-researchers in a project would help them realise the
importance and value of their lived knowledge and experiences. This is
essential if they are to become community educators and disseminate
the knowledge in the wider community.
Even the very confident fisherfolk community in Surabaya have been hesitant
to approach the university for collaboration in research, despite having long-
standing relationships; it is assumed that the research process begins in the
university!
In many situations, academic researchers take on face value self-doubt
and initial reluctance of local communities to speak about their own knowl-
edge. Facilitation to enable voicing of community experiences, and basis of
their everyday actions, can promote a slow shift towards articulation of their
knowledges.
5 A Role for Boundary-Spanners and Interlocutors
Given the cultural, linguistic and status differentials between academics and
community, effective mediation processes help to kick-off ‘bridging’. There is
a critical role for interlocutors, boundary-spanners and intermediaries, who
may well come from either or both the community or academic side. Such
functions need to be performed creatively and contextually. Given the major
disconnect between academic and community knowledges, some persons,
agencies, or actors play the role of connectors or boundary spanners. But,
connectors need to remain accountable to both parties; mechanisms to hold
mediators accountable to both community and academic knowledge cultures
and perspectives have to be operationalised and demonstrated.
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The Sassari hub took this statement seriously and tried to compose their
defines as “the subtle art of tenants”, i.e., the ability to creatively inhabit spaces
that are rigidly encased by oppressive social structures. To do so, the hub set up
what they call ‘community inquiry groups’. This expression was borrowed with
a slight modification from Duijn et al. (2010) who rather speak of “communi-
ties of inquiry” to refer to people who meet to “co-produce knowledge to cope
with practical challenges:” groups that are located “in the middle between sci-
ence and practice”, and thus allow for incorporation of multiple epistemolo-
gies to address composite issues.
connector roles because of their personal histories as key to building knowl-
edge culture bridges. In Durban, the early childhood education practition-
ers who lived and worked in the community played this role. In Gulu, recent
graduates of Gulu University, local and business leaders have played a
key role in bridging youth culture and the university researchers. Meeting in
community settings has been a key to creating spaces for epistemic equity. In
Malaysia, the Orang Asli teachers played key roles as intermediaries. The stu-
dents at the teacher training college, who belonged to the community, acted as
intermediaries for communication and conversation between the academics
and local Orang society. In Ibague, the local organisers in each of the commu-
nities which were part of the Peace and Region project have played an essential
role in bringing the students and community together. In east Java, in the case
study of the fisherfolk’s knowledge of the sea, several members of the univer-
sity have worked to support fisherfolk from these communities for many years.
They have gotten to know the most knowledgeable fishers and together these
people from the village side and the university side have become boundary-
spanners. In the Jaipur case, , the hub partner, facilitated the formation
of a community action group (). members were trained on various
aspects such as the importance of collective leadership and understanding the
various schemes of the government for slum-dwellers. They were able to pro-
vide the connection between the academics and the community when issues
of waste management were being discussed.
A key principle for connecting the local with the global at the Sassari hub
relies on respect and valorisation of cultural diversity and linguistic variety.
During several years, the Laboratory (the hub’s academic partner),
along with others from Germany, Spain, Portugal, Romania and Sweden, was a
partner in an Erasmus programme named ‘Euromir – Migrations and Minori-
ties in Europe’. This was a thematic network on peace and intercultural rela-
tions which allowed for mobility of university staff and students, but also for
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the organisation of residential seminars which were in turn hosted on the part-
ners’ premises. No single working language was pre-defined, as participants
were invited to express themselves by choosing their preferred language. This
rule would eventually imply that the same person could use different lan-
guages or opt for multiple means of expression so as to make oneself under-
stood by others.
