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Citation: Thijssen, G.; Sijtsema, J.;
Bogaerts, S.; Voorde, L.v.d.; Masthoff,
E. Radicalization Processes and
Transitional Phases in Female and
Male Detainees Residing in Dutch
Terrorism Wings. Behav. Sci. 2023,13,
877. https://doi.org/10.3390/
bs13100877
Academic Editor: Heng Choon
Oliver Chan
Received: 5 September 2023
Revised: 6 October 2023
Accepted: 18 October 2023
Published: 23 October 2023
Copyright: © 2023 by the authors.
Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland.
This article is an open access article
distributed under the terms and
conditions of the Creative Commons
Attribution (CC BY) license (https://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/
4.0/).
behavioral
sciences
Article
Radicalization Processes and Transitional Phases in Female and
Male Detainees Residing in Dutch Terrorism Wings
Gaby Thijssen 1, * , Jelle Sijtsema 1,2, Stefan Bogaerts 1,2 , Lys van de Voorde 3and Erik Masthoff 1,2
1Tilburg School of Social and Behavioral Sciences, Tilburg University, 5037 AB Tilburg, The Netherlands;
s.bogaerts@tilburguniversity.edu (S.B.); e.masthoff@fivoor.nl (E.M.)
2Fivoor Academy of Research, Innovation and Development (FARID), 3170 AA Poortugaal, The Netherlands
3Institute for Criminal Law and Criminology, University of Leiden, 2311 EZ Leiden, The Netherlands;
l.van.de.voorde@law.leidenuniv.nl
*Correspondence: g.thijssen@dji.minjus.nl; Tel.: +31-625660384
Abstract:
Background: Radicalization, violent extremism, and terrorism are risks to societal security.
Although research on terrorism-related behaviors is increasing, thorough empirical studies are rare.
Methods: This study investigates radicalization processes and transitions in a matched sample of
female and male terrorist suspects and convicts (N = 26) residing in Dutch penitentiary terrorism
wings. Results: Results show that both men and women often experienced discrimination. A
subgroup of women grew up in a stressful family environment and lacked emotional support from
their family, whereas the other women did not experience such circumstances. The majority of the
study sample was susceptible to connecting with radicalized friends or family members. Interestingly,
factors that initially led to radicalization (e.g., a utopian image of the Islamic State) could later turn
out to be factors associated with abandoning extremism. Conclusions: In this study, differences in
radicalization processes and transitional phases between women and men emerged. Men more often
had police contact prior to a terrorism-related offense. Making an effort to right old mistakes seemed
important in the radicalization processes of men, whereas women had a stronger desire for emotional
support and were more driven by experienced trauma and feelings of loneliness. This study provides
input for gender-specific prevention and disengagement interventions.
Keywords: radicalization processes; turning points; deradicalization; violent extremism
1. Introduction
The large number of terroristic attacks around the world in recent decades renewed
interest in radicalization processes that may lead to violent extremism [
1
]. In this study,
radicalization is defined as a process of increasing willingness to accept and act upon the
ultimate consequence of a line of thought. This increasing willingness can lead to behavior
that deeply hurts other people or affects their freedom, can lead individuals or groups to
turn away from society, and can lead to violence [
2
]. In radicalization processes, ideology
serves as a framework for the actions of individuals who become radicalized. Although
factors contributing to an individual’s radicalization are complex, radicalization processes
are generally influenced by well-known mechanisms (e.g., cognitive constructs and be-
havioral patterns; [
3
]. As a result, criminal extremism is not considered to be an inherent
psychological characteristic or character trait. Instead, it is acquired through cognitive and
behavioral changes that occur within a social context, influenced by environmental factors,
such as peers and media [
3
]. Violent extremism is defined as the ideological motives of
a person or group to seriously violate the law to engage in activities that undermine the
democratic constitutional state [
2
]. Criminal (here: violent extremist) behavior is acquired
through a similar process as other forms of “work-related behavior” [
3
]. Violent extrem-
ists are expected to adapt to the expectations of their new roles. The extremist ideology
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877. https://doi.org/10.3390/bs13100877 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/behavsci
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 2 of 23
offers them values and norms, delineates moral boundaries, and establishes a clear per-
ception of the enemy. In this study, individuals who embrace an ideology that justifies
violence and adapt to their new roles (thereby breaking the law) are considered violent
extremists. Furthermore, there are different definitions of terrorism [
4
]. In the current
study, terrorism is defined as committing lethal violence based on ideological motives,
or causing societal damage to property, with the aim of causing social undermining and
destabilization, seriously encouraging the population of a country, or influencing political
decision-making [2].
Previous research on violent extremism has focused more on men than women [
5
].
In this study, we emphasize women’s radicalization processes, since they also have a role
in terrorist activities [
6
]. Attention to both male and female radicalization is necessary to
contribute to the prevention of future violent extremism [
7
,
8
]. There is evidence that the
radicalization process occurs differently for women and therefore may require different
prevention and intervention strategies than for men [
9
]. This study thus investigates why
men and women move toward (extremist) violence and what the underlying dynamics of
these processes are.
1.1. Radicalization, Personal Constructs, and the Personal Construct Theory
Various theories shed light on the factors underlying terrorism and violent extremism.
For example, the General Strain Theory [
10
] states that terrorism often arises when indi-
viduals endure unjust collective strains influenced by significantly more powerful entities
and the act of terror carries a high magnitude of civilian impact [
10
]. Meanwhile, the
Age-Graded Theory of Informal Social Control suggests that individuals with weakened
social ties are more likely to commit violent (extremist) acts [
11
–
13
]. When those ties are
weakened, individuals are more likely to commit crimes [
14
]. Instead, the Significant Quest
Theory emphasizes the activation of a quest for significance triggered by significant loss or
potential gain, driving individuals towards violent (extremist) behaviors rooted in com-
mitment to vital ideological values [
15
]. Furthermore, according to the Social Movement
Theory, radicalization is framed as “a set of opinions and beliefs in a population, which
represents preferences for changing some elements of the social structure and/or reward
distribution of a society” (p. 17, [16]). In general, prior to radicalization, individuals often
experience personal and social strain and uncertainty [
17
], making them susceptible to
identification with violent extremists. This identification provides a sense of certainty and
may include justifications for violent actions against others [18].
According to the Personal Construct Theory (PCT; [
19
]), an individual’s cognitive
constructs are integral to their identity. Fear arises as soon as individuals find out that
their cognitive constructs fail to enable them to predict events. This anxiety can be al-
leviated through the modification of these constructs [
18
]. Translated to the process of
(de)radicalization, the PCT model integrates existing models (e.g., cognitive psychologi-
cal models) focused on individual and societal processes and change ([
18
] see Figure 1).
According to the proposed model, radicalization is preceded by the presence of various
strains (e.g., family dynamics, rejection, humiliation, or other perceived grievances) that
contribute to a sense of insecurity by undermining existing cognitive constructs [
10
,
18
].
