Democracy, Demography & Diaspora-Electoral Legitimacy, Key to Croatia's Future

Abstract

Looking back at thirty years since the founding of the sovereign Republic of Croatia, this article asks to what extent Croatia's electoral process has succeeded or failed in guaranteeing the democratic rights of citizens in a free, healthy, transparent and productive society. Through frank, revealing interviews conducted with noted Croatian political and humanitarian leaders, legal experts, and scholars, this article examines whether the electoral process serves to select leaders who act in the best interests of the people or of politicians with deep roots in the country’s troubled communist past. Does the law confront corruption, wrest control of the government from privileged elites, and result in policies that win public support and create a mandate that officials implement? Are political leaders and parties held accountable for their actions? The answers to these questions demonstrate the key role that electoral law plays in Croatia’s pursuit of its rightful destiny -- a democratic future.

Full text

International Journal of Social Sciences Vol. XII, No. 1 / 2023
DOI: 10.52950/SS.2023.12.1.002
DEMOCRACY, DEMOGRAPHY & DIASPORA: ELECTORAL
LEGITIMACY, KEY TO CROATIA’S FUTURE
DOROTHY S. MCCLELLAN, NIKOLA KNEZ
Abstract:
Looking back at thirty years since the founding of the sovereign Republic of Croatia, this article asks
to what extent Croatia's electoral process has succeeded or failed in guaranteeing the democratic
rights of citizens in a free, healthy, transparent and productive society. Through frank, revealing
interviews conducted with noted Croatian political and humanitarian leaders, legal experts, and
scholars, this article examines whether the electoral process serves to select leaders who act in the
best interests of the people or of politicians with deep roots in the country’s troubled communist
past. Does the law confront corruption, wrest control of the government from privileged elites, and
result in policies that win public support and create a mandate that officials implement? Are
political leaders and parties held accountable for their actions? The answers to these questions
demonstrate the key role that electoral law plays in Croatia’s pursuit of its rightful destiny -- a
democratic future.
Keywords:
election law, election legitimacy, democratic elections, voting rights, demography, emigration,
demographic trends, democracy, diaspora, Croatia, international justice
JEL Classification: D72, D63, J11
Authors:
DOROTHY S. MCCLELLAN, Texas A&M University-Corpus Christi, United States, Email:
dorothy.mcclellan@tamucc.edu
NIKOLA KNEZ, iFilms LLC and Croatian Film Institute, United States, Email: nikolaknez184@gmail.com
Citation:
DOROTHY S. MCCLELLAN, NIKOLA KNEZ (2023). DEMOCRACY, DEMOGRAPHY & DIASPORA:
ELECTORAL LEGITIMACY, KEY TO CROATIA’S FUTURE . International Journal of Social Sciences, Vol.
XII(1), pp. 11-49., 10.52950/SS.2023.12.1.002
The authors contributed equally to the production of this manuscript, creating the research design,
conducting, transcribing and translating the interviews, analyzing the supporting research and review
of the literature, writing and editing the article.
11Copyright © 2023, DOROTHY S. MCCLELLAN et al., dorothy.mcclellan@tamucc.edu

Like sailors are we, who must rebuild their ship on the open sea, unable to dismantle it in
drydock to reconstruct it there out of the best materials.
Otto Neurath
1 Introduction
The Republic of Croatia‘s thousand-year journey to create a free, fully democratic nation
continues. After millennia of struggle, this nation emerged in 1991 forged in the political cauldron
of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the breakup of Yugoslavia. While the countries of Eastern
Europe made a relatively peaceful transition to independence, this was not the case for the
Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia—comprised of six republics (Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, Slovenia) and two autonomous regions (Vojvodina and
Kosovo). The Serbians held supremacy in the military and political decision-making process and
were determined to resist independence movements by any means necessary.
Two factors worked to strengthen Croatia’s hand in determining its future and resisting Serbia’s
nationalism and fascism: The 1974 Yugoslavian Constitution established a federal union with
confederative characteristics, giving each of the six republics and two autonomous regions the
right to secession or separation from the federation. Then, in February 1990, the Communist
Party of Croatia passed a multi-party election law empowering its citizens to create a pluralist
democracy. In 1991, the people of Croatia expressed their will in a referendum that
overwhelmingly (93.5%) favored their political independence and separation from Yugoslavia.
Shortly thereafter Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia followed suit. The
belligerent reaction of the Serbian political and military establishment against Croatia for aiming
to establish a sovereign country was swift and brutal. They tried to occupy the whole of Croatia.
The Croatian War for Independence (1991-1995) that ensued resulted in years of brutal fighting,
humanitarian disaster, and genocide committed by Serbia and its supporters.
Finally in 1995 the Republic of Croatia prevailed. Operation Storm, the single-most decisive battle
of the Croatian War for Independence, launched by the Republic of Croatia in August 1995 was
the largest European land battle since the Second World War. Outnumbered, outgunned, but not
outmaneuvered, this tiny new democracy prevailed in a David versus Goliath encounter, a moral
as well as military victory. Storm led to the liberation of one-third of Croatian territory and made
possible the Dayton Agreement. According to U.S. Ambassador to Croatia Peter Galbraith,
Dayton "was, however, never intended as a roadmap for the organization of a country. It was
intended as a means of ending a war and bringing peace to the region…" (in interview April 4,
2019; see also Galbraith 2006).
What followed was the post-war reconstruction of the country and efforts to determine and
embrace a democratic future. This article examines new challenges that have emerged. Based
on interviews conducted with noted scholars, humanitarian leaders, and political principals, this
social scientific qualitative study examines those challenges, as well as their historical and political
origins. The interviews reveal competing conceptions of democratic nation-building, but
agreement that election law and the constitution play a key role in determining the outcome—
Croatia’s future. The increasing tension that exists centers around the Constitutional Court of
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Croatia’s February 7, 2023 decision that nullifies the current election law effective October 1,
2023, unless the Croatian Parliament implements the constitutional guarantee of equal voting
rights (Jonjić 2023; Puljić 2022; n.a. 2015). Changes to the election law will no doubt affect the
results of a hotly contested parliamentary election in 2024.
Recently released 2021 census data confirm that the country’s population is shrinking
dramatically in response to loss of confidence in the leadership and direction of the government.
The permanent population of Croatia was 4.44 million in 2001 and dropped to 3.87 million by
2021, a 19% reduction (Schengen Visa News 2022). The diaspora now represents a group almost
as large as the resident population (Vukić 2022b). Annual gross per capita income is currently
$12,374, 63% of the European standard (World Bank 2023). The negative force of recent
emigration has begun to threaten the basic systems on which the Croatian state rests (Šterc in
interview January 2022; Simmons 2023; Šterc 2017).
This article addresses what needs to be done to stem the blood loss--the brain drain, brain waste,
and growing public dissatisfaction with the government increasingly apparent in demographic and
economic data, attitudinal surveys, and anecdotal reports. Current efforts to address these
challenges are often at odds with one another.
In the Faculty of Croatian Studies at the University of Zagreb a new Department of Demography
and Croatian Emigration has recently been established in recognition of the demographic crisis.
Dr. Sc. Goran Rados explains,
We are training experts to make intelligent, informed decisions regarding the
diaspora, its return and reincorporation into Croatian society. After all, getting a
clear picture of demographic indicators and trends is essential to understand what
political, economic, governmental and human action must be taken in this historical
period (in interview February 2021).
According to Dr. Sc. Wollfi Krasić,
What is revealing and devastating is the fact that the opening of this program was
met with resistance from part of the governing structure of the Croatian state. I
think this demonstrates misunderstanding. This is not a political or ideological
issue. Rather, it is a state issue that concerns all residents of the Republic of
Croatia, regardless of their political or ideological affiliation. Yet we are encouraged
for we have encountered a very positive response and turnout of young people to
our invitation to join the Department of Demography and Croatian Emigration (in
interview February 2021).
Already in 2003, a study of 400 University of Zagreb students from four faculties (Medicine, Law,
Philosophy, and Economics) revealed that young people were disillusioned with their employment
prospects in Croatia upon graduation. The overwhelming majority of students expressed a desire
to emigrate due to a perception that the country was still functioning as it had before the War for
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Independence (1991-1995), when success in life and work depended, not on what you know, but
on whom you know in the socialist/communist party network. The study showed that the best and
brightest students were seriously considering emigrating to England, Europe, Australia, and the
United States to find meaningful work at reasonable wages, although they loved their country and
deeply regretted leaving behind family and friends (McClellan and Knez 2004, pp. 1-15). The
general consensus was that old political elites remained in power and retained their Yugoslav
ideological identities, despite the changing of the names of their political parties. Croatian election
law still relies on political parties presenting the electorate with a fixed slate of candidates, hand-
picked by party leaders.
Dr. Sc. Stjepan Šterc, renowned demographer and founder of the department, commends the
many Croatian emigrants whose abundant remittances sent to family members through the
Croatian financial system contribute enormously to the economy. In fact, he notes that “their
remittances are greater than total foreign investment in our country“ (in interview February 2021;
see also Vukić 2022b).
The January 1, 2023 successes fully integrating Croatia into the European Union by including the
country in the Schengen area, thereby removing all European border crossings, and shifting the
currency to the Euro, represent concrete progress for Croatia. However, confronting internal
election law and constitutional controversies will be key to securing Croatia’s democratic future.