This choice reflected the conviction that power relations and inequities
are deeply rooted in the foundations of academic systems. The struggle over
the legitimate monopoly of symbolic power is also a struggle over language
and the capacity to impose meanings through a system of symbolic violence
academia hinders the possibility for multiple epistemologies to unfold to their
full potential. In this perspective, epistemic justice and knowledge equity
and also the very pre-conditions for ensuring that the scientific authentic
quest for knowledge can continue to flourish. Multi-lingual connectors play
a crucial role in facilitating bridging between the community and academia.
The cultural, linguistic and perceptual gaps between the world of academe
and the everyday world of most local, under-privileged, excluded communi-
ties is rather large in most countries. There are no ‘normal’ social connectors
on either side, or ‘normal’ social occasions to ‘meet and greet’. Therefore, the
connections between the two sides need to be facilitated. Typically, local civil
society, artists, journalists, students and/or retired teachers and government
officials tend to become such connectors, by virtue of knowing the two worlds,
and having had some experience of interacting with such diverse parties.
Such intermediation is an important competence, not widely available in all
settings.
6 Structures for Shared Leadership and Decision-Making
Results from a previous global study of community-university research part-
nerships indicated that the creation of visible structures within the university
was key to supporting the transition from disciplinary academic-led knowledge
creation to interdisciplinary co-construction of knowledge with community.
Administrative structures within universities provide spaces for the recogni-
tion of on-going co-structured research projects, for sharing tools and strate-
gies for doing community-based research work, and for tracking the impacts.
So too, spaces for shared leadership, analysis of findings and planning of action
within research projects needs to be attended to intentionally.
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The Salish Sea Hub in Victoria, Canada is a partnership between the Univer-
sity of Victoria, the Victoria Native Friendship Centre and the Victoria Founda-
tion. These three groups share decisions about the direction of the hub. On
a project level, the team at North-West University in South Africa created a
joint community-university research structure to manage the research from
the beginning to the end. Reflecting on that experience, the case recommends:
A core group consisting of representatives from each category of stake-
holders (e.g., university lecturers, student representatives, local health
professionals, community organisations, users of the programme) could
be formed to meet regularly to reflect on roles, responsibilities and ways
of working to find ways to constantly improve the outcomes for mutual
benefit. This group could decide on evaluation processes and involve
more than just the academic members in the ongoing research under the
project.
The Gulu hub is essentially a joint community-university space which facili-
tates interpersonal and inter-community communications. At Ibague, the
Peace and Region programme structure is a permanent bridge-builder between
the community and university. In East Java, at the project level, they have cre-
ated a Pokja Kelopok Kenja working group to share leadership over the course
of the project.
The experiences of Gulu with Acholi Indigenous community confirm the
need for such spaces for leadership, if co-creation is to be based on bridging
the different knowledge cultures:
From a broader social perspective, we draw on the warning of Achebe
to caution against relying too much on the university as an institution and
structure of knowledge plurality and a universality of knowledge cultures.
Rather, as we seek out spaces for survival, flourishing and living together,
we need to perhaps recognise and validate a plurality of spaces where this
can happen differently, with tolerance, respect and dignity.
The Surabaya case reaffirms the need for creating local structures that can
continue the relationship between academia and community even after a
specific research project is completed. Continuity of conversations are critical
to identify new research questions arising from the lived experiences of the
community.
From the experiences of the Jaipur case, the authors pose critical reflections:
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There is need to strengthen academics’ capacity to encourage, promote,
regulate and sustain research partnerships with the community. Given
the static culture of universities and the longstanding tradition of inde-
pendent scholarship, it is essential to ask whether universities are genu-
inely ready to contribute appropriately to initiatives that move away from
a short-term charity model of community service to fulfil the potential of
long-term social justice initiatives through community research collabo-
While most academic and research institutions do encourage their students
and academics to ‘go to community’, very few have mechanisms, or even moti-
vation, to ‘invite’ the community inside the academy. While outreach is encour-
aged, ‘inreach’ is ignored. Even in the absence of formal structures within
academia, project level joint decision-making research structures can be very
productive in bridging the two knowledge cultures. Investment of time, effort
and resources towards such a shared, co-governing mechanism helps to create
spaces for mutual engagement on a concrete research project.