When cognitive constructs are rapidly invalidated, individuals become deprived of a cog-
nitive structure to anticipate and understand events, resulting in feelings of fear, sadness,
rage, or emptiness. The only resource of cognitive reconstruction is to construct the person
or event on the opposite end of the construct dimension (e.g., “if the government is not
good, it must be bad”). This new cognitive construct may involve an extremely negative
perception of the other group [
18
]. Individuals who adopt this new cognitive construct
often restrict their existing social contacts and actively seek connections with violent ex-
tremists who share similar constructs [
10
]. Becoming a member of this new group of violent
extremists is termed “identity fusion” [
18
]. In this, individuals share the same cognitive
constructs, view the same out-group negatively, and benefit from social support and a sense
of unity within the violent extremist group [
10
,
18
]. Some radicalized individuals engage
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 3 of 23
in violent extremist acts to align more closely with their new role, particularly when they
perceive themselves as warriors or martyrs, leading to unwavering commitment without
considering alternatives [
18
]. When individuals who see themselves as gentle commit
violent acts, they may experience guilt. However, when violence is embedded in their
cognitive construct as something worthy or an ultimate life goal, such guilt is mitigated.
These radical cognitive constructs persist as long as individuals ignore invalidation. This
often propels individuals further into violent extremism, as it provides a feeling of cer-
tainty within their self-construct. Seeing themselves as non-violent would conflict with
their existing construct. Disengagement from extremism can also be explained within the
framework of the PCT model. It may occur when individuals experience major invalidation
of their radical cognitive constructs or when alternative cognitive constructs are available
and validated by like-minded individuals [18].
Behav.Sci.2023,13,xFORPEERREVIEW3of25
engageinviolentextremistactstoalignmorecloselywiththeirnewrole,particularly
whentheyperceivethemselvesaswarriorsormartyrs,leadingtounwaveringcommit-
mentwithoutconsideringalternatives[18].Whenindividualswhoseethemselvesasgen-
tlecommitviolentacts,theymayexperienceguilt.However,whenviolenceisembedded
intheircognitiveconstructassomethingworthyoranultimatelifegoal,suchguiltismit-
igated.Theseradicalcognitiveconstructspersistaslongasindividualsignoreinvalida-
tion.Thisoftenpropelsindividualsfurtherintoviolentextremism,asitprovidesafeeling
ofcertaintywithintheirself-construct.Seeingthemselvesasnon-violentwouldconflict
withtheirexistingconstruct.Disengagementfromextremismcanalsobeexplained
withintheframeworkofthePCTmodel.Itmayoccurwhenindividualsexperiencemajor
invalidationoftheirradicalcognitiveconstructsorwhenalternativecognitiveconstructs
areavailableandvalidatedbylike-mindedindividuals[18].
Figure1.Personalconstructheuristicmodelforprocessofradicalizationandderadicalization[18].
Moreover,tounderstandradicalizationtrajectories,itisimportanttoconsiderhow
individualprocessesinteractwiththeenvironment[20].Indeed,theenvironmentfeeds
individualconstructs,forexamplethroughpeersandthemedia.Whenthereisdiscon-
nectionwiththeenvironment,personalconstructscanleadtohostilityandradicalization.
Here,itisimportanttocapturethetimingoftheseeventsandtohighlightthatmanyof
theseinteractionsoccurdifferentlyacrosshumandevelopment[21].
1.2.DevelopmentofViolentExtremistBehaviorinRadicalizationProcesses
Furthermore,researchhighlightsotherfactorscontributingtoradicalizationpro-
cesses.Thesefactorsincludepersonalorsocialcrises,psychologicalvulnerability,orre-
wards[22],andproblematichomesituations,suchascomingfromabrokenhomeorbe-
ingexposedtoparentalconflict[21,23–25].Inadditiontopersonalfactors,environmental
factorsalsoplayaroleinradicalizationprocesses.Forinstance,discrimination,marginal-
ization,andstigmatizationareimportanttriggersforradicalization[21]andhavebeen
associatedwithperceivedthreatstotheMuslimcommunityanddisconnectionfrom
Figure 1. Personal construct heuristic model for process of radicalization and deradicalization [18].
Moreover, to understand radicalization trajectories, it is important to consider how
individual processes interact with the environment [
20
]. Indeed, the environment feeds
individual constructs, for example through peers and the media. When there is discon-
nection with the environment, personal constructs can lead to hostility and radicalization.
Here, it is important to capture the timing of these events and to highlight that many of
these interactions occur differently across human development [21].
1.2. Development of Violent Extremist Behavior in Radicalization Processes
Furthermore, research highlights other factors contributing to radicalization processes.
These factors include personal or social crises, psychological vulnerability, or rewards [
22
],
and problematic home situations, such as coming from a broken home or being exposed
to parental conflict [
21
,
23
–
25
]. In addition to personal factors, environmental factors also
play a role in radicalization processes. For instance, discrimination, marginalization, and
stigmatization are important triggers for radicalization [
21
] and have been associated with
perceived threats to the Muslim community and disconnection from society [
4
,
21
]. Fur-
thermore, group norms and group prejudices are often associated with radicalization [22]
for example, emphasizing collective identity, strengthening one’s ideology, and looking at
society from an ‘us versus them’ perspective [
26
–
28
]. Previous studies showed that many
violent extremists in Europe belong to the second-generation of Muslim immigrants [
29
,
30
].
They often seek a balance between their newly adopted practical European lifestyle and
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 4 of 23
the cultural heritage they received from their parents [
31
,
32
]. These individuals carry the
weight of their ethnic and religious backgrounds while also feeling compelled to navigate
between different identities to maintain family connections while integrating into European
society [
31
,
32
]. Identity uncertainty and identity fusion are associated with quests for
meaning in life. Some individuals find answers to these existential questions by engaging
in violent extremism [
32
]. Second-generation Muslims often face more challenges than their
parents, who often maintain a strong ethnic identity [
33
]. Situations such as banning the
covering of women’s faces is difficult for many in this group. From a European perspective,
security is often the main concern, whereas from a Muslim perspective, such bans are seen
as infringing on fundamental rights, leading to feelings of discrimination [
31
]. Negative
portrayals of Muslims can further lead to more sympathy for violent radicalization [32].
A study examining 135 forensic biographies of terrorists in the United States showed
that alongside changes in cognitive constructs, as described by the PCT, there are also
shifts in behavioral patterns during radicalization processes [
3
]. This study identified four
distinct phases of behavior within the radicalization processes. In general, radicalization
processes begin with a pre-radicalization phase in which perception of deprivation, factors
such as trauma, or other adverse circumstances prompt an individual to seek answers,
belonging, or purpose in life [
3
]. Seeking general information about religion could provide
answers to life questions [
28
]. In this phase, a cognitive opening occurs that increases
vulnerability and susceptibility to new ways of thinking [
3
,
34
,
35
]. The pre-radicalization
phase is often followed by the first phase, lifestyle adaptation, in which, for example,
radicalized views are spread to inspire others [
3
]. The second phase, called extremist
engagement, means that like-minded people are sought out to spend time with (both
online and offline). Black-and-white and us-against-them thinking is mainly formed in
this phase, and justification for violent acts is formed [
3
,
28
,
34
]. In the third phase, namely
the preparation for violence phase, an individual will bypass inhibition mechanisms to
engage in violent behavior [
3
,
28
,
34
]. These mechanisms are circumvented by ingroup and
outgroup categorization and by distancing the ingroup from the perceived enemy [
28
].
Figure 2provides a systematic overview of these four phases of the radicalization process.
This model describes behavioral changes in radicalized individuals. The model does not
provide indications about which individuals move to the next phase of behavior under
which circumstances [3].
