Television: The Public Sphere and National Identity
Abstract
What is meant by an 'independent' television and press, and what affirmative role should any government have in the regulation of television? How do competing interest groups use media regulation to their advantage? What impact does television have on democratic values and the process of democracy itself? Television, the Public Sphere, and the National Identity focuses on these and other questions in a broad reinterpretation of television's role and influence on democratic societies in a time of increased globalization of the media. Monroe E. Price's lively and wide-ranging study is unique in developing a theory which covers media developments in both the United States and Europe, including the states of the post-Soviet transition (Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union). Examining the relationship between television and these societies, Price asks how the globalization of television affects the medium's impact on these nations and, indeed, on the survival of the nation state itself. The book also looks at the justifications and abuses that have arisen in television's regulation, and predicts the future role of TV in society.
... Within those two approaches, there are several strands of research. In her view, technological determinism (Innis, 1972;McLuhan, 2001), phenomenology (Martin-Barbero, 1988Scanell and Cardiff, 1991), textual determinism (Billing, 1995) or market-centred (Price, 1995) studies explaining the relationship between media and nationalism fall into the strong media/weak identity category. On the other hand, she suggests that media theories addressing globallocal dynamics of national identity formation (Robins and Askoy, 2001), particularly discussing collective identities as discourses and performance (Hall, 1991), fall into the weak media/strong identities strand of research. ...
... Indeed, several conclusions arise from this case study. Its key findings verify the assumption that the role of the Polish state in national identity construction is characterised by a 'marketplace of ideas' metaphor (Price, 1995). While the settings of this study are mapped out within 'domestic' officialdoms, nation branding as an idea exceeds the domestic principle in national identity making: its construction process should be shaped by 'global' and 'local' forces legitimising it and informing directions for its enactment. ...
Nation Branding, Public Relations and Soft Power: Corporatizing Poland provides an empirically grounded analysis of changes in the way in which various actors seek to manage Poland's national image in world opinion. It explores how and why changes in political economy have shaped these actors and their use of soft power in a way that is influenced by public relations, corporate communication, and marketing practices. By examining the discourse and practices of professional nation branders who have re-shaped the relationship between collective identities and national image management, it plots changes in the way in which Poland's national image is communicated, and culturally reshaped, creating tensions between national identity and democracy. The book demonstrates that nation branding is a consequence of the corporatization of political governance, soft power and national identity, while revealing how the Poland "brand" is shaping public and foreign affairs. Challenging and original, this book will be of interest to scholars in public relations, corporate communications, political marketing and international relations.
... "The newspaper managers realized that when they had such files, they sold their entire circulation. So the newspaper Panorama opened it as a permanent column, with one or two pages of dossiers every day", says Admirina Peçi, (interviewed by author D.Ç) of the program "Dosier" on Report TV [8]. ...
Media plays a crucial role in the development and preservation of collective memory. Each social group constructs a memory package from its past, emphasizing its uniqueness and passing it on to future generations. As a creator of social constructs, the media has a primary role in shaping and building collective memory. Monitoring television, online platforms, and social networks reveals that the media aims to create new perspectives on history by constructing framework packages, focusing on diagnosing the past, and building understandings of the present. Another analyzed aspect is the musealization of memory, where the media treats stories as museum objects, illustrating the values of a bygone era. Through the notion of the small screen as a historical eye, television creates its own self-memory. Analysis of memory narratives indicates that nostalgia and drama are essential tools for their marketing. The analysis of this discourse leads us to the idea of "media as part of history."
... In most cases, citizens are characterized by aggregate indicators, e.g., the reach of certain media or the prevalence of certain ways to participate in public life. Following the repertoire-oriented approach to media use (Bjur et al., 2014;Hasebrink & Popp, 2006), research on public spheres should not be limited to one particular type of media, for instance, "television" (Aufderheide, 1991;Price & Price 1995), or "digital media" (Cohen & Fung 2021;Papacharissi, 2002) but should analyze the interplay between different types of media. This will help to overcome a research gap as intraindividual differences have largely been neglected-for instance, the possibility that an individual can perform different ways of engaging with the public world in everyday life. ...
As public sphere(s) have been ascribed core functions for democratic societies, correlating theories have a long tradition in communications research. Yet they often fail to bridge the conceptual gap between the macro level of public sphere(s) and the micro level of individual citizens. In this article, we propose a conceptual approach that helps to describe and explain the contribution of individuals to the construction of publics. Following Elias' figurational approach, we propose a framework for the analysis of different kinds of publics as communicative figurations. To capture individuals' contribution to these publics, we introduce the concept of public connection repertoires which represent individuals' struc-tured patterns of connection to different publics. This results in the figurational analysis of publics, based on the public repertoires of all individuals who connect to that public. We discuss implications of this approach for theoretical work on public spheres in changing media environments.
... Public sphere(s) have been ascribed various elementary functions for contemporary societies: Some scholars have seen them as necessary for monitoring politicians, decisionmakers and elites, and for holding them accountable (e.g., Garnham, 2020). Others have presented public sphere(s) as important pillars of social identity building, allowing citizens to perceive themselves as members of a given society or community (e.g., Asen, 2002;Price, 1995), or as early warning systems for societal problems in need of political attention (e.g., Hove, 2009). Still others conceive the public and civilized exchange of controversial arguments as a prerequisite for a society's learning ability (Peters, 2008). ...