…
The lessons from the comparative analysis of the ten case studies presented in
this chapter are lessons of hope and frustration. The cases relate to the practice
of co-creation
four to five years. The leaders of the hub are trained mentors in community-
based participatory research. Each hub is already building capacity of students
and community practitioners in this methodology of co-creating actionable
knowledge. Each hub focuses on locally contextualised
in partnership with the community and other stakeholders. In the very design
of each hub is a formal partnership with some local organisations – civil soci-
ety, local government, community association, etc. Hence, building bridges is
inherent in the very
Each hub is attempting to create a safe space for conversations about
different knowledge cultures, and how to bridge them. Each hub is building
capacity of next generation of researchers while producing locally actionable
knowledge in partnership. Yet, it is difficult. It is difficult because the under-
standing of community knowledge cultures is weak, and hitherto unexplored.
Despite structures and mechanisms of partnership, and despite extensive
mentorship training of hub leaders, it has been a challenge to sustain mutually
respectful partnerships. This study of ‘bridging’ manifests the same, creating a
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space and an opportunity to explore the question. In the process, the compara-
tive analysis of the case studies indicates more about what is required than
about what bridging efforts are taking place:
– Acceptance, acknowledgement and valuing of community knowledge
– Importance of building and nurturing trusting relationships
– Practicing capacity to listen to stories, as data, in oral forms
– Support to overcome fears, hesitations, self-doubt of community partners
– Energies of boundary spanners, connectors and intermediaries
– Structures of shared leadership and decision-making
The above key findings are critical, yet not astonishing. These are neither
new, nor impractical. The realities of the practice of co-creation of knowledge
around the world, in sites designated with that purpose, do suggest the dif-
to learn and unlearn knowledge cultures, research practices and partnerships.
But certain rituals and norms narrated in the case studies, as analysed in this
chapter, are important to deepen the practice of co-creation of knowledge.
Bridging efforts need to be founded on contextual appreciation of ‘what is
being bridged’?
The comparative analysis in this chapter has also thrown up several layers
of institutional and policy challenges that may need to be addressed for the
practice of bridging to be effective. These are elaborated and explored in the
next chapter to further ‘bridging knowledge cultures’.
References
institutionalization of community-university research partnerships. In B. Hall, R.
Tandon, & C. Tremblay (Eds.), Strengthening community university research part-
nerships: Global perspectives
Research in Asia ().
Community-based research and service learning for sustainable rural
development in Hungary. Journal of Cleaner Production, 17
Indigenous storytelling for conservation practice. Conservation Letters, 11
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Marullo, S., & Edwards, B. (2000). From charity to justice: The potential of university-
community collaboration for social change. American Behavioral Scientist, 43
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tive study of civic engagement on five campuses. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector
Quarterly, 33
reciprocal relationships. Diversity and Democracy, 19(2), 8–11.
Wood, L. (2020). Participatory action learning and action research: Theory, practice and
process. Routledge.
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This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the
Conclusion
Budd L. Hall
At the beginning of the Bridging Knowledge Cultures project, we had asked
ourselves:
1. In what ways are trusting and respectful community-university research
partnerships established?
2. How can different knowledge cultures be bridged such that perceived or
actual power inequalities between collaborating partners are taken into
consideration?
What capacities, methods, practices make building these bridges sustain-
able and secure over time, to be able to contribute to better lives, social
justice, climate solutions and healthier communities?
case studies in this book, sought to seek the answers. The secondary available
literature of the diverse contexts, actors and language of knowledge cultures,
especially the manifestations and formations of community knowledge cul-
The previous chapter has systematised learnings from the case studies. In this
chapter, we attempt to explore the imperatives of bridging knowledge cultures
for future research and practice.
The knowledge settings which we examined were the sites of practice in
-
munity partners understand the creation and use of knowledge and what the
hub has done to help bridge the differences. What emerges are positive stories
of co-creation, trust building and mutual respect between the hub members.