Behav.Sci.2023,13,xFORPEERREVIEW4of25
society[4,21].Furthermore,groupnormsandgroupprejudicesareoftenassociatedwith
radicalization[22]forexample,emphasizingcollectiveidentity,strengtheningone’side-
ology,andlookingatsocietyfroman‘usversusthem’perspective[26–28].Previousstud-
iesshowedthatmanyviolentextremistsinEuropebelongtothesecond-generationof
Muslimimmigrants[29,30].Theyoftenseekabalancebetweentheirnewlyadoptedprac-
ticalEuropeanlifestyleandtheculturalheritagetheyreceivedfromtheirparents[31,32].
Theseindividualscarrytheweightoftheirethnicandreligiousbackgroundswhilealso
feelingcompelledtonavigatebetweendifferentidentitiestomaintainfamilyconnections
whileintegratingintoEuropeansociety[31,32].Identityuncertaintyandidentityfusion
areassociatedwithquestsformeaninginlife.Someindividualsfindanswerstothese
existentialquestionsbyengaginginviolentextremism[32].Second-generationMuslims
oftenfacemorechallengesthantheirparents,whooftenmaintainastrongethnicidentity
[33].Situationssuchasbanningthecoveringofwomen’sfacesisdifficultformanyinthis
group.FromaEuropeanperspective,securityisoftenthemainconcern,whereasfroma
Muslimperspective,suchbansareseenasinfringingonfundamentalrights,leadingto
feelingsofdiscrimination[31].NegativeportrayalsofMuslimscanfurtherleadtomore
sympathyforviolentradicalization[32].
Astudyexamining135forensicbiographiesofterroristsintheUnitedStatesshowed
thatalongsidechangesincognitiveconstructs,asdescribedbythePCT,therearealso
shiftsinbehavioralpaernsduringradicalizationprocesses[3].Thisstudyidentifiedfour
distinctphasesofbehaviorwithintheradicalizationprocesses.Ingeneral,radicalization
processesbeginwithapre-radicalizationphaseinwhichperceptionofdeprivation,fac-
torssuchastrauma,orotheradversecircumstancespromptanindividualtoseekanswers,
belonging,orpurposeinlife[3].Seekinggeneralinformationaboutreligioncouldprovide
answerstolifequestions[28].Inthisphase,acognitiveopeningoccursthatincreasesvul-
nerabilityandsusceptibilitytonewwaysofthinking[3,34,35].Thepre-radicalization
phaseisoftenfollowedbythefirstphase,lifestyleadaptation,inwhich,forexample,rad-
icalizedviewsarespreadtoinspireothers[3].Thesecondphase,calledextremistengage-
ment,meansthatlike-mindedpeoplearesoughtouttospendtimewith(bothonlineand
offline).Black-and-whiteandus-against-themthinkingismainlyformedinthisphase,
andjustificationforviolentactsisformed[3,28,34].Inthethirdphase,namelytheprepa-
rationforviolencephase,anindividualwillbypassinhibitionmechanismstoengagein
violentbehavior[3,28,34].Thesemechanismsarecircumventedbyingroupandoutgroup
categorizationandbydistancingtheingroupfromtheperceivedenemy[28].Figure2
providesasystematicoverviewofthesefourphasesoftheradicalizationprocess.This
modeldescribesbehavioralchangesinradicalizedindividuals.Themodeldoesnotpro-
videindicationsaboutwhichindividualsmovetothenextphaseofbehaviorunderwhich
circumstances[3].
Figure2.NYPD-model[3].aDurationofphasesdiffersperindividual.
Figure 2. NYPD-model [3]. aDuration of phases differs per individual.
Taken together, certain critical factors, such as strain and uncertainty, play an important
role and can open the door to violent extremist ideologies. When an alternative, radical
belief system offers a sense of certainty or a perception of having nothing to lose because of
limited social connections, it can potentially lead individuals towards engaging in violent
extremist behaviors [10,18].
1.3. Differences in Radicalization Processes between Male and Female Violent Extremists
Men and women can both react to strains with anger. However, men have been shown
to face other types of strains than women. Men are more often subject to financial strain
or interpersonal conflict, whereas women more often have strains involving high levels
of social control [
36
]. Anger in women is expressed more often with feelings of depres-
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 5 of 23
sion, anxiety, and guilt, whereas in men it is more often expressed with aggression [
36
].
Furthermore, females do have better prosocial skills due to greater verbal ability and
differential socialization by peers and parents [
37
]. Previous studies have also identified
other unique aspects of female violent extremists (e.g., [
38
–
41
]. example, young Muslim
women in Western societies may experience feelings of being different [
42
] and often lack
social bonds with family or friends [
43
], which can create a sense of insecurity. These
feelings of disconnection from society can give rise to a desire for sisterhood [
42
–
44
]. When
radical thoughts are shared, a different worldview can emerge and a social identity can be
developed that creates us-against-them thinking [
18
,
42
]. This social learning [
44
] related
to radicalization processes can make individuals more prone to violent extremism [
45
,
46
].
Group membership can thus influence how one thinks about individuals and the world and
how one feels and behaves in that process [
47
]. Belonging to a group is also an important
source of pride and self-esteem observed in left-wing [
48
] and right-wing women [
49
].
Next to this, women may also join violent extremist groups to gain status, pride, freedom,
social identity, self-esteem, and a sense of purpose. Studies show that revenge after a
significant loss is an important motivation for violent extremism in women [
41
,
50
], whereas
ideological factors, improving social status, and monetary rewards are more common in
men [
39
,
41
]. Especially in patriarchal societies, perceived gender inequality and feelings of
strain are the driving factors for radicalization in women [51].
1.4. Current Study
Previous analyses of radicalization processes argue that a state of uncertainty can in-
crease susceptibility to associating with radical groups, including us-against-them thinking,
giving a new sense of certainty and recognition [
18
]. Radicalization processes include four
phases of behavior patterns and can lead to justification of violent extremism against the
other group [
3
]. The aim of this study is to investigate these underlying mechanisms of
radicalization processes in female and male violent extremists. The main research question
is: “Which transition points, involving changes in cognitive constructs according to the
PCT and changes in behavioral patterns following the four-phase model, can be identified
among individuals, both men and women, residing in Dutch terrorism wings?”. The
second research question is: “What are the differences in these transition points between
men and women?”. As previously mentioned, prior research showed variances in the
radicalization processes between men and women. It is hypothesized that women are
more likely than men to experience social isolation and feelings of loneliness, whereas
men are more inclined to pursue status and engage in ideologies legitimizing violence.
Consequently, we thus expect that transition points for women will be related to feelings of
loneliness and a lack of social connection, while those for men will be connected to a pursuit
of status. It is noteworthy that a majority of existing research on violent extremism has
focused on male samples [
5
]. Getting more insight into discrepancies in the radicalization
processes between men and women can contribute to the development of gender-specific
deradicalization interventions and policies to adequately respond to radicalization [
52
]
and to prevent future violent extremism by women [
7
,
8
]. In this study, we adopted a
person-centered perspective and assumed that trigger factors at the individual level can
increase susceptibility to alternative worldviews and, in the case of radicalization and
extreme ideologies, thereby initiate a process toward violent extremism [
34
]. To this end,
we examined specific processes (changes in cognitive constructs and behavioral patterns)
that may lead to violent extremism and addressed differences between female and male
detainees residing in Dutch terrorism wings.