Theories of the public sphere—or more recently, of plural public spheres—are core elements of communication and media research. A lively and dynamic debate exists about the respective theories, and the approaches employed to do so have diversified in recent years. This special issue of Communication Theory aims to assess the role and future of public sphere(s) theory in digital societies: if, and where, are concepts of the public sphere(s) still useful and needed, which criticisms are (still) valid, which not, which new ones might be necessary, and which concepts need to be developed or elaborated to respond meaningfully to the digital transformation? This editorial introduces the topic of and contributions to the special issue as well as nine theses on the development of public sphere(s) theorizing.
... One possible way to approach the relationship between nationalism and media regulation in a more systematic way is to look at it as a set of provisions enabling the state to use the media as instruments for nationalization, paying attention to evidence of nationalization in the ethnocultural as well as the territorial or civic mode. As Monroe Price (1995) argues, we can think of the circulation of various types of information and images via the media in terms of a marketplace of loyalties-meaning that these data and images are supportive of a variety of different loyalties or collective identities, from local and national to regional or global ones. The main role of the state in such a context is to regulate this flow, or at least mediate between different competitors within its own market-and media law "is the vehicle for the organisation and regulation of this market" (244). ...
XENOPHOBIA AS POLITICAL FACT
CONTEMPLATING XENOPHOBIA IN A
POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY FRAMEWORK
... To spread these myths to a nation or community, "means of communication to make such collective imagining feasible" (Miller, 1999, p. 32) are necessary. As several scholars have pointed out (Anderson, 1983;Brookes, 1999;Price, 1995;Schlesinger, 1991), newspapers and media are essential to the distribution of such narratives and processes of national identity building. ...
This university paper is about Chinese state-affiliated media on Twitter and their representation of Chinese nationalism.
... It is the most common form of spending free time in the world". 13 If printed media is a means of informational and semantic exchange between two or more actors, telecommunications is a means of informational and semantic exchange at a distance between many different actors. The phenomenon of mass culture continues to exist in the informational society in industry of entertainment, as well as in the areas connected with standardized processes. ...
... Mass media have long been associated with the emergence and reinforcement of national communities, in parallel with the birth of the modern nation state (Anderson, 1983;Habermas, 1989;Schlesinger, 2000). Among different media forms, television has often been considered particularly influential in the process of national identity formation (Curran, 2002;Price, 1995). More specifically, the persisting significance of national television news for national audiences has been confirmed by recent studies (Aalberg et al., 2013;Riegert, 2011). ...
The article explores the relation between identity definition and trust in different information sources in Morocco, Jordan and Tunisia following the 2011 Uprisings. While prior to 2011 literature mostly highlighted the role of pan-Arab news channels in consolidating a transnational Arab public sphere, recent studies argued that there has been a reinforcement of national media and identities in the Middle East and North Africa, as a consequence of a partial liberalisation of national broadcasting. Our study is based on the Arab Transformations survey (2014), which unlike previous surveys included questions covering both media consumption and identity definition. We looked at how in the three countries the choice of Muslim, Arab or national identity definition was associated with the preference for distinct sources of political news. The results only partially confirmed the hypothesis of a renewed importance of national media and showed that in the three countries people tended to attribute very different values to the same news sources.
... Ovatko median käyttäjät keskustelua seuratessaan yleisöä vai julkisoa? Julkisen keskustelun käymisessä syntyvä julkiso on terminä yhtäällä liitetty vain keskustelijoihin (Price 1995;Pietilä 2006) ja toisaalla myös sen seuraajiin (Livingstone & Lunt 1994;Dahlgren 1995). Veikko Pietilä ja julkisuuspiiri (2010) ovat käsitelleet aihetta kattavassa kokoelmassaan, jonka teksteistä osa on tuttuja jo Tiedotustutkimus-lehden julkisoa käsittelevästä teemanumerosta vuodelta 1999. ...
Artikkelissa tutkitaan ohjelmantekijöiden keinoja puhutella ja osallistaa televisiokatsojia ohjelman avauksessa. Aineistona on kolme suoraa Ylen keskusteluohjelmaa syyskuun 11:nnen terrori-iskuista vuodelta 2001. Sama puheenaihe voidaan avata hyvin erilaisten strategioiden avulla ja valitulla tyylillä on implikaationsa tietynlaisen katsojakonstruktion tuottamiseen. Verbaalisen kommunikaation lisäksi artikkelissa kiinnitetään huomiota myös tilallisten, kehollisten ja materiaalisten resurssien hyödyntämiseen vastaanottajan puhuttelussa. Keskeiset havainnot kutoutuvat julkison eli julkiseen keskusteluun osallistuvan kansalaisjoukon käsitteeseen. Aiempi keskustelu aiheesta on jakautunut sen suhteen, luetaanko ajankohtaiskeskustelua seuraava televisiokatsoja kuuluvaksi kuluttavan yleisön vai julkison piiriin. Artikkelissa esitetään, että ohjelmien puhuteltu vastaanottaja ei ole ensisijaisesti kutsuttu seuraamaan esitystä, vaan sitä puhutellaan ajankohtaisen, yhteiskunnallisesti merkittävän aiheen pohtimiseen osallistuvana toimijana. Aloituksissa toimittajat rakentavat katsojaan osallistavan kontaktin, operoivat yhteisöllisyyttä tuottavien episteemisten ja moraalisten positioiden varassa ja korostavat avointa poliittista toimintatilaa. Suhdetta vastaanottajaan ei tuoteta vain järkiperustaisten argumenttien avulla, vaan ohjelmien avaukset on ladattu erilaisin julkisoutta virittävin tunnetiloin.