Building and sustaining such relationships are not without challenges, which
the hubs have faced in trying to work across trans-disciplinary and community-
university boundaries.
In addition to the micro context of the concrete co-creation projects, the
hubs have also reflected on institutional/organisational practices and systems
(meso level) as well as the general national knowledge environment, policy
and funding frameworks in their country (macro level).
The analysis of the hubs’ experiences, and the framework for enquiry,
throws light on three aspects of knowledge cultures.
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1 Understanding of Knowledge Has Different Starting Points
For many academically trained and professionally certified researchers and
knowledge workers, knowledge is created, used, stored and communicated
only through ‘scientific’ means. In their worldview, knowledge is the domain
of the academy. In the academy, meaning and practice of knowledge are axi-
omatic. Thus, knowledge culture is taken for granted, as a part of professional
training, to imply what academically trained researchers and knowledge work-
ers do.
Academic knowledge creation tends to emphasise value neutrality, dis-
tancing from everyday life, feelings and lived experiences, thereby relying
exclusively on external standards and protocols of assessing validity of such
knowledge. Academic knowledge production is often highly individualistic
and competitive; its validation is determined by bureaucratic rules and pro-
cedures which are permanent and pre-determined, external to the very act of
producing knowledge. Knowledge sharing is linked to individual incentives
and careers, with publishing standards acting as gatekeepers. In much of the
academic system of knowledge production and dissemination, elderly and
tenured professors based in global elite research institutions are mandated to
be the standard-bearers.
Community knowledge(s), on the other hand, is located within the ‘main
business of life’. Practices of community knowledge are linked to everyday
life and the immediate context of the community is the site for producing
knowledge – place-based, contextual, contemporary, practical – unlike aca-
demic knowledge which puts emphasis on generalisations and on the search
for universal truths. Since it helps to solve challenges of everyday life, com-
munity knowledge is pragmatic. Contrary to popular imputations, commu-
nity knowledge is not stagnant or ancient or traditional; it changes with and
over time, and is a dynamic response to changes in the immediate and larger
socio-ecological contexts. Given its close links to everyday life challenges and
expressed as a part of their worldviews, community knowledge production and
sharing is functional and need-based. As such functional requirements change
over time, as the ‘business of life’ moves ahead, procedures and practices of
knowledge also adapt to such shifts. Community knowledge has a normative
frame defined by the values of the community and the surrounding eco-system.
A community’s everyday cultural symbols, languages and practices ‘curate’ and
validate their knowledge. Community knowledge derives internal validation
from their worldviews. Protocols for validation are rooted in community eth-
ics and principles of cooperation and mutual aid. Understanding the inner
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meanings, feelings and norms practised in a community is essential to recog-
nising, understanding and making sense of what is community knowledge.
Both knowledge cultures differ significantly since the underlying world-
views are so vastly different. Academic knowledge is linked to instrumental
rationality to control ‘nature’ for progress; community knowledge is linked to
‘lived-in’ emotionality to understand and ‘live with’ nature.
Academic researchers often ignore the rituals, ceremonies and symbols in
communities as if these are merely a community living life, without under-
standing its meanings. They tend to label community knowledge as ‘subjec-
tive’, irrational, dogmatic, etc. In the absence of an understanding about a
community’s knowledge culture, it is assumed that there are no regulators and
standard-bearers of knowledge and its validity. Community elders are desig-
nated knowledge-keepers and behaviour regulators in most Indigenous com-
munities; given the spiritual elements of such community knowledge, these
Elders and community knowledge keepers also lead rituals of spirituality and
ceremonies. These practices are then overlooked as sites and processes of
knowledge production by those who do not recognise that knowledge systems
can be diverse.
Thus, academic researchers often initiate processes of ‘co-creation’ of
knowledge with limited comprehension of what is community knowledge(s),
and the shared meanings and knowledge practices valued by a community.