In contrast to traditional ‘variable-oriented’ (quantitative) approaches dominant in the
social sciences [
12
,
53
,
54
], we opted for a person-centered (qualitative) perspective in which
patterns of relevant personal characteristics could be investigated [
21
,
54
]. The person-
centered perspective adopted in this study takes an exploratory and descriptive approach,
focusing on examining the development of the radicalization process in individuals in a
detailed manner rather than through quantitative methods [
53
]. In the current study, we
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 6 of 23
have reconstructed the biographies of 13 male and 13 female detainees residing in Dutch
terrorism wings. These reconstructions are based on retrospective file research, encom-
passing a wealth of data sources. Our dataset comprises criminal records, police reports,
and probation reports. In addition, we had access to prison files, including mental health
status and behavioral assessments, such as psychological and psychiatric assessments, staff
observations, file information, Violent Extremism Risk Assessment reports, and informa-
tion from relatives. Furthermore, the prison files included individual and group analyses
conducted by a professional with extensive knowledge of cultural backgrounds, extremist
ideologies, and the Arabic language. This expert actively participated in multidisciplinary
meetings regarding the detainees and provided valuable insights into their behavior within
the context of (sub)cultures, religion, and language. With these extensive sources of data,
we were able to reconstruct the biographies of these radicalized individuals. This recon-
struction made it possible to investigate person-environment interactions, sequences of
actions or behavioral patterns, and individual change over time [53].
2. Materials and Methods
2.1. Study Sample
In the period 2014 to 2022, 14 female detainees resided in the Dutch terrorism wings of
the Vught prison facility. Thirteen of them were suspected or convicted of jihadist violent
extremist offenses. Ages ranged from 23 to 46 years (M= 31.62, SD = 6.31) at the time of
placement in the terrorism wings. One right-wing extremist woman was excluded from the
study because right-wing extremism was not the focus of the study, and its inclusion would
harm the homogeneity of the study sample. To investigate gender-specific characteristics
and transitions, 13 comparable jihadist men were selected from the total jihadist male
population (N= 124) who stayed in the Vught facility between 2014 and 2022. These men
were aged between 25 and 40 years (M= 31.15, SD = 4.08). The matching of female and male
detainees was based on age in accordance with existing literature indicating differences in
characteristics between foreign fighters and homegrown terrorists (e.g., [
3
]). They were also
matched by the type of terrorist act for which they were suspected or convicted, because
trajectories throughout the life course may vary depending on the type of offender [
55
,
56
].
The index crimes of the women and men together included twelve returned Dutch
foreign fighters, eight individuals who attempted to travel to Syria or Iraq, two individuals
involved in sedition or propaganda, two individuals involved in financing terrorism, and
two individuals who were members of a terrorist organization. See Table 1for a detailed
overview of the socioeconomic characteristics of the sample.
Table 1. Characteristics of women compared to men on generic demographic information.
Variable Male (n= 13) Female (n= 13)
Average age 31.2 years 32.4 years
Born in
Netherlands 61.5% 69.2%
Morocco 15.4% 0.0%
Middle East 23.1% 15.4%
Russia 0.0% 7.7%
Romania 0.0% 7.7%
Divorced parents
No 61.5% 61.5%
Yes 38.5% 38.5%
Criminal antecedents
No 46.2% 84.6%
Yes 53.8% 15.4%
Violent crimes 30.8% 7.7%
DSM-5 diagnosis
No 62.0% 77.0%
Yes 38.0% 23.0%
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 7 of 23
2.2. Measures
Radicalization process and transitions. Central to the study was the reconstruction and
analysis of narratives through a process of constant case comparison [
57
]. While applying
this method, it is important that comparison is a frequent and constant process and not
just a phase to be completed at the end of the analysis. See Section 2.4 data analyses for
an in-depth description of the data collection form and the indicators that are used in
this study.
2.3. Procedure
Violent extremist detainees have a special security status in the Dutch detention system.
They can have a major societal impact because of their potential threats to public safety.
Therefore, all violent extremist detainees undergo a standard comprehensive assessment.
During this assessment, intra- and interpersonal dynamics of detainees are inventoried,
and it is investigated what interventions are needed to reduce potential intramural safety
risks and reduce the recidivism risk. The intrapersonal dynamics within a terrorism wing
provide information on the group dynamics among detainees, such as identifying those
susceptible to influence or recognizing charismatic leaders. The interpersonal dynamics
pertain to shifts in an individual’s cognition and behavior changes over time or in response
to different situations.
In this study, we used data collected as part of the regular detention process. This
study was approved by the Ethics Review Board of Tilburg University. Because of the high
confidentiality of the data, the Data Protection Office of Tilburg University checked the
data protection and data management. Informed consent was not used because it was
not possible to trace all detainees (at the time of study, most of them had been released
from prison), and there was a high risk of selection bias because of the nature of the study
content and population. Based on the General Data Protection Regulation and Dutch
privacy legislation, the data can be used because this research serves a public interest. In
this case, Article 14.5(b) applies because informing the detainees would interfere with the
research and appropriate measures were taken to protect the detainees’ rights. The Ethics
Review Board decided that a public statement was not required or desirable because of the
sensitivity and relevance of this research and the potential danger of informing the subjects.
All data were processed anonymously and are not traceable to individuals.
2.4. Data Analyses
Descriptive statistics were computed in IBM SPSS, version 28.0 for socio-demographic,
psychopathological, criminal, and socio-cultural characteristics. Next, we reconstructed the
biographies of 13 male and 13 female detainees staying at Dutch terrorism wings. From
the available data (consisting of criminal and police records, probation reports, and prison
files), we subtracted information according to an a priori list of subject characteristics (see
Table 2). Our data extraction was guided by a predetermined list of subject characteristics
(see Table 2). The indicators and categories in this format are drawn from previous research,
specifically factors associated with the personal transitions and trajectories of radicalization
and deradicalization [
18
], indicators from Violent Extremist Risk Assessment 2R [
58
,
59
],
and findings from a systematic review on risk and protective factors of female violent
extremists [
60
]. These studies were chosen for their exploration of relevant factors in
radicalization processes, encompassing changes in cognitive constructs and accompanying
shifts in behavioral patterns. Furthermore, these identified factors align with research on
transition points in radicalization processes (e.g., [
7
,
54
]). The data collection format was
discussed by the first and fourth authors and specified after discussion. See Table 3for a
specification per item.
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 8 of 23
Table 2. Data collection form.
Item Source Response
General variables
Gender TULP
Date of birth TULP
Index delict TULP
All available sources, mention all sources
Personal variables
Education JD online
Religion/ethnicity TULP
(Number of) siblings JD online
Marital status JD online
(Number of) children JD online, justice file, prison file
Generation migrants JD online, justice file
Behavioral/mental health problems Justice and prison file
Criminal antecedents JD online, justice file
Housing situation time of index delict JD online, justice file
Devotion to ideology that justifies violence
JD online, justice and prison file
Religious conflict and seeking (new)
religion/radical beliefs Justice and prison file
Negative feelings (insecurity, uncertainty,
loneliness, helplessness) Justice and prison file
Heroism Justice and prison file
Hostility (national identity) VERA-2R/Justice file
Rejection social norms/values VERA-2R
Adoption other norms/values
JD online, justice and prison file
Search for significance/meaning (making
a difference) VERA-2R
Search for status (pride, self-importance,
recognition) VERA-2R
Search for sensation/excitement VERA-2R
Search for revenge Justice and prison file
Search for identity/identity struggles Justice and prison file
Expressed emotions (frustration, anger) in
response to perceived injustice VERA-2R
Seeking rewards (emotional, moral, monetary)
JD online, justice and prison file
Crisis (personal, socio-cultural, economic)
JD online, justice and prison file
Loss of significance (e.g., loss of loved ones)
JD online, justice and prison file
Humiliation
JD online, justice and prison file
Lack of empathy and understanding for the other
group/negative construction of the other group VERA-2R
Susceptibility to influence, direction
or indoctrination VERA-2R
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 9 of 23
Table 2. Cont.