2 The Broad Goals of the Project
While in Croatia as a Fulbright scholar 2002-2004 and 2012, Dr. Dorothy McClellan, Regents
Professor of Criminal Justice at Texas A&M University-Corpus Christi, undertook a multi-faceted,
international collaborative project with filmmaker and human rights activist Nikola Knez, President
of the Croatian Society for Human Rights, and President of iFilms LLC, to examine challenges to
democratic nation building in this post-conflict society. Over the course of the Fulbright
fellowships and beyond, the focus of our work has been on the post-World War II forced
repatriation and subsequent murder of Croatians in Yugoslavia, as well as the Croatian War for
Independence (1991-1995) and its aftermath. Our attention has now turned to documenting
contemporary political challenges regarding election law that stand in the way of Croatia’s move
toward full democratic participation in elections and policymaking.
The overarching goals of this article are:
To document Croatia's current efforts to create an independent, democratic state in
response to the challenges posed by competing conceptions of what constitutes a modern
democracy.
To identify changes in the election law that will maximize citizens’ free choice of leaders
and their influence on public policy.
To point the way toward economic and political vitality which is central to restoring
confidence in a fully democratic future for Croatia.
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To demonstrate that election law is key to effectively confronting corruption and wresting
control of the government from the hands of privileged political elites whose roots are
deeply embedded in the country’s troubled communist past.
This article aims to articulate strategic and political conditions needed for Croatia to create a
stable democracy that throws off the historical yoke of communism.
3 Historical, Political & Ideological Overview
The Republic of Croatia is an independent and sovereign nation located in South Central Europe
at the northern edge of the Mediterranean. This spectacularly beautiful country is the homeland
of Croatians, a proud people who have inhabited this geographical region for more than a
millennium. The Croatian landmass is magnificently adorned with natural beauty, the riches of
the Adriatic Sea, Slavonian and Podravina fertile lowlands, forested Dinaric Alps, the mystical
Istrian peninsula, and the gentle hills of Zagorje.
According to the 2021 census, of the approximately 3.9 million inhabitants of the Republic of
Croatia, 92% are Croatians and Roman Catholics. (Croatian State Bureau of Statistics 2022). The
remaining population represent various minorities who enjoy full social, economic, political, and
religious freedom. Zagreb, a modern city of three-quarters of a million people, built around a
perfectly preserved magical medieval upper town, is the nation’s capital--the political, cultural,
scientific, and economic center of the Croatian State.
The modern Croatian state’s foundations were laid in the 7th century, manifested in the
establishment of Croatian principalities (duchies), the creation of which, in various forms of nation-
states, is confirmed historically over the centuries. A distinctive Croatian nation (Hrvati) has
survived in one form or another from at least 925 A.D., first as the Kingdom of Croatia under Knez
Tomislav. The foundations of the modern sovereign nation were firmly laid with the ratification
and adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia in 1990. The defining principles of the
Croatian Constitution express the people’s determination and readiness to establish, protect,
preserve, and defend the Republic of Croatia as a free, independent, and sovereign state. At a
joint session of its three councils, the Croatian Parliament promulgated the Constitution of the
Republic of Croatia, which defines Croatia as a single, indivisible, democratic, sovereign state
guaranteeing its citizens’ human rights, property rights, and the rule of law (Šeks in interview
September 2022; see also Šeks 2015). However, this move resulted in an attack on Croatia by
the Yugoslav Army, Serbia, and Montenegro that resulted in a long brutal war (CIA 2002).
The Croatian people emerged victorious after the defensive and liberating homeland war that
lasted from 1991-1995. As the 21st century began, Croatia was recovering from a decade of
conflict, destruction, and suffering following its War for Independence. Their well-deserved victory
after years of relentless fighting brought euphoria and heightened expectations of economic
growth and political change. Croatia was a society determined to build a democratic future and
become a member of the European Union.
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Fast forward to 2023: Croatia marks the 33rd anniversary of the first Constitution since declaring
independence, adopted on December 22, 1990, reaffirming the democratic changes expressed
in the first multi-party elections held in the spring of that year that established the principles of
Croatian independence.
A key legal provision of the Constitution prohibits the initiation of the process of association of the
Republic of Croatia into alliances with other states that could lead to the renewal of Yugoslav
state unity, or any form of Balkan state union. At the same time, the Republic of Croatia, as a
free and independent state and a member of the European Union and NATO, participates in the
creation of the European community. Working together, the European states ensure lasting
peace, freedom, security, and prosperity for one another, and the well being of its citiziens in their
pursuit of common goals and values of Western civilization.
On January 1, 2023, Croatians rang in the new year by joining Schengen and the eurozone,
events of great historical significance. After only ten years of membership in the European Union,
Croatia became the 27th member of the Schengen area, entering the western club of developed
nations with 420 million people. This is the world's largest area of free movement between
countries. Border controls with EU members on land, air and at sea crossings were abolished.
Croatia simultaneously joined the community of more than 342 million people who use the euro.
After centuries of wandering and tragic associations in the Balkan territories, Croatia has gained
broad international recognition and achieved one of its chief national, strategic, political, and state
goals, finally returning to its natural home – Europe. This strategic goal was outlined by Franjo
Tuđman when he and the HDZ party (Croatian Democratic Union) appeared on the political stage
and gained the full support of the Croatian people in 1990 (Šeks in interview September 2022).
Although Croatia achieved NATO membership in 2009 and the European Union in 2013, the
country continues to experience high unemployment, economic stagnation, inflation, and
governmental corruption rooted in the legacies of its communist past. In addition, this small nation
faces tough competition for business and funds from more advanced EU countries. With its
parliamentary democracy and market economy, the Republic of Croatia is rich in human capital
and natural resources but still lags far behind the most developed countries of the world in
realizing its potential (World Bank 2023).
Despite Croatia having all the organic components for the successful development of society, a
political stalemate exists within the country between the forces that seek to fully embrace a
democratic, productive, demographically inclusive free market economy and those who seek
what the overwhelming majority of those interviewed described as a purely self-interested course
deeply rooted in a communist past that privileges old elites. This has resulted in growing public
dissatisfaction with governmental decision-making and management, with officials who tolerate
and thus promote mediocrity over excellence, corruption over transparency and accountability,
and inefficiency over productivity. This has led to the stagnation of democratic, economic, and
demographic development (Graubard 1993).
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4 Methodology
In the tradition of qualitative social science research (Alasuutari 2010, pp. 139-155), and
employing an oral history methodology (Charlton et al. 2007), the authors conducted semi-
structured interviews with more than a dozen prominent Croatian political leaders, academics,
civil rights leaders, and journalists between 2021 and 2022. They were asked to describe their
role, experiences, and insights into the creation of the Republic of Croatia, its constitution and
election law. They were invited to discuss their conceptions of modern democracy, what Croatia
has succeeded in accomplishing, and the challenges that Croatia has yet to address. We
arranged filmed interviews in Croatia that lasted a minimum of two to three hours. The precision,
clarity, and detail of interviewees’ comments was exceptional. Excerpts from the interviews are
included in this article. All interviews were transcribed and translated from Croatian to English by
the authors. The major highlights of these interviews comprise more than 100 pages of single-
spaced text and more than 50 hours of film footage.
Documentary film is now integral to academic pedagogy and a powerful tool to reach broad
audiences, so a major aspect of this study was to produce a documentary film that relies on those
interviews. The documentary film, Election Law of the Republic of Croatia was produced in
Croatian in February 2023. An English language version of the film, Election Legitimacy, Republic
of Croatia, that employs English narration and subtitles was completed in June 2023. The
documentary film was entered into competition at WorldFest International Film Festival Houston
and awarded a Silver Remi for documentary film production and a Gold Remi for use of computer
graphics and special effects.
Since the Greeks imagined a democratic society, serious people have considered how to elect
leaders who will propose policies that win public support, create a mandate that government
pursues, and hold those selected for leadership accountable for their actions. The leadership
class should be selected from among the finest citizens who want to build a just society that
promotes quality of life, the fullest pursuit of individual liberties, wealth, and happiness. Growing
out of this conception of democratic society, the interviews conducted for this article focus on the
following questions:
• As we look back at the thirty years since the creation of the sovereign, democratic Republic
of Croatia, to what extent has Croatia succeeded or failed in the development of an
electoral process that guarantees the democratic rights of citizens in a free, healthy,
transparent and productive society?
• Does the electoral process serve to select leaders who represent and act in the best
interests of the people, not the political elites?
• Does the electoral process result in policies that win public support and create a mandate
that the government pursues and implements?
• Is the electoral process characterized by broad participation of citizens who enjoy full
political freedom?
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• Are political leaders and representatives of political parties held accountable for their
actions?
5 As They See It: Findings
Each of the renowned individuals interviewed (listed in references) for this study brings
distinctive perspectives, experience, and insight to further our understanding of the electoral
process in Croatia. Their historical, legal, and political analysis is invaluable in evaluating the
state of the republic. Several issues of concern regarding electoral legitimacy are consistently
raised in interview:
• The power and privilege of political elites
• Governmental and judicial corruption
• Continuing influence and legacy of the Yugoslav communist past
• Control and domination of two political parties (HDZ and SDP)
• Ongoing role of the communist secret police (UDBA)
• Lack of transparency and equal access to the process of privatization of government
property
• Under-representation of the diaspora and over-representation of national minorities in
parliament
• Interference in and de-legitimization of national referendums
• Demographic catastrophe of massive emigration brought on by lack of confidence in the
government
• Government failure to provide equal voting rights
• Gerrymandering of voting districts to benefit two ruling parties
• General failure of the government to protect life, liberty, and property of all citizens.
The Path to Independence
An in-depth interview was held with lawyer and politician Vladimir Šeks who has been a
representative in the Croatian Parliament since the nation’s independence. He was the chief
drafter of the 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, one of the six founders of the
Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), the political party that would lead the Republic of Croatia for
years, and former Speaker of the Parliament (2003-2008). He has held the posts of Deputy
Prime Minister in the government, acting President of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ),
and Leader of the Opposition.