Academic partners engaging in are often always surprised to learn about
study also made this ‘discovery’.
Examining this critical distinction between the knowledge cultures in aca-
demia and community, and finding a working definition of knowledge cul-
ture, was a central focus of this research. As part of the theoretical framework
(Chapter 2), we defined knowledge culture as:
a set of local value-based practices, rules and beliefs, which, in a given
organisation, community, area of professional expertise and/or disci-
pline, create and reinforce shared meanings, expectations, identities and
generalised rationales about knowledge production processes (creation,
validation, dissemination and use). A knowledge culture as it relates to
community-university research partnerships () is embedded in the
traditions and history of both, its participating members and its partner-
ship configuration, and thus includes its own intra- and inter-organisa-
tional structures, alongside roles, division of labour, norms, formal and
informal arrangements and mechanisms, collective beliefs, (im)personal
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interactions/relations and cultural forms – e.g., images, symbols, heroes,
rituals and vocabulary/language. These cultural elements shape the way
knowledge production is performed within and across organisations
and/or communities in any given setting
The most significant insight from this study is the distinctive and different
knowledge practices for production and sharing in communities that remain
invisible and out-of-sight to the academy. Recognition of diversity of knowl-
edge sites – and associated practices, beliefs and systems – is fundamental to
effective co-creation of knowledge. As academic discourses on multiple modes
of knowledge production gain momentum, as conversations about ‘decolonis-
ing’ higher education multiply, it is imperative that the differences between
the singular academic knowledge culture and the plural community ones are
recognised and bridged.
2 A Bridge Is Built by Partners
In the process of co-creation of knowledge, academic researchers com-
monly start from their own singular, academic understanding of knowledge
production – its methods and tools of data collection and analysis, and stand-
ards of validity. The very reason for co-creation is to add value to what academic
researchers can do on their own; if there is no added value, then why bother to
co-create? Hence, co-creation starts with recognising different knowledge sys-
tems do exist, knowledge is available in non-academic (community) settings,
and needs to be valued.
Effective co-creation entails recognition of different understandings of
knowledge, its tools of production and methods of dissemination by commu-
nity partners. Therefore, acceptance and acknowledgement of knowledge avail-
able in community settings as different and legitimate is a critical first step in
facilitating a bridge between community knowledge and academic knowledge.
This acceptance and acknowledgement of different yet legitimate knowledge
in non-academic partners must become a foundational principle of any efforts
at co-creation and building bridges.
Given past histories of apathy towards academic and community actors,
as well as a dismissive attitude of academic researchers towards knowledge and
experience of community actors, co-creation requires establishing relations
of mutual trust. Relationships of trust are the cement for bridging knowl-
edge cultures. Once experiential knowledge of people living in communities,
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ancient land-based knowledge of Indigenous peoples, and the epistemic
privilege of those experiencing lives of poverty, different abilities, homeless-
ness, and more, are recognised as legitimate, the challenge is to move beyond
the walls – physical, intellectual and emotional – of the academy to establish
mutually respectful connections. Building relationships of trust takes time
and investment of resources (funds, human resources, organisational struc-
tures) and is essential for meaningful research partnerships that attempt to
bridge different sets of knowledge and epistemologies. Recognising and valu-
ing community partners needs to be conveyed in a manner that is respect-
ful and dignified. A series of interactions need to be planned over time for
bridging the differences in cultures, languages and ethics. This is easier said
than done.
Training of academic researchers tends to buttress a sense of arrogance
rooted in superior knowledge and scholarship. Trained to speak their own
expertise incessantly, listening is not a hugely common practice amongst aca-
demic researchers. Blinded by beliefs of neutrality and objectivity, their capac-
ity to listen to others’ words and feelings is limited. When academics ‘learn to
listen’, relationships begin to develop.