Item Source Response
Positive prospects (e.g., mothers-to-be,
employment, stability)
JD online, justice and prison file
Desire normative lifestyle
JD online, justice and prison file
Sufficient status/purpose
JD online, justice and prison file
Situational variables
Dysfunctional family dynamics (broken or loose
family, lack of affection from parents, divorced,
conflicted, or absent parents)
JD online, justice and prison file
Network of family/friends/acquaintances
involved with (extremist) organization VERA-2R
Personal contact with violent extremists VERA-2R
Anomie/strain (e.g., patriarchy,
economic situation)
JD online, justice and prison file
Experienced trauma/neglect
JD online, justice and prison file
Social rejection/isolation/unacceptance
JD online, justice and prison file
Familial or personal adversity (e.g.,
discrimination, relationship problems)
JD online, justice and prison file
Disconnection from family and friends
JD online, justice and prison file
Family with traditional (gender) roles
JD online, justice and prison file
Escape/repatriation
JD online, justice and prison file
Search for camaraderie, belonging to a group,
social needs/idea of a Utopian society VERA-2R
External threat to (Muslim) community
JD online, justice and prison file
Perceived grievances/injustice VERA-2R
Political crisis/social disorganization
JD online, justice and prison file
Cognitive opening (due to community crisis)
JD online, justice and prison file
Imminent existential threat (community)
JD online, justice and prison file
Coercion
JD online, justice and prison file
Gender (in)equality
JD online, justice and prison file
Reconnecting with family and friends
JD online, justice and prison file
Prosocial surrounding/inclusion/new partner
or friend
JD online, justice and prison file
Support from family members or significant
others for nonviolence VERA-2R
Community support for
Nonviolence VERA-2R
Herinterpretation ideology VERA-2R
Rejection of violence to
achieve goals VERA-2R
Herinterpretation of the enemy VERA-2R
Participation deradicalization programs or groups
VERA-2R
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 10 of 23
Table 3. Specifications of items in data extraction format.
Item Specification
General variables
Gender Male/female/other
Date of birth Date of birth
Index delict (Terrorist) offense for which the individual is placed in prison
All available sources,
mention all sources
Personal variables
Education
Specify highest level of education.
Degree obtained or not obtained.
Specify difficulties in school or with learning.
Religion/ethnicity Cultural background of the individual/their family.
Religious background of the individual/their family.
(Number of) siblings Total number of siblings, describe also half brothers and sisters.
Marital status Specify: married, divorced, engaged, single, relation.
(Number of) children Total number of children.
Generation migrants
Specify generation of migrant (first, second, third).
Asylum seeker.
Status holder.
Behavioral/mental
health problems
Describe behavioral or mental health problems.
Previous diagnoses and treatments.
Onset, duration, coping mechanisms, social support regarding
these complaints.
Describe situational circumstances in which the complaints take place.
Criminal antecedents
Describe previous criminal antecedents.
Previous imprisonments or other sanctions.
Also describe the context in which the antecedents take place (e.g.,
with others, during drugs abuse).
Housing situation time
of index delict What was the housing situation during the terrorist offense?
Devotion to ideology
that justifies violence
Describe whether the individual adheres to an ideology that is well
justified. Does the individual see any limitations to the use of violence
to achieve ideological goals? How long has he/she had these beliefs?
How obliged does someone feel to violence?
Religious conflict and
seeking (new)
religion/radical beliefs
Does someone experience a conflict with their current religion (e.g.,
non-practicing Islamic upbringing but wanting to practice). Does
anyone experience a difference between what society expects versus
what faith expects?
Negative feelings
(insecurity, uncertainty,
loneliness, helplessness)
Does the individual experience negative feelings at any time (such as
fear, uncertainty, loneliness, helplessness)? Describe these moments
and the feelings. How does the person deal with these feelings? Are
there changes in how the person subsequently views themselves,
others, or the world? Does the person involved experience support
with these feelings? How does the person involved interpret these
feelings (e.g., are they due to a certain situation or person)?
Heroism
Does the individual feel that he/she is above others because, for
example, he/she has more knowledge about faith or is a believer
(while others are non-believers)? Does he/she feel superior, and does
he/she believe that certain behavior is therefore justified?
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 11 of 23
Table 3. Cont.
Item Specification
Hostility (national
identity)
Does the individual identify with the national identity of the country
where he/she resides? Does he/she experience any
dissatisfaction/distance about national identity? Is the individual
hostile to national identity?
Rejection social
norms/values
Does the individual accept the social norms and values of the
democratic and pluralistic society in which he/she lives? Does he/she
feel part of this society even though he/she may be against its norms
and values? Does the individual reject certain democratic values and
norms? Does an individual distance him/herself from certain
democratic values and norms?
Adoption other
norms/values
To what extent is an individual involved in other norms and values
(such as those of a radical group/Sharia law). To what extent are other
values and norms adhered to (and are they in conflict with democratic
values and norms)? To what extent does this cause conflicts with, for
example, loved ones or institutions (such as school or work)?
Search for
significance/meaning
(making a difference)
Is an individual motivated to participate in (violent) extremism or to
be part of such a group with the feeling of making a difference or
being of significance? Were there feelings of emptiness or uselessness?
Does anyone feel like contributing to a higher purpose?
Search for status (pride,
self-importance,
recognition)
Is an individual motivated to participate in (violent) extremist acts out
of a need for status? Did he/she previously gain prestige through
(violent) actions? Did someone previously feel worthless and wanted
to eliminate that feeling by joining a violent extremist group?
Search for
sensation/excitement
Is an individual motivated by excitement and adventure to participate
in extremist (violent) acts? To what extent does someone like
excitement in his/her life?
Search for revenge
Was there a significant loss? Was this loss attributed to a specific
person or group of people? This may include deceased loved ones, but
also the infliction of damage by, for example, a government on
Muslims. Does an individual participate in violent extremism to
correct harm?
Search for
identity/identity
struggles
Is an individual motivated to participate because he/she is searching
for who he/she is or where he/she belongs (e.g., Muslim versus
European)? What are his/her norms and values? Does a radical
ideology provide answers to these life questions?
Expressed emotions
(frustration, anger) in
response to perceived
injustice
Does the individual express anger, moral outrage and/or despair as a
result of feelings of perceived injustice (both individually and from a
group context)? What feelings are there towards those who threaten
their beliefs?
Seeking rewards
(emotional, moral,
monetary)
Is there a search for reward? This reward can be emotional (clearly
looking for emotional support), moral (looking for like-minded
people) or monetary.
Describe what is happening and also describe the context in which this
takes place.
Crisis (personal,
socio-cultural,
economic)
Is an individual feeling a high level of stress/uncertainty (crisis)? This
can be personal (for example, because negative life events come
together), socio-cultural, or economic. Describe the crisis as
experienced by the individual. Also describe how someone dealt with
it and whether there were adequate coping mechanisms.