... All of these stories are applicable to some extent in Spain. In particular, the anthropological story, the weight of the media in the national construction of country (Anderson, 1983;Price, 1995), is very directly applicable in Catalonia, where the Catalan Broadcasting Corporation (CCMA; 2015), the public body that brings together the television and radio channels managed by the Catalan government, specifically incorporates in its public service mission the construction of "country": "To help the consolidation and expansion of the language, culture, identity and international projection of Catalonia, reflecting the diversity of our society, is one of the main objectives of the CCMA." ...
... The above discussion of technology is the entry point for the following account of the uses of the press and television as media traditionally associated with the public sphere (Dahlgren, 1993;Keane, 1991;Kim, 1997;McNair, 1999;Price, 1996). Before I move on to look at these media, I will draw together the above insights to clarify the term introduced above, 'forms of use'. ...
This thesis examines the potential of and limits to the use of the Internet as a public sphere. To this end it considers the claim that the Internet is or can be a public sphere. To do this there are two related spheres of enquiry: the 'public sphere' and 'the Internet'. The enquiry into the concept of the public sphere is based on an engagement with the work of Jürgen Habermas. The concern of this thesis is to draw on the wider corpus of Habermas's work to develop a model of the public sphere that takes account of his thesis of 'colonisation'. Because the process of colonisation results in systemically distorted communication the liberal model of the public sphere is replaced with a model of a 'radical' public sphere. These two concepts, the radical public sphere and colonisation then form the basis for the investigation into the potential of the Internet. The Internet, like other technologies, cannot, however, be considered in abstraction of its use. Therefore, a theory of 'forms of use' is developed, through which the potential of and limits to media can be analysed. Different case studies are presented in order to show how these different forms of use of the Internet can be supported. However, we can understand that certain 'systemic' colonising forms of use of the Internet threaten the functioning of other, radical forms of use. The limits to the use of the Internet as a public sphere are not, however, inherent features of the technology itself, but pertain to its use under a system in which certain social practices and institutions have priority over others. Under these conditions, the use of the Internet as a radical public sphere takes place as a continual struggle against dominant forms of use.
... Research that uses the public sphere as a theoretical and analytical category is inevitably preoccupied with democracy (Dahlgren 1995;Price 1995). Conversely, as more and more social science researchers are recognizing, talking about democracy should necessarily mean reflecting on the relationship between public and private spheres-and the media. ...
... 3 Thus, printing in Kurdish has historically been performed by and for small groups of the intelligentsia rather than for the Kurdish public at large. Radio and cable television broadcasting, too, have been influential in shaping and promoting national identities in places like Europe and North America (Morley 1992;Price 1995). In Kurdistan, however, with the exception of Kurdistan-Iraq since 1991, the states of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria have nearly always held a monopoly on broadcasting to serve and promote their own dominant and official culture, language and political agenda, and to work towards assimilating the Kurds and other minorities. ...
This chapter and the next will look at the satellite television channel Kurdistan TV (henceforth, KTV) to investigate the ways in which this channel is used in the construction and articulation of Kurdish identity. I will specifically focus on discursive practices that are deemed essential in constructing a pan-Kurdish sentiment, by which I mean the creation of a sense of belonging to one people or nation, the Kurds, and their homeland, Kurdistan. Analyses will be carried out according to the CDA method for analyzing media discourse that I have introduced in previous chapters. The analysis takes place at three levels: discourse practices analysis (this chapter), textual analysis (the next chapter), and sociocultural analysis (conclusion chapter).
... There is a need of national contents in national television channels even hide or unhide to have a better connection with their own audience. In this stream, Price in "Television: The Public Sphere and National Identity" [4] stated that: ...
It is believed that a national television channel should contain national contents in order to have acceptable representation for its own nation through history and culture. Novel aesthetic approach to television besides modern intellect of architecture, as will be argued in this paper, opens a way to compare television with other arts such as architecture. In this paper, following the mentioned argument, Iranian national television and Iranian historical architecture have focused as example. By concentrating on Iranian historical architecture, one of the most influential Iranian architectures was specified and was suggested to Iranian national television staff to consider it in their programs. This article draws a line for a more comprehensive research and makes a foundation for television evaluations based on aesthetic elements as well as national contents. In our future papers, we will introduce a computational based evaluation method to compare Iranian national television programs with Iranian architecture based on aesthetic elements.
Experiments in innovation, design, and democracy that search not for a killer app but for a collaboratively created sustainable future.
Innovation and design need not be about the search for a killer app. Innovation and design can start in people's everyday activities. They can encompass local services, cultural production, arenas for public discourse, or technological platforms. The approach is participatory, collaborative, and engaging, with users and consumers acting as producers and creators. It is concerned less with making new things than with making a socially sustainable future. This book describes experiments in innovation, design, and democracy, undertaken largely by grassroots organizations, non-governmental organizations, and multi-ethnic working-class neighborhoods.