Balancing feelings with thinking supports relationship building. This pro-
cess happens gradually, needs time, requires patience. When academics
‘unlearn’, mutuality occurs. Empathic listening entails ‘unlearning’, which cre-
ates some tension and anxiety in all persons. The capacity to cope with distress
and anxiety caused by such ‘unlearning’ helps create the partnerships required
to build bridges.
Academic knowledge creators rely heavily on the written word in the
research process, from production to dissemination. In communities, how-
ever, knowledge production and sharing occurs through parables, stories,
anecdotes, hymns, dance and/or songs. Oral traditions of knowledge produc-
tion and dissemination are structurally different from written academic tradi-
tions. The capacity of academics to accept oral storage and transmission of
knowledge, and their openness towards non-written forms of documentation
and records as legitimate sources of knowledge, help to support the arch of
scaffolding of the bridge to be built. Academic researchers demonstrating a
capacity to understand stories and anecdotes as types of data further helps
the process of bridge-building. Academic research in recent decades has got
bogged down in statistics and numbers, as ever sophisticated tools of algo-
rithms have become available. As a consequence, oral, artistic and physical
manifestations of community knowledge are not even recognised, and are dis-
missed as ‘unscientific’.
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3 Rebalancing Power
The case studies have demonstrated, initiatives to co-create knowledge typi-
cally begin from academic researchers. Communities hesitate to initiate the
partnership for knowledge co-creation. There are multiple reasons for this –
communities themselves fail to acknowledge that they are sites and producers
of valid knowledge; they view the academy and the researcher as ‘holders of
knowledge’; the knowledge economy makes them believe knowledge can only
be gained and learnt in the academy; and they see themselves through the lens
of the academy as illiterate, uneducated, invisible. Above all, communities lack
the power to begin building the bridge.
The cultural, linguistic and status differentials between academic research-
ers and community actors are so large in many contexts that making connec-
tions to initiate dialogues becomes difficult. Hence, an effective mediation
process helps to kick-off bridging and rebalance the power. Interlocutors,
boundary spanners and intermediaries, who may well come from either or
both the community and academic side, play an important role in facilitating
the rebalancing of power. The case studies have illustrated the relevance of
such intermediation, in whatever form it occurs, to start the bridging process.
In some cases, local civil society organisations or school teachers or local gov-
ernment officials acted as the connector intermediary, performing the facilita-
tor functions creatively and contextually.
There are several practical questions that need to be addressed in opera-
tionalising mediators between community and academia: Where should the
mediators be located? How should they be funded? What decision-making
capacity do they need? What skills are necessary? Should it be an individual
or a team, with a formal or informal role? How should they demonstrate their
accountability to both the community and academia?
A common finding from the study and previous studies done by this
Chair is the need for a dedicated unit in academia for anchoring the
co-creation and bridge building process. Academic institutions are large and
divided into multiple units which typically act in silos. To build equitable part-
nerships with communities, a clear structure within the academy is required.
The case studies demonstrate the value of such an administrative mechanism
in order to enable and sustain partnerships beyond specific projects.
The creation of visible structures within the academy is key to supporting
the transition from disciplinary, academic-led knowledge creation to inter-
disciplinary co-construction of knowledge with community. Administrative
structures within universities provide spaces for the recognition of on-going
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co-structured research, for sharing tools and strategies for doing community-
based research work, and for tracking the impact. Likewise, spaces for shared
leadership, analysis of findings and planning of action within the research pro-
cess need to be attended to intentionally so that needs and priorities of com-
munity partners are respected and responded to, and power is tilted a little bit
further towards the community.
4 Missing Glues and Hopeful Futures
Several missing glues have been flagged from the case studies, which need sus-
tained future attention. Despite the important success stories of the field cases
we have shared in this book, overall we continue to observe the same patterns
university research partnerships work
well despite – and not because of – existing policies that seem to discourage,
rather than incentivise, equitable partnerships. In cases where institutional
support for co-creation of knowledge was available in academic institutions,
some encouragement and resources were made available to those academ-
ics who took the risk of trying to bridge knowledge cultures. But this support
remains largely precarious and uncertain, mostly dependent on commitment
of top leadership (which changes frequently).