Šeks’ insights, historical recollections, and reflections provide the perspective of a key political
influencer who continues to shape the country’s constitution and its electoral law. Šeks earned
his reputation long before Croatian independence. From 1972 to 1981, when Croatia was part
of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRJ), he worked as a lawyer until his arrest for
“hostile propaganda” and "anti-state actions" against communist Yugoslavia (Šeks 1997; Šeks
2015; Šeks in interview September 2022).
He begins his interview by describing Croatia’s complex transition from being a part of the
Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia to becoming an independent nation, and his personal hand in
that harrowing process.
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1971 was a turning point in recent Croatian history. This was the beginning of the
Croatian Spring when dramatic changes began to appear in the former
Yugoslavia. The Croatian people aspired to a greater democratic initiative in
order to achieve greater rights and independence and to alleviate the totalitarian
repressive regime led by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (in interview
September 2022).
Yugoslav communist ideology and practice hold that the achievements of the communist
revolution cannot be preserved without the "dictatorship of the proletariat.” In practice, this
justifies the use of secret and public police investigations, illegal confiscation of citizens' property
and liquidation--murder. These actions can be directed, not only at individuals deemed
undesirable, but also at institutions, cultural values, and worldviews. The most severe form of
repression includes systematic mass executions without benefit of due process.
In his capacity as deputy district public prosecutor in Osijek in the 1970s, Vladimir Šeks launched
an investigation into UDBA (the communist political security police agency), because it illegally
turned over thousands of letters from the Osijek postal service to the State Security Service in
that city. The letters were opened and checked. At the same time, UDBA eavesdropped on
phone conversations. UDBA tried to control correspondence between Croatian political emigrants
and Croatians in Croatia. Šeks is heralded as the only man in all of communist Europe--from the
Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania, Albania and Yugoslavia--who dared
to attack a communist political security police agency.
It was indisputable, I proved that UDBA was working illegally. I was then forced to
resign from the post of deputy district public prosecutor in Osijek. I was removed
from the judiciary and declared the number one enemy of the state. Only thanks
to the fact that I saved the record of the hearing before the investigative judge of
the head of the state security service (UDBA) in Osijek, in which he admitted that
they were working illegally, was I initially saved from prison and political and
personal liquidation (in interview September 2022).
However, in the 1980s he served 13 months at the notorious Stara Gradiška prison. In
interview Šeks continues:
With the help of police provocateurs, I was convicted of enemy propaganda and
put in Stara Gradiška prison. Until I went to prison, I was a critic of the Yugoslav
communist regime, but while in prison I became a sworn enemy of the communist
regime. I took an oath that I would destroy the Yugoslav communist regime and
Yugoslavia as a country by all means. With words and speech and dynamite. After
that, various communist newspapers publicly proclaimed me as one of the biggest
and most dangerous enemies of socialism and communist Yugoslavia, i.e.,
communist Croatia.
Upon my release from prison at the end of 1988, I became one of the prominent
fighters for human rights. I became a member of Amnesty International, the
international Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, and an international human
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rights association from Germany, where I persistently pointed out and proved the
totalitarian nature of the Yugoslav communist regime. I called on Western
governments to withhold credit and financial aid to Yugoslavia. I wrote to them
about various mass violations of civil and human rights in Yugoslavia. I explained
to the relevant organizations in America, Great Britain, and Germany that no
appeals to respect human rights could influence the Yugoslav communist regime.
The only language they understand is to deny them credit, to deny them access to
finances. It is the only language they understand.
From 1981 to 1989 and into 1990, thousands upon thousands of pages of
numerous reports of the Yugoslav and federal UDBA point to me as the most
comprehensive opponent of the communist regime (in interview September 2022).
Reports suggest that since 1945 millions of citizens have been brought in for questioning and
prosecution, many paying the ultimate price of loss of their freedom or death. Stepping forward
to challenge the powers-that-be has resulted in a decades-long climate of intimidation and fear.
Croatian researcher Ante Beljo confirms that "Today, fear still exists. Some witnesses are still
alive, but people do not want to be victims again for simply telling the truth" (in interview 2016;
see also McClellan and Knez 2018; Beljo 1998).
Croatia’s long history of use of secret police to monitor its citizens is well known. In the 49 years
of the Yugoslavian state's existence, documents suggest that the communists killed more than a
million people (Ranković 1951, p. 1). With that Tito's rule earned a place on the list of the most
murderous regimes of all time (Jones 2014). The power of UDBA is seen in its dogged pursuit of
the opposition. Having eyes and ears everywhere, they have infiltrated all organizations and
relationships -- social, economic, personal, business, political and religious – in classic
Stalinesque form in Croatia (Dimitrijević 2019; Vukić 2022a). According to the interviewees,
UDBA’s continued influence has played an enormous role in fomenting distrust of and contempt
for government officials and the political elite. Vladimir Šeks managed to stand up to those forces
and miraculously survived politically so that in 1990 he was one of the founders of
the Osijek branch of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ).
Dr. Sc. Prof. Josip Jurčević, Croatian historian, conservative politician, author, professor and
veteran explains:
Totalitarian communism is criminal and solves everything with repression,
murders, imprisonment, and the like. The attraction/appeal of communism is that
it offers irresponsibility, it forbids any kind of independence and private and political
entrepreneurship. You may not establish a political party and represent your
interests, you may not establish a singing society if the party does not approve and
determine it. Absolutely total control. Entrepreneurship of any kind is not permitted
(in interview November 2022; see also Jurčević 2020).
Dr. Željka Markić, physician and leader of Croatian human rights non-governmental organization
U Ime Obitelji, In the Name of Family, has also been a war correspondent, documentary film
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producer, TV news program editor, and contributor to Human Rights Watch. She is a well known
public figure and political activist. She explains:
I grew up under communism. In the totalitarian regime there was corruption,
human rights were not respected, there was always lying, facts were twisted. The
development of the country was stopped, our people who lived outside the borders
of Yugoslavia were killed. As a citizen in that totalitarian regime, I was not
responsible for that because I could not influence all these actions because normal
people were reduced to the objects of the regime (in interview January 2021).
Vladimir Šeks provides historical context:
In this atmosphere, I welcomed the year 1989, when the movements in Croatia
and Slovenia began and when the Berlin Wall came down (in interview September
2022).
The fall of the Berlin Wall was the opening salvo for all the democracies in Central and
Southeastern Europe announcing that the monolithic Eastern Soviet Bloc was breaking apart.
The collapse of the Soviet Union had a domino effect, sparking democratic movements in
Czechoslovakia, Germany, Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary and the Baltic States. And, of
course, it was then Yugoslavia's turn.
Vladimir Šeks describes the determination of the founders of the Croatian Democratic Union
(HDZ), the political party that would lead the country for years. According to Šeks, the HDZ
resisted Greater Serbia's political and later military aggression, while the Croatian communists
were silent.
The Communist Party of Croatia stuck its head in the sand like an ostrich. They
did not give any response to Milosevic’s already threatening and growing imperial
Serbian policy, which aimed to reshape the Yugoslav system and create a Greater
Serbia. Croatian communists did not offer any resistance to these aspirations.
They fell into a kind of silence.
In response to the silence of the Croatian Communists in February 1989, Franjo
Tuđman and a group of us came out with a preliminary draft of the founding of the
Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) in the Society of Croatian Writers. Since then,
HDZ entered the political scene. A barrage of all kinds of attacks came from all
communist newspapers, from the Croatian and Yugoslav communist parties and
partisan combat organizations. They accused us of trying to revitalize the
Independent State of Croatia and the Ustaše movement (a right-wing political
movement). They threatened us with persecution, imprisonment and physical
liquidation. But the process could no longer be stopped.
On June 17, 1989, the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) was founded. The police
banned us from the founding assembly that we wanted to hold in the Lisinski
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Theatre. They forbade us from gathering at the Panorama Hotel. The reasoning
for the ban is a matter of fact, as it was stated that the founding assembly of HDZ
with its program and performance would upset the founders themselves. So that
we, who founded and wrote the program, would be disturbed by our works if they
were presented publicly at a meeting.
We outmaneuvered them and founded the Croatian Democratic Union in a public
place along Lake Jarun. Franjo Tuđman (the first president of the Republic of
Croatia), in agreement with the five of us, said that if the police arrest us, it should
be considered that the Croatian Democratic Union was founded. We accepted the
program and statutes. We elected Tuđman as president, the four of us as vice-
presidents and I as president of the executive committee. In 10 minutes everything
was done. I brought 28 of the 49 people who were present at the founding
assembly from Osijek. Then we enthroned the Croatian Democratic Union (in
interview September 2022).
After 45 years of totalitarian rule by the Communist Party and its followers, the first free, multi-
party parliamentary elections were held in the Republic of Croatia on April 22 and 23, 1990. The
elections marked a new chapter in Croatia’s historical journey to democracy and independence –
constituting a multi-party parliament and promulgating a constitution (Budimir 2011, p. 197;
Dunatov 2010).
According to Vladimir Šeks:
The caring guardians of Yugoslavia and communism immediately responded that
we should be closed down and our work banned. But it was too late. We sprouted
like mushrooms. We organized branches of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ
political party) all over Croatia. We also organized it in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
(in interview September 2022).
Vice Vukojević is another longtime political figure active in the HDZ, a lawyer and former Judge
of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia (1999 – 2007). Like Šeks, he challenged
the powers that be. Since 1989, he has been active in the HDZ (Croatian Democratic Union). In
the first elections in 1990, he was elected as a member of the Croatian Parliament and spent the
next two mandates as a member. In 1991, he was the president of the Socio-Political Council of
the Parliament of the Republic of Croatia, i.e., one of the three houses that the Parliament
consisted of at the time. He spent a total of four years in prison on several charges that were
never proven. Unproven charges that result in the imprisonment of opposition leaders are part of
the UDBA legacy that still haunts Croatia and leads to fundamental distrust of the government, its
agencies and procedures.