These stories challenge the dominant perception of what constitutes successful innovations. They recount efforts at social innovation, opening the production process, challenging the creative class, and expanding the public sphere. The wide range of cases considered include a collective of immigrant women who perform collaborative services, the development of an open-hardware movement, grassroots journalism, and hip-hop performances on city buses. They point to the possibility of democratized innovation that goes beyond solo entrepreneurship and crowdsourcing in the service of corporations to include multiple futures imagined and made locally by often-marginalized publics.
ContributorsMåns Adler, Erling Björgvinsson, Karin Book, David Cuartielles, Pelle Ehn, Anders Emilson, Per-Anders Hillgren, Mads Hobye, Michael Krona, Per Linde, Kristina Lindström, Sanna Marttila, Elisabet M. Nilsson, Anna Seravalli, Pernilla Severson, Åsa Ståhl, Lucy Suchman, Richard Topgaard, Laura Watts
This material is an attempt to find a solution to bring the dialects of Kurdish closer together and unite its dialects, because we believe that by uniting dialects, we take a big step forward to creating an official Kurdish Language. Therefore, the first step can be to start with the dialect and make it the cornerstone of the synthesis and unification of the dialects of the Kurdish language. It is also pointed out that no Kurdish dialect should be forgotten and ignored because according to the experience of other nations, the existence of these different dialects is the existence of a language chain. Therefore, this series should be used to enrich the official language by unifying dialects and using them as one among all individuals of different dialects.
This research was done by Google Form (100%) electronically sent to Online after filling it out by the person who has a sending point The person who delivers the answer to the researcher in a few seconds, it appears that this method will be its work that we can reach all the classes and classes of the Kurdish society .
The results of the survey were as follows: (967) online forms were filled out in Kurdish dialect and (781) online forms were filled out in (Sorani) dialect, the total number of forms in both dialects reached 1748, thus we were able to reach most of the citizens in any country or use any dialect of Kurdish.
It seems that most of the Kurdish people are speaking by the Kurdish (Kirmanji)dialect and then the Kurdish (Sorani). Both of them make the most of the Kurdish nation's speeches, and it is important that they benefit from receiving information through Kurdish channels, meaning that 70% of the participants in this survey are Kurdish channel viewers.
Most of the Kurdish citizens in all four parts of Kurdistan know that the united language is very important, or at least of all Kurds wherever they understand their Kurdish brother who speaks, and this is according to the statistics that 75% of Kurdish citizens say they are all This dialect will be Kurdish and they will be familiar with the city and they will try to understand it and this is a bell for all the channels to announce that all dialects Use the
XX
methods and don't ignore any of these dialects under the excuse of the low rate of its speakers, Therefore, we should be very careful about this issue and not allow any Kurdish person to feel their own dialect is underrated and neglected.
According to the survey, it is shown that Kurdish citizens in 56% rate should use Latin spelling and they are the leader of the Arabic Arami context.In the opinion of most of the participants, the channels of Rudaw, Sahar Kurdi, and TRT Kurdi have made effective in the closeness of the main Kurdish dialect, Most of the Kurdish speakers speak both Upper and Lower Kurdish dialects. During this time, a large percentage of Kurdish speakers have learned Lower Kurdish (Sorani) dialect, which reaches 28%, this is through media channels and this is a sign that no dialect is difficult to learn because the base of the Kurdish language is the same and most of the words go to one another only different phonetic and it seems that in the future all Kurdish channels should use all dialects for that To make a Kurdish language service, There are many citizens who have learned another dialect, so this shows us a way to develop the Kurdish language and learn dialects through the media as the best channel of communication and integration.
Scholars debate elites’ capacity to shape the parameters of national belonging. Hard constructivists believe elites have tremendous leverage, while soft constructivists caution that elites face severe constraints in this process. We address this debate in our study of Muslim Americans. Recently political elites tried to integrate Muslim Americans by expanding an ascriptive interpretation of American identity: from WASP, to white Christian, to pan-Abrahamic. This attempted incorporation was met by a potent wave of Islamophobia after 11 September 2001. One consequence of this rejection was an increasing number of Muslim Americans identifying themselves as, and being perceived by others as, people of colour. Elites underestimated deeply-entrenched beliefs that resist expanding American-ness beyond white Christians. They face fewer constraints integrating new groups into the non-white category. We contend the debate over hard and soft construction must be circumscribed by the particular aspects or features elites are attempting to objectify.
In a narrower sense, neuropsychology is a discipline that deals with the relationship between
neuroscience and psychology. Here he mainly examines the connections between the central
nervous system and the human psyche. This characteristic corresponds to the narrow
interdisciplinary conception of this scientific field. However, in a deeper search of current
professional published literature, one can find works that document the transcendence of this
discipline into other medical and some social disciplines. In the form of a literary review, this
work set itself the task of examining the professional literature published on this topic and
selecting representative literary sources that document the interdisciplinary nature of this
scientific discipline.
Po revolučnom roku 1989 zaznamenávame sociálno-ekonomickú transformáciu spoločnosti,
ktorá interferovala životy mnohých rodín v súčasnosti. Príspevok objasňuje na základe
kvalitatívnej analýzy dopady sociálno-ekonomických zmien v spoločnosti na život rodiny,
s akcentom na vývin dieťaťa. Reštrukturalizácia hospodárskej sféry znásobila sociálne
nerovnosti v rodinách, ktorých dôsledkom je chudoba, nezamestnanosť, zadlženosť. Rastúce
požiadavky na trhu práce podmieňujú enormný záujem uplatniť sa v profesijnej oblasti, a tak
na rodinu neostáva čas. Nedostatok emocionálneho prepojenia medzi členmi rodiny spôsobuje
pocity osamelosti a disharmóniu rodinných vzťahov. Uspokojivé finančné zabezpečenie
rodiny často determinuje nutnosť migrácie za pracovnými príležitosťami. Dlhotrvajúce
odlúčenie rodičov od svojich detí ohrozuje fyzický vývin, psychickú pohodu a v konečnom
dôsledku aj školskú úspešnosť dieťaťa.