Loss of significance
(e.g., loss of loved ones)
Is there a clear experience of loss of something that was really
important to that person (e.g., the death of a loved one, loss of a
valuable job).
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 12 of 23
Table 3. Cont.
Item Specification
Humiliation
This can be personal or at group level (e.g., against all Muslims)? This
involves a feeling of humiliation. Describe this feeling and also
describe whether and, if so, who is held responsible for this
humiliation experienced.
Lack of empathy and
understanding for the
other group/negative
construction of the
other group
Does the individual lack empathy and understanding for people
outside their own (cultural, religious, or ideological) group? Is there
rigid us/them thinking? Is there moral detachment from people
outside one’s own group?
Susceptibility to
influence, direction, or
indoctrination
Is an individual susceptible to influence or direction by a leader or
person who promotes the use of extremist violence? Has the
individual often been very influenced by others?
Positive prospects (e.g.,
mothers-to-be,
employment, stability)
Is there a positive outlook for the future, such as for example having a
child, work, home, re-establishing contacts with old friends
or relatives.
Desire normative
lifestyle
Wanting to live a ‘normal’ life can be a protective factor against violent
extremism. Does the individual have the desire to live a ‘normal’ life?
Does he/she want to focus on the role of parent to their children?
Does he/she want to finish school or find a job?
Sufficient
status/purpose
Is there a sufficient sense of status and purpose in life? Does an
individual feel that he/she is useful or valuable? Is the self-image
sufficiently strong?
Situational variables
Dysfunctional family
dynamics (broken or
loose family, lack of
affection from parents,
divorced, conflicted or
absent parents)
Does the individual come from a family with dysfunctional family
dynamics? Examples include divorced parents, emotional neglect,
arguments between parents, absent parents, alcohol, or drug use
by parents).
Network of fam-
ily/friends/acquaintances
involved with
(extremist) organization
Does the individual have a network of family, friends, or associates
involved in violent extremist organizations? Who is it about? What is
the nature of the relationship? What does it mean for the individual
that a loved one is involved in such an organization?
Personal contact with
violent extremists
Does the person concerned have contact with violent extremists? Is
this online or offline? How many people are involved? What is the
relationship to these people? How sustainable are the relationships?
Where did he/she meet this person?
Anomie/strain (e.g.,
patriarchy, economic
situation)
Is there strain due to, for example, the patriarchy of the economic
situation of a country?
Experienced
trauma/neglect
Does the individual have traumatic experiences throughout his or her
life? Is there emotional or physical neglect? Describe the experiences.
How did the individual deal with it? What meaning has the
individual given these events?
Social
rejection/isolation/
unacceptance
Is there social rejection, isolation, or unacceptance during life? Is the
individual part of a minority group? Has there been bullying
behavior? Or a strong feeling of loneliness?
Familial or personal
adversity (e.g.,
discrimination,
relationship problems)
Did the individual experience personal setbacks (such as relationship
problems, losing a job)? Were there any setbacks within the family?
Also consider a feeling of being disadvantaged/discriminated
by others.
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 13 of 23
Table 3. Cont.
Item Specification
Disconnection from
family and friends
Is there a disconnect or problems in the relationship with family and
friends? For example, by gaining other (radical) friends or by no
longer agreeing on norms and values, which causes arguments.
Describe the nature of the disconnection/problems.
Family with traditional
(gender) roles
Are there clear and traditional gender roles within the individual’s
family and family? Describe what these looks like and what their
effect is on the individual. What does the individual think of these
roles? Does he/she experience limitations because of this?
Escape/repatriation
Is there an escape or repatriation from a violent extremist group or
from Syria? Is the person involved happy with this? How long has
he/she wanted this? Why? Has someone been forcibly placed in a
re-education camp? How does he/she look back on this?
Search for camaraderie,
belonging to a group,
social needs/idea of a
utopian society
Is the individual motivated by a desire for camaraderie and belonging
to a group to participate in extremist acts? Is the person concerned
sensitive to social pressure? How important is it to be part of such a
group and what benefits does it bring to the individual?
External threat to
(Muslim) community
Does the individual or the group to which he/she belongs experience
a strong external threat against their in-group (Muslims)? Who is
causing the threat?
Perceived
grievances/injustice
Does the individual have grievances or perceived injustice about
political, religious, or social matters (either individually or from a
group context)? What do these grievances consist of? Who
causes these?
Political crisis/social
disorganization
Is there a political crisis or social disorganization? Consider countries
where civil wars take place.
Cognitive opening (due
to community crisis)
Is there a cognitive opening for violent extremism because there is a
community crisis? Describe the cognitive opening and the context.
Imminent existential
threat (community)
Is there an imminent external threat in the community the individual
lives in? Describe the imminent external threat and the situation in
which it occurs.
Coercion
Is there forced participation in extremist acts of violence? There may
also be some degree of coercion. Consideration may also be given to a
significant threat from, for example, a partner or a leader if a refusal to
perform certain behavior occurs.
Gender (in)equality
Does the individual have clear gender (in)equity? Describe how any
gender differences in the environment of the individual are viewed
and what the individual’s view on this is. Is he/she satisfied with this
or not?
Reconnecting with
family and friends
Has contact been restored with family and friends? With whom? What
does this look like? Who took the initiative? How important are these
people to the individual?
Prosocial surround-
ing/inclusion/new
partner or friend
Is there a (renewed) prosocial surrounding? Does the individual feel
like he or she belongs somewhere? Is there a new partner or friends?
Support from family
members or significant
others for nonviolence
Does the individual experience support from family members or
significant others for nonviolence or for leaving a violent extremist
group? What does this support look like? Who gives it?
Community support for
nonviolence
Is there support from the community in which the individual finds
himself for non-violence or for leaving a violent extremist group?
What does this support look like? Who gives it?
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 14 of 23
Table 3. Cont.
Item Specification
Herinterpretation
ideology
Is there a change in values about extremist and rigid ideology; is the
individual considering a new interpretation of his/her ideology?
What does this look like then? What makes someone consider
this reinterpretation?
Rejection of violence to
achieve goals
Does the individual use non-violent means to realize his/her vision
and does he/she reject that violence is justifiable to achieve ideological
goals? To what extent does someone do this?
Herinterpretation of
the enemy
Is there a change in the individual’s image of the enemy? Is the
individual open to considering new alternatives regarding the enemy
image? How did this change come about?
Participation
deradicalization
programs or groups
Has the individual (voluntarily) participated in deradicalization
interventions? If so, was this voluntary? What were they made of?
How does he/she look back on this? Has this caused a significant
change in constitutions or behaviors?
This extraction process was performed by the first and fourth authors and involved a
thorough cross-verification to ensure that no critical information was missing. To maintain
consistency and employ transparent coding rules, each item was systematically described
for every case, as outlined in Table 3. Furthermore, we adopted a constant case comparison
approach, wherein we compared the items across all cases during the coding phase. The
continuous comparison of cases involved comparing individual cases through the process of
coding, analysis, and comparison of biographies, by identifying similarities and differences
in biographies, and by detecting possible patterns. In this way, insights were gained into the
themes under investigation, namely cognitive constructs and their transitions. Through this
analysis, we compared the cases of the identified items and screened the factors contributing
to the radicalization process (e.g., ‘’What were factors that contributed to the decision to
travel to Syria?”). As a result, we were able to position the identified factors, changes in
cognitive constructs, and changes in behavioral patterns within the context of the timeline
within the PCT model (see Figure 1; [
18
]). The construction of these timelines and their
subsequent comparisons were overseen by the first and fourth authors. Additionally,
we assessed the corresponding phase within the four-phase model (see Figure 2; [
3
]).