I nominated Franjo Tuđman in the electoral district of East Dubrava and Sesvete.
That is where there was largest concentration of the Croatian Patriotic Forces in
Zagreb and the largest number of HDZ members in Croatia. The Croatian people
recognized Franjo Tuđman and the HDZ, the Croatian Democratic Union, as a
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party that could lead them in their fight for an independent state that would not be
subject to control by Belgrade, Vienna or Rome (in interview September 2022).
HDZ triumphantly won the first elections. The overwhelming majority of Croatians (94%) voted for
Croatia’s secession from Yugoslavia. They voted to seek their independent, sovereign destiny
as the Republic of Croatia (Sudetić, The New York Times 1991a). Based on the results of the first
multi-party parliamentary elections, the first modern multi-party Parliament was convened on May
30, 1990. May 30 was declared the Day of Croatian Statehood (Bideleux and Jeffries 2007, p.
197).
In that first election 351 parliamentary seats were contested, 33 parties and 16 associations
participated with a total of 1705 candidates. The Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) won 42
percent of the votes, for a total of 205 seats or 58 percent of the parliamentary seats. The Alliance
of Communists of Croatia won second place with 26 percent of the vote. The Coalition of Left-
Liberals took third place with 15 percent of the vote. The remaining seats went to independent
representatives and representatives of national minorities (Budimir 2011, pp. 80-85; Klemenčić,
1991).
Vladimir Šeks states:
A large number of Serbs in Croatia did not recognize the Croatian government.
They started an organized rebellion with the help of Serbia and Milošević and the
Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) (in interview September 2022; Paukovic 2008).
Judge Vukojević adds:
President Tuđman immediately established a commission, in July 1991, which
would conduct research to hear public opinion regarding the Constitution (in
interview October 2022).
Vladimir Šeks continues:
I gave a presentation to the Croatian Parliament on the topic “The New Croatian
Constitution.” I proposed the future Croatia as a country of parliamentary multi-
party democracy. The head of state is the President of the Republic, who is also
the commander of the armed forces. The President of the Republic appoints the
prime minister and ministers. A tripartite government is established with executive,
legislative, and judicial branches. The law stipulates the end of communism, the
end of the communist regime.
On June 25, 1991, in the Croatian Parliament, I proposed the adoption of that
constitutional decision. It passed by a huge majority. Four points are the most
important.
1. Croatia is declared a sovereign and independent state.
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2. Croatia initiates the procedure for dissociation from the Socialist Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia.
3. Croatia initiates the procedure for international recognition.
4. The Constitution and laws of Yugoslavia are only valid if they do not conflict
with the Croatian Constitution and Croatian laws (in interview September 2022).
Immediately in June 1991, in response to the constitutional initiative, under the leadership of
Serbian president and convicted war criminal Slobodan Milošević, the Yugoslav People's Army,
Serbia, Montenegro and the Chetniks launched a premeditated attack on the Republic of Croatia
and its territory with an armed action against defenseless Vukovar. They marched on this idyllic
town with 40,000 mobilized soldiers, 600 tanks and armored personnel carriers, 980 ground
artillery pieces, 350 anti-aircraft guns, and 750 ground-based rockets/missles. The Croatian
defense of the city was mounted by 1,850 poorly armed volunteers who bravely fought to protect
the Croatian homeland (Sudetić, The New York Times, 1991b and 1991c; Armatta 2010).
The Serbian aggressor mercilessly demolished everything in sight. Vukovar and the surrounding
towns and villages were destroyed. The Serbian army and Chetniks committed mass torture and
slaughter of innocents—civilians, wounded, prisoners, young and old, men, women and
children—massive crimes against humanity. Thousands of people were taken to concentration
camps in Serbia, where they suffered severe abuse, sexual enslavement, rape, humiliation and
death. Many never returned home. Mass graves are still being uncovered. A large number of
camps have yet to be identified or discovered. The full human toll will never be known (Armatta
2010).
Vladimir Šeks states:
1991 was one of the most critical periods where it was “to be or not to be.” In
Belgrade, the general staff of the JNA (the Yugoslav National Army) and the
Serbian political leadership and the presidency of the SFRY, in which Serbs and
Montenegrins played a dominant role, made the decision to carry out a coup d'état
in Croatia. They wanted to introduce a state of emergency and the main leaders
like Tuđman and myself to be summarily shot and the other participants to be
sentenced to several years in prison. The Yugoslav People's Army openly sided
with Serbia and became the Serbian Army. The entire year 1991 was critical, not
only for the survival of the independent Republic of Croatia, but also for the
biological survival of the Croatian nation (in interview September 2022).
After four years of brutal attacks by the Serbian army and Chetniks on the territory of the Croatian
state, the Republic of Croatia launched the military operation Storm in the month of August 1995.
This extraordinary and decisive battle of the Croatian Homeland War for Independence was the
largest European military land operation since the Second World War.
This tiny new democracy demonstrated unsurpassed military power, professionalism, and
strategic brilliance (Riley 2010; McClellan and Knez 2021). The Croatian veterans achieved total
moral and military victory in this operation, planned and executed by selfless patriots. The
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exceptional courage and determination of the Croatian soldiers and officers in Operation Storm
led to the defeat of the Serbian Army and the Yugoslav National Army, and resulted in the
liberation of western Bosnia and Herzegovina. Storm ended the massive humanitarian disaster
and genocide committed by the Serbian army and Chetnik terrorists. American Ambassador to
Croatia Peter Galbraith (1993-1998) states in interview, the U.S. deeply appreciated Croatia's
“willingness to spend treasure and blood to end the humanitarian disaster. Operation Storm saved
the 150,000 inhabitants of Bihać from almost certain genocide” (Galbraith in interview April 4,
2019). It liberated one-third of occupied Croatian territory and made possible the Dayton
Agreement that established peace in the war zones (McClellan and Knez, 2021). On the occasion
of the successful completion of Operation Storm, President Franjo Tuđman said: "This victory
represents not only the liberation of the Motherland but the creation of the foundation for a free
and independent Croatia for centuries to come."
Judge Vice Vukojević concludes:
After that, the war ended. We became a sovereign republic and our wish was then fulfilled
(in interview October 2022).
Dr. Markić highlights the significance of democracy to her:
In a democracy, we citizens are co-responsible for what society looks like. In
totalitarian communism, I was not co-responsible. I didn't like anything there and
I didn't have the opportunity to influence social events. In a democracy, I have the
opportunity to go to the polls, to organize in civil associations, and I have the
opportunity to organize in cultural societies. So, there are a number of possibilities
by which I, Željka, can influence the development and building of the state in which
I live for the better (in interview January 2021).
The Turning Point: Elections of 2000 and the De-Tuđmanization Process
The first ten years of the Republic of Croatia were characterized by optimism and hope.
Reconstruction of the country following the war required great energy and imagination. As
individuals and political parties emerged from their Yugoslavian past, they faced new challenges.
Seeking and attaining EU membership was a grueling process and brought with it the realization
that becoming a fully democratic, productive, economically prosperous nation would take time,
development of a new leadership class, vigilance and scrutiny to avoid returning to the old, familiar
forms and structures of the past. EU membership would not automatically result in equal status,
resources or economic access. The forces for democratic change in the country struggled with
the forces of inertia or worse still, the forces of retrograde motion.
According to Dr. Jurcević, “The greatest attack on democratic development occurred in
2000.” Dr. Budimir addresses the disturbing turning point in the process of democratic
nation-building:
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After 2000, the system changed. We now have a unicameral rather than a
bicameral parliamentary system. The ruling political elite eliminated one chamber
of our parliament, thereby restricting broader democratic participation of the
citizenry, which gave the ruling parties an upper hand (in interview January 2021).
The elections on January 3, 2000 were significant in several ways. They marked the end of the
first ten-year period in the history of independent Croatia. In these elections, the HDZ lost power
for the first time since independence, and the majority was won by the so-called “Six of the Left
Coalition”. These elections took place in the period between the death of President Franjo
Tuđman and the election of the new President of the Republic, former influential HDZ member
Stjepan Mesić. In the general euphoria of the media--opponents of Franjo Tuđman—"The Six”
tried to destroy all positive legacies concerning the attributes of Croatian statehood and the victory
in the Homeland War. That process has been given the infamous name “de-Tudjmanization”. It
has had serious consequences for Croatian society for the last two decades. HDZ, led by Prime
Minister Ivo Sanader, continued a similar policy, as did subsequent governments (ular 2000).
Through planned stages of the de-Tuđmanization process, attempts were made to discredit
symbolic and real signs of the identity of Croatian statehood, the Homeland War, and the first
president, Franjo Tuđman (Horvat 2014; see also Vukić 2015a and 2015b):
1. Discrediting Operation Storm
Immediately after the election, accusations and slander against Operation Storm
were made by the ruling parties, non-governmental organizations, and the media.
who before and during the war openly supported the existence of Yugoslavia and
were opponents of Croatian independence.
2. Balkan Summit in Zagreb
In the same year, 2000, on the initiative of then-president Stjepan Mesić, the
Balkan Summit was organized by French President Jacques Chirac. He, along
with Mesić were perceived as friendly toward the Serbs. Many in Croatia saw this
as another direct and aggressive attempt to push Croatia into the circle of so-called
countries of the Western Balkans, with the ultimate goal of canceling the results of
the Homeland War, and creating a new community of diverse peoples on the
territory of the former Yugoslavia, under the leadership and domination of Serbia.