The sociology of campaign finance overwhelmingly focuses on donation patterns and ties between donors, lobbyists, and candidates. However, less attention has been paid to ideological influences on campaign finance reform and other forms of expenditures. As a result, the sociological understanding of the role of money in democracy has great potential for development. This paper suggests that the new institutionalist perspective, particularly when treating ideas as a causal force, allows for a stronger understanding of campaign finance reform's impact on the public sphere. It does so by linking campaign finance law, political organizing, and campaign spending, specifically for the purpose of political advertising, together. The Citizens United v. FEC Supreme Court ruling provides an empirical example of these institutionalizing effects, tracking its impact across all three components of the public sphere. Approaches to new institutionalist analysis of campaign finance are also discussed.
This book discusses how digital inequalities today may lead to other types of inequalities in the Global South. Contributions to this collection move past discussing an access problem – a binary division between ‘haves and have-nots’ – to analyse complex inequalities in the internet use, benefits, and opportunities of people in the Global South region. Using specific case studies, this book underlines how communities in the Global South are now attempting to participate in the information age despite high costs, a lack of infrastructure, and more barriers to entry. Contributions discuss the recent changes in the Global South. These changes include greater technological availability, the spread of digital literacy programs and computer courses, and the overall growth in engagement of people from different backgrounds, ethnicities, and languages in digital environments. This book outlines and evaluates the role of state and public institutions in facilitating these changes and consequently bridging the digital divide.
This article explores how the Public Television Service (PTS) of the Republic of China-Taiwan, born in 1998, has contributed to promoting the Taiwanese identity through documentaries, by conveying cultural issues in a way that could be shared by the majority of the population, independently of political opinion. Among the main cultural aspects, PTS gave particular attention to respect for other ethnic groups, ecology, traditions, and religion. The first part of the study begins with a summary of the social and political background surrounding the birth of PTS—after the first free elections of 1996—including the development of the two main political parties, their proposals about the relationship with mainland China, and how that feeling has shifted towards a more cultural dimension. The second part includes a thematic analysis (content-discourse analysis with qualitative methodology) of a selection of six awarded documentaries aired around October 2011 (and later), in the year that marked the 100th anniversary of the foundation of the Republic of China, and constituted a crucial moment to relaunch the Taiwanese identity.
This thesis interrogates the relationship between the emerging transnational field of nation branding practice and Polish national identity discourse. It sets the analysis of its findings in the contexts of the dominant neo-liberal political economy and promotional culture in Poland, but its examination considers the socio-historical conditions of the post-Soviet era accompanying nation branding as a nation building process. By considering specific settings, it outlines a reflexive case study, addressing a shift in the economy of practices at the crossovers of the Polish state’s structures, business groups, the mass media, and cultural intermediaries of nation branding.
This study draws from Bourdieu’s theoretical oeuvre, nationalism scholarship, and corporate communications models. First, it demonstrates the growing impact of corporate communications models on the state as a democratic polity. Second, it sketches out the foundations for the empirical part of the study. Methodologically, it uses an interpretive approach to reveal collective action accompanying the nation branding exercise in Poland. It draws from a range of data to reconstruct the contested vision of the field of nation branding and the dynamics of the relationship between institutional and individual actors performing nation branding in Poland.
The findings of this study unfold the implications of the imposition and invasion of nation branding within the Polish field of power, specifically with regards to the marketisation of Polish national identity, its co-construction and reproduction; attempts to further corporatise overseas propaganda on behalf of the Polish field of power; and a growing impact of private sector consultants on public policy making in post-Soviet Poland. Primarily, this thesis argues that one of the biggest consequences of the invasion of nation branding in Poland is the emergence of corpo-nationalism - a form of economic nationalism which was a weak component, until now, of political economy changes in Poland, post 1989.
The chapter explores the governance and functioning of public broadcasters in Belgium. Belgium is a federal state and as part of the unique structures in place, extensive policy competences rest with the distinct language communities. Among others, cultural and media policies are the autonomous responsibility of the French-, Dutch- and German-speaking communities. Whereas public service broadcasting commenced under the auspices of the Belgian state, its regionalisation became a fact throughout the 1960s and 1970s. The aim of the chapter is to sketch the governance and functioning of public service broadcasting in a divided country where not only policies, but also markets and audiences are very much separate. It pays attention to the importance of public broadcasters as institutions contributing to the cultural awareness of the Flemish (Dutch-speaking) community in particular and, at the same time, the downsides of a separated public service broadcasting regime in an already divided country.