The analysis of significant institutional/structural mechanisms at meso
levels and policy support at macro level was not sufficiently carried out to
lend any fine comparative conclusions. However, several national contexts in
this study do suggest an emerging trend of supportive national policies and
research funding arrangements. In addition to Canada, recent examples of
such shift are visible in South Africa and India. The National Education Policy
2020 in India has explicitly acknowledged diversities of knowledge systems,
valuing linguistic plurality and engaged teaching and co-creation of knowl-
edge. In situations where national policy in higher education and research is
explicitly supportive of co-creation, where policy recognises that community
knowledge is important and that linguistic and cultural diversity will need to
be taken into account for harnessing such community knowledge, academic
leadership is more inclined to invest institutionally. Research funding agencies
also look for policy signals to align their research priorities. These trends need
to be welcomed and incentivised for future research funding.
Still more systematic research of bridging is called for as community knowl-
edge cultures are studied in-depth Chair
are becoming privileged and safe sites for bringing community and academic
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knowledge cultures closer. They provide a platform for sharing emerging learn-
ings about the challenges in building partnerships and ways to deal with them.
transitional spaces to learn and practice
sites had difficulty in coming to grips with understanding what is a community
knowledge culture; in fact, even the very meaning of knowledge culture escaped
their recognition. The trajectory for unlearning and relearning to acknowledge a
community knowledge culture exists even by those academics trained as men-
tors in this approach to research and value system demonstrates the long road
ahead towards recognising and valuing diverse knowledge cultures.
During the three-year period when this international study was conducted,
several global policy mandates have emerged to support the basic thesis of
bridging knowledge cultures. A landmark report was released by ’s
International Commission on Futures of Education in 2021, Reimagining our
futures together: A new social contract for education. Its main recommendation
is to embed educational programs within the larger societal context of today,
and the future. It notes that, “knowledge data and evidence must be inclusive
of diverse sources and ways of knowing” (International Commission on the
-
ing knowledge calls for greater recognition of the validity and applicability
of diverse sources of knowledge to the exigencies of the present and future”
Sahle-Work Zewde
eloquently captures the call to action as follows, “The future of our planet must
be locally and democratically envisioned. It is only through collective and indi-
vidual actions that harness our rich diversity of peoples and cultures that the
futures we want can be realized” (International Commission on the Futures of
Education, 2021, p. ).
Following closely behind the release of the Futures of Education report was
the universal adoption of ’s Recommendations on Open Science in
November 2021. Expanding the meaning of science to be open to not merely
fellow scientists but also practitioners and citizens, Open Science recom-
mendations also endorse the recognition of community knowledge. Its Open
framework has a quadrant of public engagement of science (including citizen
science), as well as openness to multiple epistemologies (hitherto excluded
knowledge systems, Indigenous knowledge, etc.).
Open science should not only foster enhanced sharing of scientific knowl-
edge solely among scientific communities but also promote inclusion and
exchange of scholarly knowledge from traditionally underrepresented
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or excluded groups (such as women, minorities, Indigenous scholars,
scholars from less-advantaged countries and low-resource languages).
(
The Recommendation further notes that open science “opens the pro-
cesses of scientific knowledge creation, evaluation and communication
to societal actors beyond the traditional scientific community”. (,
2021, p. 8)
The conversations and recommendations arising from ’s Third World
Higher Education Conference in Barcelona (May 2022) reinforced the perspec-
tive of co-creation of knowledge to address critical challenges of our times
like growing inequality, post-pandemic health risks and rapid climate distress.
Presented during the conference was a report by the Expert Group,
Knowledge-driven actions: Transforming higher education for global sustain-
ability. The fundamental message from this ground-breaking report is, “the
imperative of becoming open institutions, fostering epistemic dialogue and
integrating diverse ways of knowing” (, 2022, p. 101).