With this summit, the process of granting amnesty to Serbia for its aggression and
criminality in the wars against Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina began.
3. Deletion of Public Holidays and National Symbols
The first target was Statehood Day on May 30, which the SDP (Social Democrat
Party) abolished when it came to power, as well as numerous other state-building
symbols: the Altar of the Homeland in Medvedgrad, the Croatian Honor Guard in
front of the Parliament, the renaming of the Croatian State Parliament as the
Croatian Parliament, the abolition of a bicameral parliament in favor of a
unicameral parliament in order to consolidate power.
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4. Degradation of Veterans and the Homeland War
From the Presidential Palace and the Croatian Government, with the help of the
media, a systematic campaign to degrade and slander the defenders and the
Homeland War was conducted. Parliament was finally forced to pass the
Declaration on the Homeland War, which was openly opposed by some leaders of
the Six, parties like HNS, IDS, and politicians Vesna Pusić and Stjepan Mesić, who
were seen as the leaders of the process to defame the veterans and the Croatian
Homeland War itself.
5. Protection of Partisan and Secret Police Criminals
After the names of suspected criminals who participated in mass executions of
civilians, priests and captured soldiers at the end of World War II were revealed,
Stjepan Mesić and other politicians initiated an open media campaign defending
the accused on grounds that they did so in the name of anti-fascism. Here we cite
only two cases: Tito Partisan Stjepan Hršak who killed 21 priests in Macelj, and
Tito Komisar Josip Boljkovac accused of crimes against disarmed prisoners and
civilians in Karlovac.
6. Personal Use of State Documents – Betrayal of Croatia
In 1996, the Croatian State Parliament passed the Constitutional Law on
Cooperation with the Hague Court. Stjepan Mesić used this law to personally
access state documents thus violating constitutional law. His use of these state
documents was not in accordance with legitimate criteria, nor was it in accordance
with the law on the protection of archival materials. It certainly was not in
accordance with the best interests of the Republic of Croatia, the Croatian people,
and the military and political commanders. It is well documented that a large
number of Croatian citizens consider Mesić a great traitor to their homeland. The
Croatian National Ethics Court (HNES) convicted Stjepan Mesić, Ivo Josipović,
Vesna Pusić, Milorad Pupovac, Zoran Milanović, Budimir Lončar, Vesna Teršelič,
and Josip Broz Tito of high treason (Vukić 2015a and 2015b).
7. Sale of Croatia and National Debt
After the death of Tudjman in 1998, the communist politician Ivica Račan and the
left-liberal coalition government put the country’s major resources up for sale on
the international auction block. By 2003, 91 percent of Croatian banks had been
sold to foreign owners. Račan's government also sold controlling shares of Pliva
Pharmaceuticals, the majority shares of Croatian Telecommunications, and
twenty-five percent of the Croatian oil industry. Since the year 2000, Croatia began
to borrow excessively from the International Monetary Fund. In addition to the 5
billion dollar debt inherited from Yugoslavia, 4 billion dollars was borrowed for
defense during the Homeland War. After 2000, in just 4 years, the debt increased
to almost 24 billion dollars. Excessive borrowing and state spending have placed
enormous burdens on the Croatian people and the economy.
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Election Law: Current Political Party System
Dr. Jursević provides his analysis of the makeup of the current political structure:
The electoral law is one of the main instruments of governing Croatia, which
unfortunately has not fully become a truly democratic state even in these 30+ years
after its formal entry into the Western democratic world. Democracy does not yet
work in Croatia, which is run by former communist structures.
One could say that the former communist structure actually took over power in
Croatia. They are the direct successors of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia,
that is, the Union of Communists of Croatia. Statistically speaking, between
70,000 and 100,000 of its members are registered in the two political parties that
were created with the birth of the independent Republic of Croatia. One part went
to the SDP (Socialist Democratic Party) and the other to the HDZ (Croatian
Democratic Union). This duopoly of political parties alternates in power. The key
to staying in power is control of the electoral law.
Electoral districts in Croatia were created without consideration of the
administrative structure of Croatia. Croatia has municipalities, counties and finally
the state. However, electoral districts have nothing to do with that. They were
created in a way that suited the powers that be so that they could even more easily
manipulate election results. We actually do not know here who represents us,
which allows a small group of political party leaders to determine who will be on
the election slates (in interview October 2022; see also Podolnjak 2008).
Dr. Sc. Davorka Budimir, President of Transparency International for Croatia and author of works
on political elites explains that two political parties have dominated since independence:
The political scene in Croatia, as it is today, is a consequence of the party system
that prevents other parties from breaking into the political arena. Thirty years since
the establishment of Croatian independence, what is almost constant is that two
political parties are in power. The SDP is the successor to the Communist Party
or the Socialist Republic of Croatia, and the HDZ, the Croatian Democratic Union,
is the party that emerged in the early 1990s (in interview January 2021).
Dr. Markić describes her experience:
I have been actively involved in civil society with good intentions but not
understanding how much it is controlled in Croatia. As it turns out, this attempt to
contribute to society has been shown not to function at all as it should in a
democratic society. Political parties in power, whether it is the SDP or the HDZ,
we see that those politicians who have chosen to lead this country on our behalf,
that they act as if we are their subjects. As if we are objects, as if they know best
how things should be done (in interview January 2021).
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Dr. Markić points up the contradictions of contemporary Croatian politics:
So, today we live in a democratic society, but we have a one-party voting system
as under communism. The rulers control the system in a completely undemocratic
way, guaranteeing themselves power and managing the people's money and state
resources. The basic essence of HDZ and SDP authorities are privileges. All this
together is very reminiscent of the Communist Party. The essence of belonging to
the Communist Party was not ideals, rather belonging guaranteed a good and
comfortable life. You had to work the least, you got the most, you progressed
despite being incompetent or the least capable. We see the same pattern here in
today's modern Croatia. It is obvious that in such a beautiful country, with diligent
people who can go anywhere in the world and get the best jobs, yet in their own
homeland, they cannot come even close to a normal opportunity for a just job (in
interview January 2021; see also Pickering and Baskin 2008).
Dr. Budimir draws our attention to the failure of the current government to address real life issues
of its citizens:
Today in Croatia we have over 6,000 settlements that do not meet basic living
conditions--water, sewage, access to doctors, shops, post office. Only an hour's
drive from Zagreb you have settlements without water and electricity in places
where people live and work.
Public policies that should be agreed upon as a national priority should be
establishing a development strategy on industrial production, social security, and
raising the quality of life of all citizens. What do we want Croatia to look like in the
next 10 or 20 years? Any decently organized society should be addressing those
questions. It is necessary to admit that these fundamental issues cannot be
resolved without changing the electoral system.... The current electoral system,
dominated by only two political parties, cannot bring about qualitative change
because when you remove the professed ideological component, you realize that
it is one party (in interview January 2021).
The Privatization Process and Government Corruption
Dr. Jurcević explains:
Under communism, the first thing to do is to deal with private property, so private
property is the main enemy. It became clear to them after the breakup of
Yugoslavia, that they had to the initiate the so-called privatization process (in
interview October 2022).
According to the interviewees, the privatization process was implemented by members of the
former political power structure who ruled Croatia through UDBA, the communist secret police
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agency. Neither ordinary citizens nor members of the diaspora were given the opportunity or
possibility to participate in the privatization process.
Dr. Budimir explains:
During the war, from 1991 to 1995, the government awarded over 17,000 loans for the
purchase of state-owned companies and business entities. Loans were approved by
communist banks--Zagrebačka and Privredna. Their own selected members were given
these fictitious loans to purchase factories, with no expectation that the loans would be
repaid. Overnight, individuals who had nothing except contacts in the communist party,
became the owners of key business entities. Legitimate capital from abroad, including
from members of the diaspora, could not be used to enter into any entrepreneurial
transactions. The powers that be clearly recognized that fair and legal privatization would
give birth to successful people who could contribute capital to finance the political
campaigns of independent candidates (in interview January 2021).
Dr. Markić adds:
They have privatized the whole of Croatia and are treating it as a company. It is
led by people who are not capable. It is run by people who do not love it. A
politician should show his love for our homeland by creating fair conditions for
people, for his people and the citizens who live here, so that these people can
work, and live honestly from their work, and that our children have a solid future
here (in interview January 2021).
Dr. Sc. Prof. Tomislav Jonjić, lawyer and editor of the journal Zatvorenik (The Prisoner), points to
the extensive corruption and failure to hold politicians accountable:
We have had a Croatian state for more than 30 years, and we have had democratic
elections for more than thirty years. So far, we have experienced dozens of large-
scale criminal proceedings against people, even high-ranking officials, due to
various forms of crime, but you do not have a single, not a single criminal
proceeding due to political corruption. You do not have a single proceeding due
to crime by or within the political parties themselves (in interview October 2022).
Dr. Jurcević concludes:
The heart of corruption in Croatia is the corrupt judiciary, the structure of the
Supreme Court and the entire State Anti-Corruption Agency. Unfortunately, we
are moving to an increasingly authoritarian, not democratic system. We are closer
to the past totalitarian criminal Yugoslavia (in interview October 2022).
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Dr. Jonjić, a lawyer for more than thirty-five years, explains:
According to the Croatian constitution the judiciary is independent and separate
from politics. It is a theoretical postulate that each of us will swear by. In reality,
of course, it works differently. Everyone knows very well that the bodies that
appoint judges are also appointed based on political, not professional criteria.
Unfortunately, we are not immune from political criteria in the selection of judges
and state attorneys (in interview October 2022).