This article analyses how British newspapers in the 1930s created a particular frame or view of radio as an international medium. This frame was created around the idea of a duality, of radio being defined by both national and foreign broadcasts. By analysing coverage provided by the main national newspapers at this time, in relation to their specific radio coverage, such as programme listing and highlights, this paper delineates the form the frame took, what was included and was absent. Such a frame provides an understanding of how the newspapers viewed and valued radio in a period when international broadcasts were seen as an important part of what radio could offer. © 2018
This article examines the intriguing decision of the Israeli government in the aftermath of the 1967 War to embark on a national television project that would be dominated by broadcasts in Arabic. Since actual broadcasts quickly ended up switching to Hebrew, this initial rationale has received little academic attention. Based on primary research, the article suggests that the original decision was driven by the desire of the State to address four identity challenges that it faced at the time: the challenge of delegitimation and hostile propaganda by the Arab world, the challenge of dealing with the Palestinian population in the newly occupied territories, the challenge of dealing with Israel’s Arab citizens, and the challenge of dealing with the Jewish immigrants from the Arab world. I argue that the promise of addressing these multiple challenges made the TV project very attractive, even if for a short time, thus leading to its initiation. The discussion is anchored in the literature from the field of International Relations that explores the concepts of soft power and ontological security and consequently the potential role of popular culture in shaping and managing identity challenges
Suomen kieltä monilla uudissanoilla rikastuttanut Wolmar Schildt-Kilpinen ujutteli 1840-luvulla kieleemme termejä yleisö ja julkiso. Niistä yleisö vakiintui käyttöön, julkiso sen sijaan ei. Artikkelissa pohditaan, mistä tämä johtuu. Ensi sijassa artikkelissa kuitenkin perustellaan eri tahoille suuntautuvien interventioiden pohjalta julkison käyttökelpoisuutta julkisuudessa keskusteleviin ja toimiviin viittaavana käsitteenä sekä oikaistaan eräitä yksipuolisia näkemyksiä tästä käsitteestä ja siihen nojautuvasta ajattelusta.
This article examines the role of the Caracas-based, pan-Latin American state broadcaster, TeleSUR, in the Latin American and Caribbean region. Drawing on Manuel Castells’ communication theory of the information age, in which global society has become a series of interlinked ‘networks’, and the ‘information economy’ has displaced manufacturing, the article argues that the Bolivarian Revolution, led by the late Hugo Chávez (1954–2013), is a network state, and as such is to be understood as a network of interconnected political, economic and communication interests. As an integral part of this network state, then, the TeleSUR broadcaster sets the agenda in the international sphere via satellite, cable and the Internet. Since petroleum is one of Venezuela’s main commodities – the country produces little in the way of manufacturing – and its main export, one of the ways in which Venezuela projects itself to the world is not with material commodities (oil notwithstanding), but images such as those that regularly appear on TeleSUR. This exportation of images of Chavismo and of Chávez himself, the article concludes, has become both a cultural policy and a form of incipient nation-building.
Governments project strategic narratives about international affairs, hoping thereby to shape the perceptions and behaviour of foreign audiences. If individuals encounter incompatible narratives projected by different states, how can their acceptance of one narrative over another be explained? I suggest that support for the strategic narrative of a foreign government is more likely when there is social and communicative linkage at the individual level, i.e., when an individual maintains personal and cultural connections to the foreign state through regular travel, media consumption, religious attendance, and conversations with friends or relatives. The role of linkage is demonstrated in Ukraine, where a “pro-Russian, anti-Western” narrative projected from Moscow has been competing against a “pro-Western, anti-Russian” narrative projected from Kyiv. Previous accounts of international persuasion have been framed in terms of a state’s resources producing advantageous “soft power.” However, I propose a shift in focus—from the resources states have to what individuals do to maintain social and communicative ties via which ideas cross borders. In a competitive discursive environment such linkage can in fact have mixed consequences for the states involved, as the Ukrainian case illustrates.
Among communism’s many intellectual vices, the belief in the inevitability of a specific resolution of History was, arguably, the most far-reaching. Codified and formalized, variously as dialectical or historical materialism, or scientific communism, these sub-doctrines of Marxism-Leninism were used to justify a programme of wholesale social, moral and economic transformation. Inevitability determined that the outcome was beyond reasonable doubt. Opposition to the course of History was thus futile. History, as we know, let communism down.
The subject of this article is the Israeli television program Such a Life, which was broadcast on the Israel Broadcasting Authority's Channel One between 1972 and 2001. The program, based on a protagonist's life and told through a surprise studio encounter with his or her family, friends, and colleagues, was the Israeli version of the earlier U.S. and British television programs This Is Your Life. But where the U.S. and the U.K. programs focused on sentiment and entertainment, the Israeli counterpart emphasized memory and education, in a conscious effort to contribute to the formation of the national memory. The first part of the article describes the history of Such a Life from its inception to its end, and the second part constitutes a structural analysis of the production process and the broadcast episodes, to explain how its image of the Israeli past was cobbled together. We describe the creation of Such a Life, analyze its main features, and explain how it became such a successful vehicle in promoting and diffusing the Zionist view of the “life-story” of Israel.
Die bisherigen Analysen haben ergeben, dass sich das Verbändesystem der USA in den letzten Jahrzehnten deutlich verändert hat. Allerdings waren die Befunde bisher nur summarischer Natur und eröffneten lediglich punktuelle Einsichten in die Entwicklung auf den einzelnen Politikfeldern und Politiksektoren.