Having established a comprehensive overview for each case, we compared female and male
violent extremists. Next, we proceeded to compare the timelines between male and female
violent extremists.
3. Results
3.1. Patterns in Radicalization Processes and Transition Phases in Female Detainees
Women reported that prior to their radicalization, they had little to no knowledge
of the caliphate declared by ISIS. All but one were born in the 1980s/90s. About half
of the sample (46.2%) were second-generation Muslim migrants. The sample could be
divided into a group characterized by dysfunctional family dynamics (n = 8) and a group
characterized by a stable family situation (n = 5).
Figure 3a provides an overview of characteristics of the radicalization processes and
transitional phases of the first group. Dysfunctional family dynamics included coming
from a broken home, large family responsibilities at a young age, lack of parental attention,
or parents unable to care for their children. In several cases, there was domestic violence
between the parents during childhood. This home situation had a negative impact on
the feeling of being seen, heard, and valued. Women had a pre-radicalization phase in
which there were feelings of uncertainty and a lack of social validation. In adolescence,
this often manifested as identity problems with important questions such as: ‘Who am
I?’ and ‘Where do I belong?’ For some, a lack of social validation resulted in isolation
(sometimes related to the family, but often to society) and was reinforced by negative media
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 15 of 23
coverage of Muslims through campaigns such as ‘the war on terror’. These situational
factors strengthened ‘us against them’ thinking and created a negative construction of the
‘other’ group. This state of invalidity and uncertainty was increased when it coincided
with stressful events such as a relationship break up, disturbed relationships with parents,
and/or being expelled from school. Consequentially, they sought more secure worldviews,
which created a more negative construction of the ‘other’ group and led to seeking out
like-minded individuals. Women in this group were warmly welcomed into their (online)
contact with radicalized peers or future partners. This initiated the phase of lifestyle
adaptation (Phase 1). Further deepening and adherence to the Islamic rules of the faith
had a soothing effect and offered structure, meaning, and belonging. However, this new
way of life also created problems in relationships with friends and relatives who could
not always appreciate or even disapproved of the new lifestyle. In some cases, women
went through the second phase by legitimizing violence for the greater good (especially
in the fight against the Assad regime). They then moved on to violent extremist actions
(Phase 3), for example by joining a foreign insurgency or by providing nonviolent support
for terrorism by fundraising or recruiting for terrorism. In some cases, this engagement
in terrorism resulted in disappointment. Women who returned from Syria or Iraq often
expressed disappointment, resulting in an invalidation of the Islamic caliphate and a
lack of social validation by IS members. The utopian image of the caliphate was not
as they had imagined it. For several women, situational factors were also responsible
for their disappointment, such as marital tensions and dire living conditions (also for
their children) and traumatic experiences during the war. Together with the cognitive
construction processes, these situational factors led to disengagement from extremist
violence. For some, re-establishing ties with old friends and family was a first step in
disengaging from radicalization. Moreover, the desire for a different way of life, particularly
focused on motherhood and education, may have helped in their disengagement process.
The group (n = 5) characterized by growing up in a stable family situation had different
accents in their development than the other group (see Figure 3b for an overview). Their
feelings of not being heard, seen, and valued were independent of the family of origin, but
stemmed from an identity struggle, with questions such as: ‘Am I Dutch or something
else?’ The families of two of the women in this group belonged to a distinct minority
group in their country of origin and were oppressed there. These families came to the
Netherlands as political refugees. The feeling of being a social outsider had been an issue
within these families for generations. This created feelings of uncertainty and formed
a breeding ground for radicalization, the so-called pre-radicalization phase. This group
became disappointed in the Dutch government because, in their opinion, the government
did nothing about discrimination against Muslims. This created a negative image of ‘others’,
which was reinforced by negative media coverage of Muslims. Seeking recognition and
support, all five women came into (online) contact with radicalized peers. Moreover, these
women never married the radicalized peers with whom they interacted, as was the case for
several women in the other group. There was also clear indoctrination by radicalized peers.
So, the foregoing reflects the first radicalization phase, and the lifestyle adaptation was
clearly visible. However, the justification for the use of violence was not reflected in the
radicalization processes of this group. Hence, engagement in violent extremism was lower
compared to the other group. This group seemed to seek more emotional support from
radicalized peers and was indoctrinated more often than the other group. Some prepared
for extremist actions, such as joining a foreign insurgency. The disengagement process in
this group was influenced by the disillusionment of living in the Caliphate and the desire
for a different way of life, focusing on motherhood, education, and re-establishing contact
with family members.
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 16 of 23
Behav.Sci.2023,13,xFORPEERREVIEW18of25
(a)
(b)
Figure 3.
(
a
) From dysfunctional family dynamics to radicalization (n = 8) in women. (
b
) From a
stable home to radicalization (n = 5) in women.
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 17 of 23
3.2. Differences in Radicalization Processes and Transitional Phases between Females and Males
The radicalization processes in the female group differed from those in the male group
in a few aspects. The latter were often known to the police and justice system prior to
the terrorism-related offense (53.8%), whereas most of the women were first offenders
(84.6%), which was certainly the case with younger detainees. Six males grew up with
dysfunctional family dynamics (see Figure 4a for an overview) and seven grew up in stable
home situations (see Figure 4b for an overview). Low self-esteem, perceived discrimination,
and social isolation were relatively common themes in their radicalization process. Feelings
that the Dutch government allowed discrimination often led to hostility towards the
government. Feelings of uncertainty and invalidation were also important factors related
to radicalization. Making efforts to right old mistakes (including previous police contacts)
seemed to be an important factor among men to make lifestyle changes in Phase 1, which
was not seen in women. Men in this group often saw religion as guiding their (new) life,
which provided a more certain worldview. Compared to the female group, the desire for
appreciation or status was more characteristic of men. Instead, women reported a stronger
desire for reward and emotional support. Women were driven more by experienced
trauma, feelings of loneliness, sibling indoctrination, and unsatisfying love relationships.
When comparing factors contributing to disengagement, women had a greater need for
self-sufficiency and education than men.
Behav.Sci.2023,13,xFORPEERREVIEW19of25
Figure3.(a)Fromdysfunctionalfamilydynamicstoradicalization(n=8)inwomen.(b)Froma
stablehometoradicalization(n=5)inwomen.
3.2.DifferencesinRadicalizationProcessesandTransitionalPhasesbetweenFemalesandMales
Theradicalizationprocessesinthefemalegroupdifferedfromthoseinthemale
groupinafewaspects.Thelaerwereoftenknowntothepoliceandjusticesystemprior
totheterrorism-relatedoffense(53.8%),whereasmostofthewomenwerefirstoffenders
(84.6%),whichwascertainlythecasewithyoungerdetainees.Sixmalesgrewupwith
dysfunctionalfamilydynamics(seeFigure4aforanoverview)andsevengrewupinsta-
blehomesituations(seeFigure4bforanoverview).Lowself-esteem,perceiveddiscrimi-
nation,andsocialisolationwererelativelycommonthemesintheirradicalizationprocess.