Dr. Markić expresses her frustration with the system:
There can be a lot of things that I personally disagree with, but if people choose
them democratically and I am part of a minority, I will accept them. What I will not
accept is that when I am part of the majority that clearly says what it wants, that
the minority dictates its terms to the majority. Why? Because it is a return to
totalitarianism. This is what National Socialism did, that a small group of people
ruled the majority of the population. This is what communism did, that a small group
of people, one caste ruled the majority. Therefore, there are paradoxical situations
in a democratic Croatian society. A small group of people have appropriated
political power and, with the help of the media and the political system, order,
impose and manage things that most do not want. It is unbelievable and
unacceptable that politicians, when they come to power, dare to behave
completely un-democratically (in interview January 2021).
Dr. Jonjić agrees:
This, therefore, is not only about the electoral law, but about a whole series of
political laws, including the Law on Political Parties, in which it is possible to have
statutes, party regulations, general acts that are not in accordance with the
provisions and spirit of the Constitution. Such a political system produces leaders
of these political parties who are corrupt and maintain dominance in their own
parties at any cost because it is an instrument for them to get closer to what could
be popularly called the trough. The parties are a hotbed of corruption. It is not
actually a political struggle at all, but people acting out of pure self-interest (in
interview October 2022).
Demographic Crisis: Mass Emigration
According to the 2021 population census, the Republic of Croatia has 3,871,833 inhabitants.
99.24% have Croatian citizenship. Since independence in 1991, the Republic of Croatia has lost
895,736 inhabitants, almost 19 percent of its population. Reliable official sources estimate that
3.8 million Croatian emigrants and their descendants live outside of Croatia (Croatia State Bureau
of Statistics 2022; Vukić 2022b).
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Dr. Markić explains:
The main reason for the recent emigration of people is corruption. Young people
do not want to live here because they do not see their future. Despite all of their
qualifications, young people cannot get a job because they have do not have the
advantage of members of certain political parties. That's what it looked like under
communism. Your party booklet or affiliation with the Communist Party was the
main recommendation for work and advancement in society. I am, frankly,
appalled by the idea of going back to the totalitarian system we thought we had
discarded (in interview January 2021).
Dr. Budimir adds:
Young people are leaving Croatia, not because it is not nice for them here, not
because they cannot live, but because they cannot suffer injustice. Injustice in the
sense that the rules do not apply equally to all in the same conditions. I could
vividly describe it as watching a sports game in which the rules by which you play
change every day. Citizens are leaving primarily because of corruption and
primarily because you cannot live honestly from your own work. People here are
expected to be a member of a political party if they want to find and maintain a job,
if they want to educate their children, etc. This is what really impedes the
development of society and the process of democracy (in interview January 2021).
Figure 1
Source: inavukic.com - Croatia, The War, and the Future - 2022
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Of the total number of inhabitants of the Republic of Croatia, the number of voters is greater than
the number of adults over the age of 18. The difference amounts to almost 14 percent. It is an
open secret that voter rolls have been manipulated for almost two decades, in order to ensure the
dominance of a specific political group in the elections. The electoral rolls have not been updated,
although almost a million inhabitants have been lost (International Foundation for Electoral
Systems 2023).
According to Dr. Šterc:
A population registry is a database on which all developmental conceptions of
society must be based. Since Croatia does not have a population registry, it is
difficult to establish a clear and exact voter list registry (in interview January 2021).
In the 2020 Croatian parliamentary election 3,859,487 Croatians at home and abroad had the
right to vote. Voter turnout was only 47 percent compared with 76 percent in the 1992 elections.
From the first to the last parliamentary elections in the Republic of Croatia, 964,000 fewer Croatian
voters participated (International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2023).
Although members of the diaspora are constitutionally guaranteed the right to vote, in fact, due to
what is described by the interviewees, the intentional and deliberate complexity of voting rules
and exceedingly limited access to polling stations, only 1.5 percent of the more than 3.8 million
members of the diaspora regularly exercise that right. In addition, members of the diaspora are
now only guaranteed three seats in parliament (Vukić 2020).
Dr. Markić points to the fact that it is not by chance that the diaspora is only granted three seats
in parliament, while in the early days of the republic they had 12:
This parliamentary model tells us clearly who wants to retain power. This is
intended to demotivate Croatians in the diaspora from returning to Croatia and
from participating, not only in government but also in the economic life of this
country. Unfortunately, we see that the attitude of the authorities in Croatia is
increasingly similar to the relationship that existed in communist Yugoslavia.
Here we see obstruction in action, a captive state in which political elites do not
allow the democratization of the electoral system. Why? Because this
democratization would increase competition. It would lead to more people
competing under fairer conditions. That would be the basic key to the fight against
corruption. Croatia has huge capital. I'm not only referring to the beauty of the
country, and hardworking and creative people, but also to 70% of the Croatian
economy, which is managed by the state (in interview January 2021).
According to Dr. Natalija Kanački, physician, member of the Board of Directors of the NGO "In
the Name of the Family,” member of the organizing committee of the civic initiative "People
Decide."
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It is well known that the Croatian, Israeli, and Irish peoples have the largest
diaspora in the world. It is also known that the Croatian diaspora cannot vote for
adequate representation in the Croatian Parliament. Everyone outside of Croatia
is well aware that voting is organized in such a way that voting can only take place
in embassies and consulates. There may be only a few across the country, so
people have to travel thousands of miles to get to the polls (in interview September
2022).
Demographer Šterc explains how great a contribution to the health of the economy the diaspora
could make if given the feeling that they were valued:
The fact is that emigrants send over 18 billion kuna annually to their families here
in the form of remittances, which also contributes to the financial system of the
Croatian state. This amount is greater than all foreign investment in Croatia. Since
there is such an economic force and idealism expressed by the diaspora’s
remittances to their native country, we can begin to imagine the real investment
potential the emigrants could be. According to our estimates, it is certainly several
times higher. Imagine someone investing $3 – $5 billion a year in Croatia. That
would certainly be a great driver of our country's development (in interview January
2021; see also Skoko 2022).
Vladimir Šeks, ever the Weberian politician, speaks in measured tones:
Croatia managed to find solutions that were related to the establishment of
independence, defense and freedom of its country. I have called this emigration,
this demographic collapse of Croatia, a catastrophe of biblical proportions. I think
that just as Croatian politics found a solution when it came to whether or not to go
to war, I also believe that they will find a way out and overcome this wicked invisible
enemy (in interview September 2022).
Dynamics of a Failing Economy
Dr. Sc. Andrej Grubišic, economist and global finance analyst provides the distinctive insights of
a new generation with concrete international business expertise.
The role of the state is that it should protect the three natural rights--life, liberty and
property. The logic of natural rights is that no one can take your life, that no one
can take your freedom, and that no one can prevent you from legally creating your
private property and disposing of it as you wish. These rules should exist and be
valid as long as you do not deny them to others or harm others (in interview
January 2021).
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Dr. Grubisić concludes:
Let’s be realistic, politicians are one big interest group. The state is positioned in
many fields of social life in such a dominant way that it automatically abolishes a
good portion of natural human rights--life, liberty, property. We have a situation in
Croatia where the state most often violates this third right--the right to private
property. The state owns a large number of companies. Over the last 25 years,
tens of billions of kunas of taxpayers' money have been spent on bailouts of failed
large state companies. The state is terribly involved in regulating private business.
The state influences economic flows by controlling almost half of the national GDP.
Just under half of the GDP is government spending. We also have a situation
where a large percentage of private companies work only for the state, so you have
even greater involvement of the state in economic flows (in interview January
2021).
Dr. Grubisić continues:
I think that the role of the state in Croatia is excessive. It is involved in so much
today that without the state, you cannot make any serious progress in business.
How does that relate to the electoral system? Everyone understands that the
electoral system in Croatia is currently calibrated in such a way that it is very
difficult for you as an individual or a group with proposals that are reasonable and
understandable to have your proposals accepted. Most of the political elite accept
this because the proposals directly touch their spheres of interest.
We also have an extremely populist policy regarding subsidies and incentives. Civil
servants and bureaucrats legally pass laws and regulations themselves and
distribute taxpayers' money to those businesses or sectors they deem desirable
and classify in the domain of their political interests. For the most part, the purpose
is not aimed at building important infrastructure. It is simply financing other
people's private businesses.
Dr. Grubisić explains that the dynamics of the failing economy are the result of conscious and
deliberate policies that spend the overwhelming share of the gross domestic product to support
government institutions, agencies, and state-owned enterprises:
Croatia is the country that has the largest share of government spending of gross
domestic product of all the former socialist countries that lived worse than we did
with the fall of communism. In our country, two thirds of the population lives directly
off the state. We have 1.2 million retirees who have a ridiculous average pension
of 300 euros. You can't live on it—it is bare survival. This alone is one of the
reasons that the system should be changed. Furthermore, you have 400,000
people employed in state-owned enterprises, state agencies, local government
and self-government, and various ministries and other enterprises that are paid
from the state budget. Calculate that each person supports at least one other
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person. That's how we get to 800,000 people. Together with those 1.2 million
retirees, they represent 2 million people. In addition, count on 100,000
unemployed. That's 2.1 million people. And if we add that 10% of the population
that works in private jobs, much of it related to government and government
spending, then we have 2.6 million people. That is 2/3 of the population.
Imagine what happens the moment someone tries to suggest some change that
would disrupt that relationship. There will be a lot of those who will think that some
acquired "rights" or privileges will be taken away or changed. That is why it is very
difficult to push for some more serious changes because the interest groups are
relatively large (in interview January 2021).
Changing the Election Law
According to Dr. Jurcević, “The electoral law is the key element for the democratization of society.”