Since 2012, Catalonia has been undergoing a complex political process in which a broad segment of the population has shown itself to be in favor of seceding from the Kingdom of Spain. This phenomenon is not new, given that during the 20th century, the relationship between the two territories was a source of instability and controversy, especially during the Civil War (1936-1939). However, the enormous popular dimension and the massive participation of hundreds of thousands of citizens have represented a remarkable new occurrence in recent times. Based on this situation, the primary aim of the present article is to describe the main reasons for this radicalization in the process of a hypothetical secession in which Catalonia breaks away from Spain. It also seeks to analyze and interpret the role that the media is playing in the so-called “Catalan Process.” Achieving this second objective has been possible thanks to research undertaken by Blanquerna School of Communication and International Relations (Ramon Llull University) based on more than 7,000 journalistic pieces published or broadcasted in more than 100 newspapers, magazines, television stations, radio stations, and cybernewspapers in seven different languages. The most significant conclusion of this study, based on content analysis of the aforementioned sample, is that the media are not being neutral in their coverage of the process. Thus, they have identified to varying degrees with one of the three possible outcomes of the conflict: the maintenance of the unity of Spain, the preferred option of much of national and international media; the independence of Catalonia, the choice of a high percentage of media in Catalonia itself; or a new relationship based on a federal system in Spain that would include Catalonia, the possibility with the least level of support in the three geographical areas studied.
This volume of InterDisciplines includes some among the most compellingcontributions presented during an international workshop on »National, regional and local identity/ies in media and music—Evidence from Europe and Russia,« held in December 2012 at Bielefeld Universitywith the support of the Center for German and European Studies(CGES/ZDES) and the Bielefeld Graduate School in History and Sociology (BGHS). The workshop brought together more than 20 doctoral, post-doctoral and senior researchers from 13 countries working in the fields of sociology, history, linguistics and literature, media and communication. The aim of the workshop was a comparative analysis of the contributions of media and music to the creation and articulation of identity on the national, regional and (trans-)local level. The following four main questions were addressed in the course of the workshop, these are also the central questions for this volume:
a) How do media and music take part in the production and dissemination of national, regional and (trans)local identity/ies?
b) What kinds of imaginary geographies and mythologizing narratives are constructed and spread through media and music?
c) How are these media embedded locally, nationally and transnationally; what is their relationship to institutions and power and which technological and financial means do they have at their disposal?
d) Which methods can be employed and which are the methodological challenges faced by researchers of this topic?
This study examined factors that influence the consumption of American television programmes among young Croatians, by conducting a paper and pencil survey (N = 487). The results indicate that young Croatians are avid consumers of American dramas and sitcoms, and that a set of cultural capital variables is a significant predictor of the consumption of American TV. Knowledge of English language, of US lifestyle, consumption of American movies and American press all had a significant unique contribution to the model.
This book gauges the influence of nationalist parties on European policies. The ability of regions – the constituent units from decentralized member states – to shape EU decisions has been at the centre of discussions on European integration theory and of European Union politics for fifteen years now. By combining evidence from Germany, Italy and Spain, and from two EU policy areas – audiovisual and cohesion – the author shows why and when understanding EU policies requires taking regional lobbying of the European Parliament and the Commission into consideration. This first attempt to combine the literature on “The Europe of the Regions” and on multi-level governance with policy analysis will be illuminating for scholars and practitioners interested in federalism, nationalist parties, and the EU decision-making process as well as for those concerned with Europeanization.
When private television started to take off in Europe in the 1980s it confronted an environment in which the role of television and radio in cultural and national identity formation had already been established through national public service broadcasters (Gripsrud, 2007; Price, 1995). Having relied largely on publicly funded television and the film industry to produce such content, European countries lagged far behind the United States in terms of their capacity to generate content for television (Esser, 2009; Tunstall and Machin, 1999). The large private television networks and production houses in the United States were well situated to sell their content, particularly fiction and entertainment, to the new private channels in Europe.
Most European countries placed requirements on their private television stations, and usually also radio, for certain amounts of domestically produced content. Their individual markets and production industries remained small compared with that of the United States, which fuelled part of the reasoning behind the EU’s Television without Frontiers Directive (TWF Directive) and the Council of Europe’s Convention on Transfrontier Television that followed. The TWF Directive, since amended and renamed the Audiovisual Media Services Directive (AVMS Directive), aimed to break down national barriers to broadcasting and to encourage a common, larger market for television. At the same time it included quotas for European works and independent production to be achieved by stations gradually and “where practicable” (Art. 16). This non-binding formulation was based on what many countries already had in a more obligatory form at the national level.
Zimbabwe has been in a state of acute political and economic crisis since 2000. Although the causes of the crisis are multifaceted, the predominant view is that there is a breakdown in the rule of law and observance of human rights by the state that is faced with overwhelming pressure from civil society, opposition parties, and the news media to embrace democratic reforms (Ranger 2005; Zaffiro 2002; Phimister and Raftopoulos 2004). The state and its critics have fought their information and ideological battles not only through the old analogue or traditional media of radio, TV, and newspapers, but also the new digital media, such as the Internet. The focus of this chapter is on the role played by the Internet in democracy in Zimbabwe. It begins by tracing the development of the Internet and the emergence of various forms of digital interaction and information sharing occasioned by the new medium in Zimbabwe. Next, the Web sites of Newsnet, Kubatana, and New Zimbabwe.com are analyzed in terms of their content and form. Newsnet is the subsidiary of the national public broadcaster, the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings (ZBH). Its major task is to provide news and current affairs programming to ZBH radio, TV, and online services. Kubatana is a civic organization involved in cyber activism to highlight democracy and human rights issues in the country.