Most significantly, for the first time, the Third World Higher Education Con-
ference had a special session on ways to synergise the teaching and research
functions of higher education with Indigenous knowledge systems. The report
on the session on Indigenous Perspectives on Higher Education notes that,
To favour the well-being of all people inclusively and the sustainability
of societies overall, higher education systems must be deconstructed and
co-created into new structures that respect and incorporate Indigenous
knowledge and values. They should be redesigned to feel inclusive to
Indigenous students and should explore what Indigenous wisdom and
culture – developed over millennia – can offer humankind rather than
expecting students to conform to existing norms. (Canadian Commission
for
All of the above global policy convergences create an enabling policy environ-
ment to promote and deepen bridging academic knowledge and community
knowledge by recognising and valuing different knowledge cultures. Higher
education institutions can use these enabling policies to move towards inter-
and transdisciplinary modes of producing and circulating knowledge; to
become open institutions, fostering epistemic dialogue, integrating, respect-
ing and valuing diverse ways of knowing; place truth-seeking skills at the core
of the curriculum to reignite imaginations and promote divergent thinking.
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They can occupy a stronger presence in society through proactive engagement
and partnering with other societal actors, and establish a new social contract
for education.
We have no doubt that co-created learning and knowledge can repair injus-
tices, and contribute to just and sustainable futures. We know that redesign-
ing structures and cultures of historically rigid academic institutions to do
this is a tall order; it will take enormous efforts and investments. We hope a
next generation of professional researchers trained to co-produce knowledge
by understanding and building appreciation that diverse knowledge cultures
exist, and by demonstrating the building of bridges through everyday practice,
can overcome the competitive vision of education in favour of a culture of col-
laboration and cooperation.
References
Canadian Commission for . (2021). Indigenous perspectives on higher
education.
IndigneousPerspectivesHigherEducation.pdf
International Commission on the Futures of Education. (2021). Reimagining our
futures together: A new social contract for education. .
. (2021). UNESCO recommendation on open science. .
. (2022). Global independent expert group on the universities and the 2030
agenda. .
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Index
community-based participatory research
(
community-based research (
,
community-university research partnerships
(
knowledge cultures (,
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sustainable development goals (
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Spine
<20 mm>
Bridging Knowledge
Cultures
Rebalancing Power in the
Co-Construction of Knowledge
Walter Lepore, Budd L. Hall and
Rajesh Tandon (Eds.)
Bridging Knowledge Cultures
Rebalancing Power in the Co-Construction of
Knowledge
Walter Lepore, Budd L. Hall and Rajesh Tandon (Eds.)
Establishing truly respectful, mutually beneicial, and equitable knowledge crea-
tion partnerships with diverse communities poses signiicant challenges for aca-
demia. Bridging Knowledge Cultures provides valuable insights into the dynamics
involved and the obstacles encountered when attempting to establish meaning-
ful research partnerships between diferent knowledge domains. This book goes
beyond exploration by ofering practical recommendations to overcome these
challenges and forge efective collaboration between mainstream research institu-
tions and community groups and organizations.
This book includes ten compelling case studies conducted by research and train-
ing hubs established through the global Knowledge for Change Consortium. These
case studies encompass community-university research partnerships across vari-
ous geographical locations, tackling a wide range of societal issues and acknowl-
edging the wealth of knowledge created by local communities.
The overarching goal of this book is to inspire the next generation of research-
ers and professionals to embrace the richness of diverse perspectives and knowl-
edge cultures. By advocating for the construction of “bridges” through practical
approaches, the book encourages a shift from competition to collaboration in
research. Ultimately, it aims to foster an environment where diferent forms of
knowledge can intersect and thrive, leading to a more inclusive and comprehen-
sive understanding of the world around us.
Cover illustration: iStock.com/Kedar Diwakar Mandakhalikar
ISBN 978-90-04-68774-5
Bridging Knowledge Cultures Walter Lepore, Budd L. Hall and Rajesh Tandon (Eds.)
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