On February 7, 2023, the Constitutional Court of Croatia repealed the Law on Electoral Districts,
effective October 1st of this year, unless the Croatian Parliament implements the constitutional
guarantee of equal voting rights. The court stated that the existing law violates the principle of
equal weight for each voter’s vote – deviations between electoral districts should not exceed 5%
(Boban 2022; Kotarski 2021).
The court takes the position that the Croatian Parliament failed to meet its constitutional obligation
to act expeditiously regarding the proportional re-drawing of electoral boundaries. Thirteen years
have passed since the Constitutional Court judges first warned of the violation of the constitutional
principle of equal voting rights. This failure to act, speaks volumes about the attitude of the
political elites in Croatia toward the Constitutional Court.
Data point to a continuing trend toward disproportional representation of voters in parliament. In
all three election cycles, there are significant differences in the number of voters in each of the
electoral districts, which violates the legal threshold of plus or minus five percent. In addition, it
is widely accepted that the diaspora is significantly under-represented in parliament. It is widely
agreed that their seats in parliament should be increased or at least returned to the previous 12
representatives from the current 3.
Dr. Šterc explains that:
In Croatia there are 10 electoral districts that were based on the 2011 census,
when each constituency had a population of 450,000. There should be no more
than 5% difference in population between districts. Today, these electoral districts
are illegal because the negative demographic process expressed by the decline in
population and increase in emigration has changed the structure of these districts.
In some districts, the gap has risen to 15%. Therefore, new electoral districts will
have to be drawn (in interview January 2021).
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Vladimir Šeks acknowledges the problems:
The issue of electoral districts should be resolved. Voting rights should be
proportional to the size of the electorate. Now, we elect 14 representatives from
each electoral district, and we have a total of ten electoral districts. The problem
is that each electoral district does not have the same number of voters! For
example, the ninth district has 160,000 more voters than the fourth district (in
interview September 2022).
According to Dr. Grubisić:
What seems to me to be common sense is that Croatia should be one
constituency/one electoral district, that one vote is worth one vote--no more and
no less--and that the electoral threshold of any percentage should be abolished.
You get as many votes as you get. Whether it is 20% or 2% (in interview January
2021).
Dr. Jurcević recommends:
It would certainly be better if a bicameral parliamentary system were reintroduced.
At the same time, Croatia should be one constituency, not ten. This would force
the parties, even in the current corrupt structure, to appoint quality people. There
would be much more competition. Secondly, the threshold for taking a seat in
parliament should be lowered to somewhere between two and three percent. This
would bring in a lot of independent candidates, which would create a dynamic and
positive process. In addition, mail-in and electronic voting should be enabled (in
interview October 2022).
Political Elites
Dr. Budimir explains:
What political elites had at the beginning of the creation of a multi-party system in
1990 will never be repeated. They had the simultaneous opportunity to build a
party system and form institutions in the Croatian state. The foundation of
democratic order is that institutions are permanent and that individuals, i.e.,
politicians, change. The situation in Croatia today is the opposite. People last and
institutions adapt to their interests and are prone to constant change (in interview
January 2021).
Dr. Budimir sees clearly that political elites are not held to the standards of any other profession:
What applies to all other elites does not apply to the political elite. In professions
other than politics, you advance because of your knowledge, expertise, and
specific abilities, so you climb that ladder of excellence. For example, if you are
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an excellent doctor, you are considered part of the medical elite. If you are an
excellent lawyer, then you are considered a member of the legal elite, etc.... When
it comes to Croatian politicians, they do not have any knowledge, almost no
education (in interview January 2021; see also Budimir 2011).
According to Dr. Jonjić,
Namely, we find ourselves in a situation where, for about thirty years, in practically
all the elections that have been organized, a good part of the electorate has been
left unrepresented in the representative bodies primarily in the Parliament.
The existing electoral system is exactly what keeps corruption going in political
structures, and thus it spills over into other structures as well. So, if you who have
a corrupt political elite, you cannot expect that the economic elite will be different,
more independent and of better quality. On the contrary, the political elite pass
laws, ordinances, and regulations according to which the economic elite will
behave.
In Croatia, politics solves existential questions. So, you enter politics as a beggar,
and you go out as a rich man. For Croatian circumstances, therefore, it is a
tragedy, but it is practically a phenomenon without exception. Of course, there are
people who were wealthy before politics. However, find me someone who left
politics, that is, that he entered poor, and that he left just as poor. There is simply
no such thing (in interview October 2022).
Dr. Budimir discusses the contributions of sociologist Max Weber to our understanding of the
essential qualities of a politician. In his essay, “Politics as a Vocation,” Weber argues that
politicians should have three characteristics: passion, responsibility, and measure/proportion.
The concept of a calling involves "the valuation of the fulfillment of duty in worldly affairs as the
highest form which the moral activity of the individual could assume” (Weber, p. 80). Weber
writes, “Only he has a calling for politics who is sure that he shall not crumble when the world
from his point of view is too stupid or too base for what he wants to offer. Only he who in the face
of all this can say ‘In spite of all!’ has the calling for politics” (Weber, p. 128).
As Dr. Budimir explains:
When you translate these mental characteristics into Croatian circumstances, then
it is impossible to find politicians who do this job out of passion. People always
look at things through their individual interests. Just look at the property ownership
of any politician from the moment they enter politics and come to a position until
the moment they leave it, after 5 or 10 years. None of them invested their private
funds in a way that would contribute to the work of the society as a whole. In terms
of responsibility, we see that we have a large number of politicians who are
embroiled in constant scandals of conflict of interest and embezzlement of large
social resources, but they are not subject to criminal proceedings, nor do they
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voluntarily leave political positions after being engaged in wrongdoing…. They
have no measure of professional boundaries. They hold positions for which they
are not qualified, for which they are not competent.
We live at a time when professionals must process mountains of information,
discern what is significant, and be decisive in determining what action to take.
What has become important is who said what, not the content of their statement.
What is important is that each of us sees progress in society, that the standard of
living is changing for the better, that today is better than yesterday, that we can
work to make tomorrow better, and that reasonable proposals are acted upon (in
interview January 2021).
According to Dr. Grubisić:
Leaders of political parties choose suitable individuals as their political appointees,
rather than capable ones. They always select someone worse than themselves.
Since they do not connect with people with greater knowledge, it degrades
democracy itself. Thus, individuals who are irresponsible come to hold political
positions (in interview January 2021).
Dr. Markić identifies the political elite as the culprit:
We Croatians work a lot. We want to contribute to our society. In the economy, in
civil society, in science, in sports and in politics. However, you have a political elite
that does not contribute, that prevents any development of society. We have a
political elite here that has seized power with the help of politics, which feeds
corruption with the help of politics, which lives well at the expense of the citizenry.
They don’t have to show any abilities. One political party covers for the other, and
they take turns. There is not a single economic crime in Croatia that has really
been investigated. Whichever political party comes into power sweeps the
previous crime under the rug, saying that it doesn't matter. When people go to the
polls, they vote for another party with the hope that things will change for the better.
But this is not the case with us. The question is what is the essence of the elections
themselves? What is the point of having an election?
If I know who represents me in parliament, then I expect that person to be honest.
I expect my representative to represent my interests. I respect the democratic
principle that people express their views in fair play, to say what they think.
However, that rarely, if ever, occurs.
Dr. Budimir points out how the process works:
In these 30 years, we have witnessed all kinds of “situations” regarding the creation
of the executive branch of government. Over the course of our history, the political
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elite did not find adequate people to fill institutional positions, so they merged
different ministries into one ministry, so that a suitable individual would be
appointed to that position. In other cases, when they had more individuals that
they wished to appoint than they had place for, they formed several new ministries
to reward the appointees. This has created a situation in which it is difficult to
implement policies essential for the healthy development of society, because that
would require stable public policies as a foundation for development (in interview
January 2021).
Dr. Jurcević concludes:
Sociologically speaking, when democracy doesn't work, then you get a kind of
management oligarchy. It retains its position through corruption and repression,
intensifying various levels of repression, causing and deepening divisions between
the left and the right. Likewise, they enable colonization of Croatia in various ways
by relying on some external interests to stay in power. If we look at the degree of
democracy according to various scientific research models, it could be said that
there was more freedom in Croatia during the War for Independence (1991-1995)
than now (in interview October 2022).
Dr. Sc. Stjepan Sterc, University of Zagreb, Faculty of Croatian Studies, Founder of Department
of Demography and Croatian Emigration has been in the news often since the release of the 2021
census data. The findings of mass emigration have led him to conclude that:
The political system is full of hereditary generations from the old communist
system. They do not accept what scientists present or what they warn against. I
think that is even a burden for them in their public activities. This selfishness in
the political system, which has been raised to an incredible level, confirms that the
entire system of government has been formed in the sphere of the self-interest of
the political elite, while the interests of the whole of Croatia and our people are
being neglected (in interview January 2022).
Dr. Markić raises concerns about the high disapproval rating of the government:
The property of our Croatian economy is used by the government to employ the
people they select. Then these people depend on them and give them their vote
in the next elections. The latest poll on how the prime minister runs the country
shows that 25% of Croatians approve of his work. I can guarantee you that 90%
of that number are employed by the party in state-owned companies and that their
existence depends directly on the political party, either HDZ or SDP.
Dr. Markić shares her insights into the inner workings of party politics and the referendum process:
The problem in Croatia is when we go to the polls we vote for a party. After that,
the head of the political party determines which people will take a seat in the
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parliament. In the elections, since I do not have a preferential vote, in order to elect
a person, I have to round up a political party. The head of the political party
(Milanović-SDP or Plenković-HDZ) decides who will get which ruling position. The
MP asks himself a question. To whom will that individual be responsible and
faithful? Whose wish will be fulfilled? Well, I guess the one who put him on the
list. The head of his party puts him on the list. When you look at the Croatian
Parliament and the unanimous raising of hands, then it is clear to you that these
people do not depend on the voters, nor do they care what the voters want and
expect from them. Their positions depend on whether they will be in the mind of
their boss.