On May 8, 2003, in the evening, a distinguished group of people gathered in an auditorium located in Shefayim, a locality north of Tel Aviv, to pay tribute to a television personality and the program with which he was overwhelmingly associated. The personality was Amos Ettinger, who was retiring from the Israeli Broadcasting Authority after 43 years of work in radio and television, and the program was Such a Life, which he had produced and hosted between 1972 and 2001. Among the people who came to honor Ettinger were members of the Knesset, major politicians, a retired Supreme Court judge, famous actors and singers, retired high-ranking army officers, university professors, and sports legends. The common denominator of most of these people was that they had appeared, at one time or another, over the years, in Ettinger’s successful program. After consuming a rich buffet in the entrance hall, they entered the auditorium and watched a screening of segments from the program’s episodes, interspersed with fragments from an interview with Ettinger, performances of several popular songs, and friends’ reminiscences about Ettinger’s long career. It was a moving event, a mixture of nostalgia, entertainment, and life-story telling — not very different from Such a Life itself.
Many works study the role of television as an agent of historical narratives and as a producer of collective memory (Edgerton, 2001; Moss 2008; Wheatley, 2007). This chapter contributes to the existing literature by offering four levels of analysis of two case studies from Spain. These exemplify the coexistence of different explanatory logics which represent, in different ways, the relationship between the present and the past: the series Cuéntame c?mo pas? (Tell Me How It Happened) and the reality show Curso del 63 (Class of 63). Observing their discursive framing and their narrative strategies the analyses focus on four levels: the cosmopolitan memory axis, the national memory, the musealization aspect, and television self-memory and the role of nostalgia.
The second of the empirical chapters is dedicated to the BBC ‘story’ where I draw upon the ethnographic data collected with members of the BBC in the Falklands (henceforth referred to as the ‘BBC crew’ to distinguish them from the wider BBC institution) alongside the BBC television coverage of the 30th anniversary. Using this data I explore not only how the BBC represented the 30th anniversary of the war but why they bestowed particular events with particular meaning to consider what this might reveal about the relatively neglected and under-researched relationship between journalism and memory more generally (Zelizer 2008:80). In many ways the themes discussed in this chapter resonate with those of the military ‘story’ with regards to the negotiation and performance of institutional work through and in media texts. Yet, whilst in the military story I discussed how the military negotiate conflicting multiple identities (political, military, individual) differently depending on whether they are remembering in or with media (being an object of and subject to media respectively), here I explore how the BBC crew’s remembering with media appeared to inform a conscious and purposeful performance of a particular institutional identity in the remembering texts they subsequently produced.
Normal 0 21 false false false ES X-NONE X-NONE This article analyses a sports-related satirical-parody television series as a generator of preferred meanings that may be associated with an ideological context of a stateless nation such as Catalonia, where the symbolic aspect is fundamental to the imaginary-building process. In this case, the research focuses on identifying whether representations of difference exist in the humorous content of the television series and, if they do, how they are represented and whether they propose imaginary boundaries. Through a quantitative and qualitative analysis in a satirical-parody television series about sports-related news, this study shows that humour generates symbolic boundaries between two spaces. While one of the spaces is in close proximity to the context in which the series is produced and broadcast –Catalonia–, the other encompasses the rest of Spain. In the same direction, humorous audiovisual text contains preferred and also dominant meanings, and these are expressed by how characters valuate other characters, situations, contexts, etc. The nature of the valuations proposes meanings that express the idea of a positive “us” and a negative “them”. Television humour acts as a cultural agent that proposes preferred meanings to the subject, and such meanings become part of the subject’s identity process.
While views may differ on the factors that made the 2011 Egyptian revolution possible,
the role of mass media will remain undisputable. The Internet-based social networks caught the
Mubarak regime by surprise, and the popular disillusionment with the ‘national’ media led the
public to turn to private newspapers and satellite channels for keeping pace with the events. This
paper examines the role of specific media during the 18 days of the 2011 Egyptian revolution – from
25 January to 11 February, 2011 – which we have divided into four parts. It discusses how these
media contributed to the unfolding of events, conceptualized the protests and the demands of the
public, and presented the actors that participated in or opposed the revolution. These points are
addressed by discussing the content of the Facebook pages of the Sixth of April Movement and We
Are All Khalid Said, as well as that of a private Egyptian newspaper, al-Shuruq, and the state-run
newspaper al-Ahram.
Dramatic symmetries in strategies and techniques of persuasion create challenges to the functioning of established actors in the global media ecology, including international broadcasters. This essay articulates an adaptation of the concept of asymmetric warfare to the field of propaganda, persuasion and recruitment. It examines the particular challenge of certain asymmetric entrants, including ISIS and categorizes how the more traditional entities and government institutions react to these new entrants in markets for loyalties.
This article contributes to scholarly literature on local stations in early radio broadcasting history. Taking KVOS in Bellingham, WA as a case study, it attends to how regional geography in conjunction with station operators, broadcasting policy, and audiences helped to define localism in relation to broader national, regional, and international identities forming at the beginnings of early radio and between 1930–1953. KVOS’ history demonstrates how radio was always bound up with the production of locality and how local identity was constituted in and through its relation to broader collective sensibilities taking shape at the time.
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