FeelingsthattheDutchgovernmentalloweddiscriminationoftenledtohostilitytowards
thegovernment.Feelingsofuncertaintyandinvalidationwerealsoimportantfactorsre-
latedtoradicalization.Makingeffortstorightoldmistakes(includingpreviouspolice
contacts)seemedtobeanimportantfactoramongmentomakelifestylechangesinPhase
1,whichwasnotseeninwomen.Meninthisgroupoftensawreligionasguidingtheir
(new)life,whichprovidedamorecertainworldview.Comparedtothefemalegroup,the
desireforappreciationorstatuswasmorecharacteristicofmen.Instead,womenreported
astrongerdesireforrewardandemotionalsupport.Womenweredrivenmorebyexpe-
riencedtrauma,feelingsofloneliness,siblingindoctrination,andunsatisfyingloverela-
tionships.Whencomparingfactorscontributingtodisengagement,womenhadagreater
needforself-sufficiencyandeducationthanmen.
(a)
Figure 4. Cont.
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 18 of 23
Behav.Sci.2023,13,xFORPEERREVIEW20of25
(b)
Figure4.(a)Fromdysfunctionalfamilydynamicstoradicalization(n=6)inmen.(b)Fromasta-
blehometoradicalization(n=7)inmen.
4.Discussion
Thisstudyusedthelife-historyapproachtouncoverturningpointsandprocessesof
changewithintheradicalizationprocessesoffemaleandmaledetaineesresidinginDutch
terrorismwings.Usinga‘person-oriented’approach[21,54],weinvestigatedwhethercer-
tainpaernsarevisibleinthetransitionpointswithintheradicalizationprocessesofthese
detaineesandwhethertherearedifferencesinthesetransitionsbetweenmenandwomen.
Regardingthepaernsinthetransitionpointswithintheradicalizationprocessin
women,wefoundthatperson–environmentinteractionsarerelevantinunderstanding
violentextremism.
PersonalConstructTheorydescribesindividualandsocialprocessesofchangedur-
ingthelifecourse[18]andishelpfulinunderstandingradicalizationprocessesandtran-
sitionalphases.Mostwomenwereadolescentswhenthe9/11aacksoccurredandthe
waronterror(includingtheinvasionofIraq,theArabicSpring,andtheSyrianconflict)
becamesomethingtheygrewupwith.Aftertheseaacks,Muslimsbecamethetargetof
negativeprejudice(e.g.,negativemediaaentionaroundMuslims)andwereconfronted
withdiscrimination[61],whichcreatedanuncertainworldview[18]andabreeding
groundinthepre-radicalizationphase[3].Wefoundthatthereweretwosubgroupsinthe
femalegroup.Womenwhocamefromadysfunctionalfamilysystemshowedmoreexpe-
riencedtraumainthepre-radicalizationphasecomparedtowomenwhocamefromasta-
blefamily.Previousresearchsuggestedthatstressfulfamilysituationsmayindirectly
Figure 4.
(
a
) From dysfunctional family dynamics to radicalization (n = 6) in men. (
b
) From a stable
home to radicalization (n = 7) in men.
4. Discussion
This study used the life-history approach to uncover turning points and processes of
change within the radicalization processes of female and male detainees residing in Dutch
terrorism wings. Using a ‘person-oriented’ approach [
21
,
54
], we investigated whether
certain patterns are visible in the transition points within the radicalization processes
of these detainees and whether there are differences in these transitions between men
and women.
Regarding the patterns in the transition points within the radicalization process in
women, we found that person–environment interactions are relevant in understanding
violent extremism.
Personal Construct Theory describes individual and social processes of change during
the life course [
18
] and is helpful in understanding radicalization processes and transitional
phases. Most women were adolescents when the 9/11 attacks occurred and the war on
terror (including the invasion of Iraq, the Arabic Spring, and the Syrian conflict) became
something they grew up with. After these attacks, Muslims became the target of negative
prejudice (e.g., negative media attention around Muslims) and were confronted with
discrimination [
61
], which created an uncertain worldview [
18
] and a breeding ground in
the pre-radicalization phase [
3
]. We found that there were two subgroups in the female
group. Women who came from a dysfunctional family system showed more experienced
trauma in the pre-radicalization phase compared to women who came from a stable family.
Previous research suggested that stressful family situations may indirectly influence the
radicalization process [
62
]. When children or adolescents do not feel welcome or safe in
their families, they may reach out to other groups that do provide this safety via affection,
Behav. Sci. 2023,13, 877 19 of 23
emotional support, attention, and recognition. For women who came from a stable family,
the state of uncertainty did not have roots in the family of origin, but women in this
group also had negative images of the ‘other’ group (e.g., Dutch government) because of
experienced injustice against Muslims.
In line with previous research, we found that in the lifestyle adaptation phase (Phase 1),
women find it difficult to bond with the society in which they live, creating a feeling of
social isolation [
18
]. Women are thus looking for a community where they are accepted
and where members stand up for each other. In some cases, radicalization can be seen as a
coping mechanism to deal with problems or conflicts in their daily lives. A radical, more
structured, and specific worldview seems to reduce complexity and can accommodate
inner conflicts, while also ensuring belonging to a group of like-minded peers [
18
,
63
]. In
this phase, we found that women from a stable family were more often indoctrinated by
radicalized peers than women from dysfunctional family systems. A consideration is that it
was easy to feed feelings of uncertainty because a negative image of the Dutch government
was already present. Another consideration is that it took more indoctrination to increase
feelings of insecurity to create enough of a breeding ground for the radical ideas of the
radicalized peer group.
In the extremist engagement phase (Phase 2), we found that being part of a radical
network (of friends of family members) was a very important factor for most women.
This is in line with the assumption that radicalization is a social phenomenon and that it
happens with like-minded people who support and influence each other [
18
,
64
]. Women
from dysfunctional family systems showed more frequent justification for using violence to
obtain goals compared to women from stable families. Spending time with like-minded
people could almost be considered a prerequisite for motivating actions (Phase 3; [3]).
Interestingly, in several cases we found that the factors that led to radicalization later
turned out to be factors that led to disengagement [
21
]. What previously provided support
or hope (e.g., promotion videos of the Caliphate) could later lead to disappointment over
unfulfilled expectations. Furthermore, becoming a mother was an important factor for
disengagement in several cases.
Regarding the second research question about differences in transition points between
women and men, the results show that women have a stronger need to belong, whereas
men are more seeking recognition or appreciation. The men in this study often suffer from a
negative self-image that they hope to improve by joining the caliphate as a soldier. We found
that men were often known to the justice system prior to the terrorism offense. Previous
research suggested that earlier contact with police is related to a higher risk of developing
sympathies for violent extremism [
65
]. It is likely that the previous police contact in
those cases contributed to the formation of cognitive schemas and increased feelings of
uncertainty. In contrast, women in our group were more influenced by experienced trauma
and feelings of loneliness. Taken together, differences between men and women were
small. For women and men, belonging to a group was an important pull factor and both
found it difficult to bond with the society in which they live. Feelings of loneliness and
being different in Western societies can lead to insecurity and a need for social inclusion
and attraction to violent extremist groups [
42
]. According to PCT, several factors (e.g.,
perceived grievances) contribute to feelings of insecurity [
18
]. When these factors become
more prevalent, feelings of insecurity increase and can lead to adherence to more radical
beliefs. These radical beliefs (and negative cognitive schemas belonging to these beliefs)
can be further validated through contact with like-minded others and can lead to violent
extremist behavior [
18
]. These underlying mechanisms are the same in female and male