For this reason, we requested changes as early as 2014, when the SDP was in
power. Our initiative was called "Let's elect representatives by name and
surname.” We collected about 380,000 signatures. It was enough to pass, but the
ruling political party falsely claimed that there were 4.5 million voters in Croatia,
which meant that we did not collect 10%.
What this referendum has demonstrated is that HDZ and SDP cooperated in
overturning the referendum initiative. At the time, the SDP was in power and the
HDZ was in opposition. The HDZ constantly attacked the initiative, forbidding its
members to provide their signatures, and other unfounded public accusations and
untruths were made. I can even say that Šeks and the whole team around him
were a hammer pounding on us. And when we repeated the same initiative in
2018, opening the issue of minority MPs who are privileged in Croatia in a way that
does not exist in any country in the world, then the HDZ was in power and the SDP
was with the HDZ and jointly attacked the initiative (in interview January 2021).
Dr. Jurcević expresses his concern regarding the inability of opposition voices to reach the
general public through the controlled media:
This can only be discussed on the margins of society. We can only talk about it in
more marginal media. There has never been serious discussion in Croatia about
this topic. Even the institutions of the European Union when we were seeking
entry did not demonstrate any significant interest in the undemocratic behavior of
our politicians. It is obvious that when it comes to countries of the former Eastern
Bloc, the EU takes a neo-colonialist position/stance toward the relationship.
He explains that social defeatism is a natural, inevitable outcome of failed policies:
The spread of social defeatism is stimulated by all publicity measures. People are
influenced by the media into believing that nothing can change, that it is not worth
going to the elections. In this way, only a narrow self-interested clientele who are
existentially dependent on state institutions participate in the elections (in interview
January 2021).
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The Need for Change
Vladimir Šeks, an activist in his earlier years, now moves cautiously:
The electoral system should have been designed as it was designed in the United
States of America, in Great Britain, in Germany. The electoral law should be
designed so that there are three important groups of parties that can alternate in
power. One group should be of conservative Christian democratic ideology, the
other group of social democratic ideology. Tuđman said that in order for a Croatian
bird to fly, it must have both left and right wings. And the third group should be a
centrist liberal party that could form a coalition with both centrist left and centrist
right parties. Now Croatia is bound/handcuffed by the trading and blackmailing of
these minor parties that are insignificant in political life, but which blackmail and
demand concessions and favors for themselves which undermine the stability of
the government (in interview September 2022).
A parliamentary issue that has aroused great public dissatifaction is what many Croatians believe
is the overrepresentation of national minorities. The consistent position of the interviewees is that
the electoral process privileges national minorities in the election of 8 guaranteed representatives
in parliament.
Dr. Budimir insists that:
There is positive discrimination in the Croatian Parliament: As many as 8 seats
are directly secured for national minorities, which means that they have
guaranteed seats in parliament. The Serbian minority has 3 representatives, while
all other minorities have 1 representative. Those 8 seats in parliament represent
the joker of the ruling party that one or the other uses to gain the majority of votes
in the Croatian Parliament. Both parties can use these mandates as they see fit
(in interview January 2021).
Dr. Markić presents her position on minorities:
The electoral system is so complex that it increases the influence of national
minorities. Not a single country on the globe has a system in which national
minorities are privileged to the extent that a member of parliament can have one
vote and thus enter parliament because the system guarantees him a seat. The
average candidate needs about 15,000 votes. For members of national minorities,
the whole of Croatia is one electoral district. Thereby the voters of the Serbian
national minority can round up three people and get a seat. The system is
designed to hide the fact that minorities receive very few votes, but minorities insist
that it is appropriate for them to enter parliament, and the government goes along
with them (in interview January 2021).
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Those interviewed argue that, in fact, no country in the European Union has 8 representatives of
national minorities in their parliament. Most do not have a single seat set aside for national
minorities.
Judge Vukojević adds:
French blackmail is reponsible for the placement of three Serb representatives in
the Croatian Parliament. They demanded this in order to give the green light to
Croatia’s entry into the EU. However, the French government, who do not
recognize the rights of their minorities such as the Celts, Bretons, Burgundians,
Catalans, Basques, impose restrictions on Croatians to accept all minority rights if
we want to be part of the European Union. If we had any sense in Croatia, then
minorities would have only citizen rights, not political rights (in interview October
2022).
According to the Venice Commission, the generous electoral measures that the government of
the Republic of Croatia has been applying to national minorities for three decades were required
to be of a temporary and transitional nature, yet they continue without review, and privilege that
group over the majority population. Article 45 of the Constitution requires that Croatian citizens
must be guaranteed universal and equal voting rights, but the interviewees believe this is not the
case.
Dr. Kanacki explains that after the failure of the government to accept the referendum signatures
People see that our state does not want to listen to the will of the people and does
not want to establish a transparent and just democratic government. It is obvious
that the political elites are afraid of the people. They fear 400,000 of us who are
willing to go out on referendum issues, volunteer, work for weeks, and empower
ourselves in our love for the homeland and the values of our people. This
referendum initiative is certainly not our last. We want to reunite our young people
to volunteer, to strengthen them, and to understand how important it is to fight in
all ways to have the kind of Croatian state we have always wanted (in interview
September 2022).
6 Conclusions
The peaceful evolution of new and emerging democracies requires the full transparency and
accountability of its leaders and administrative branches. This remains the only path that can
lead to constructive change. The Republic of Croatia, regardless of the ruling political party, has
lagged behind in this respect for decades.
Prerequisites for the democratization of Croatia and its political parties are that they establish a
fair electoral system that will:
• Expand voting rights
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• Not discriminate against the majority population
• Ensure the equal value of all votes
• Ensure the election of representatives responsive to the will of the people, not the will of
party leaders
• Discard all negative remnants of the country’s communist past and privileges for its
political elite
As Croatia moves toward greater political maturity, it is hoped that citizens will participate in the
electoral process in great numbers. It is to be expected that they will elect leaders who do not
countenance corruption, leaders who will respect, understand, and address their citizens’ needs.
This prompts us to ask a question of monumental importance: Will the Croatian people continue
to allow unfair machinations of the current electoral system to perpetuate their years of torment,
a legacy of their totalitarian past? Or will they break the vicious cycle and insist on the pursuit of
their rightful destiny as a free, just, principled nation whose citizens enjoy liberty, productivity,
prosperity, and happiness?
Attorney Karlo Novosel points out:
We need to be aware that no one outside will solve our problems. This is a state
created by the will of the citizenry who have the right and obligation to protect their
will through democratically elected institutions (in interview January 2021).
Dr. Jonjić is clear:
We have an obligation not only to our current generation and to ourselves, but to
our sons, daughters and grandchildren to strive for change. We should not wait
for a magic wand and expect someone else to bring us freedom, justice, statehood,
dignity and so on. That is completely unrealistic. Therefore, we have to fight for
that right.
Only in dictatorships, in totalitarianism, is there no conflict. Wherever there is
democracy, there are conflicts and differences between people who think
differently. Therefore, one should systematically develop the feeling that it is worth
living and that it is worth fighting…. Had enough people gone to the polls, the
parliamentary majority would have been completely different. For this reason, it is
necessary to continuously encourage participation in elections (in interview
October 2022).
The next elections present a promising opportunity for the Croatian people to embrace their fully
democratic future.
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Interviews
Ante Beljo, Historian, Croatian Court of Ethics (HNES)
Dr. Sc. Davorka Budimir, President, Transparency International for Croatia and author of works on
political elites
The Honorable Peter Galbraith, U.S. Ambassador to Croatia (1993-1998)
Dr. Sc. Andrej Grubišic, Economist and global finance analyst
Dr. Sc. Prof. Jonjić, Lawyer and editor of the journal Zatvorenik (The Prisoner)
Dr. Sc. Prof. Josip Jurčević. Croatian historian, politician, professor and author of several books.
Dr. Natalija Kanački, Physician, member of the Board of Directors of the NGO, U Ime Obitelji, "In the
Name of the Family,” member of the organizing committee of the civic initiative "People Decide"
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Dr. Sc. Wollfy Krašić, University of Zagreb, Faculty of Croatian Studies, Department of Demography and
Croatian Emigration
Dr. Željka Markić, Physician and leader of Croatian human rights NGO, U Ime Obitelji, “In the Name of
Family,” war correspondent, documentary film producer, TV news program editor, contributor to Human
Rights Watch
Kresimir Miletić, Social worker, human rights activist, and specialist in non-governmental organizations
Karlo Novosel, Lawyer and human rights analyst, specialist in mediation and conflict resolution
Dr. Sc. Goran Radoš, University of Zagreb, Faculty of Croatian Studies, Department of Demography and
Croatian Emigration
Vladimir Šeks, Lawyer and politician, chief drafter of the 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Croatia,
former Speaker of the Parliament (2003-2008), Deputy Prime Minister, Acting President of the Croatian
Democratic Union, and leader of the opposition
Dr. Sc. Stjepan Sterc, University of Zagreb, Faculty of Croatian Studies, Founder of Department of
Demography and Croatian Emigration
Vice Vukojević, Lawyer, former Judge of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia 1999 - 2007
International Journal of Social Sciences Vol. XII, No. 1 / 2023
49Copyright © 2023, DOROTHY S. MCCLELLAN et al., dorothy.mcclellan@tamucc.edu