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Normalized “medical inferiority bias” and cultural racism against international medical graduate physicians in academic medicine

Authors:

Abstract

Socio-historical barriers remain a concern in Academic Medicine. Regrettably, despite the modern cultural era defined by increased recognition and response to such issues, widespread covert barriers and misperceptions continue to limit the advancement of many, in particular, international medical graduate physicians (IMGs) who represent a significant proportion of the US physician workforce. Adversity is experienced in the form of cultural racism, affinity bias, and underrepresentation in distinct specialties as well as in leadership roles. Often, these unnecessary hardships exacerbate pre-existing discrimination in Academic Medicine, further marginalizing IMGs. In this article, we discuss the prevalence of “medical inferiority bias” and the resulting impact on US healthcare, specifying considerations to be made from a policy perspective.
Brief Report
Normalized medical inferiority biasand cultural racism against
international medical graduate physicians in academic medicine
Stephen M. Smith, MD
a
,
b
, Vinita Parkash, MBBS, MPH
c
,
d
,
*
a
Department of Laboratory Medicine &Pathobiology at Toronto General Hospital, University Health Network, Toronto, Ontario, Canada
b
Laboratory Medicine and Pathobiology at the University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario, Canada
c
Yale University School of Medicine, New Haven, CT, USA
d
Yale New Haven Hospital, New Haven, CT, USA
ABSTRACT
Socio-historical barriers remain a concern in Academic Medicine. Regrettably, despite the modern cultural era dened by increased recognition and response to such
issues, widespread covert barriers and misperceptions continue to limit the advancement of many, in particular, international medical graduate physicians (IMGs) who
represent a signicant proportion of the US physician workforce. Adversity is experienced in the form of cultural racism, afnity bias, and underrepresentation in
distinct specialties as well as in leadership roles. Often, these unnecessary hardships exacerbate pre-existing discrimination in Academic Medicine, further margin-
alizing IMGs. In this article, we discuss the prevalence of medical inferiority biasand the resulting impact on US healthcare, specifying considerations to be made
from a policy perspective.
Keywords: Cultural, IMG, International medical graduates, Medical inferiority bias, Racism
The last several years have seen a reckoning in Academic Medicine
(AcMed) to address the systematic barriers that have limited advance-
ment and equity for women and minorities.
1,2
There is increasing
recognition that socio-historical barriers (e.g. slavery, segregation, edu-
cation and employment discrimination, voter suppression, stereotyping
and prejudice, etc) limit entry to AcMed for minorities. After entry, a
complex interplay of conscious and unconscious biases with attendant
socio-emotional burdens, and devaluation of achievements limits
advancement and causes attrition and underrepresentation in higher
ranks of women and minorities.
1,3
Thus, in addition to efforts to address
the socio-historical entry level underrepresentation in Medicine for
women and minorities, there is effort to improve representation in
upper-levels and to increase opportunity and support at lower ranks for
these groups in AcMed.
2,4
However, one facet of structural discrimina-
tion in AcMed has gone relatively unacknowledged to date: widespread
medical inferiority biasand neo-racism against the international
medical graduate physician (IMG).
IMGs physician graduates of non-US, non-Canadian medical schools
ll a critical gap in American healthcare delivery and represent ~23%
of physicians nationally and up to 38% in some Northeastern states.
5
International medical graduate physicians disproportionately work in
densely populated, low-income communities and are increasingly
over-represented in primary care and the lowest paying specialties. A
disproportionate number died from COVID-19 from caring for patients.
6
At entry into residency, approximately 60% are foreign citizens (fIMGs),
and 40% are US citizens (US-IMGs)
5
; a plurality of fIMG come from
lower- and middle-income countries, with nearly 40% from four coun-
tries: India (which alone contributes 23%), Philippines, Pakistan, and
Mexico.
5
International medical graduate physicians complete the iden-
tical licensing examination sequence as American medical graduate
physicians (AMGs) and a communication skills test to enter graduate
medical education (GME) training in the US After completion of training,
75% of IMGs join the US workforce, with many joining AcMed, and many
eventually become naturalized citizens.
7
However, despite (often
repeated) US specialty training, the IMG faculty continue to face unjust
barriers to advancement in AcMed, not unlike well-described racial and
gender disparities in this arena.
8
We describe these barriers herein.
Cultural racism and inferiority bias against IMGs: subtle
but prevalent
Historically, overtly,
9
and today, insidiously, physicians, staff, and
patients no doubt representative of the US population at large have
questioned the equivalence of IMGs (particularly fIMGs) licensed and
practicing in the US For example, a recent study on assessment of diag-
nostic competency in Maintenance of Certication (MOC) examinations
among American Board of Internal Medicine (ABIM) diplomates included
IMG vs AMG status as the primary measure of training characteristics
for a cohort of internists who had necessarily trained and practiced in the
US for at least a decade.
10
Despite GME in an accredited US or Canadian
* Corresponding author. Yale New Haven Hospital, 20 York Street, New Haven, CT, 06510 USA.
E-mail address: vinita.parkash@yale.edu (V. Parkash).
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Academic Pathology 10/4 (2023) 100095
Academic Pathology
journal homepage: www.journals.elsevier.com/academic-pathology
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.acpath.2023.100095
Received 15 February 2023; Received in revised form 28 June 2023; Accepted 5 August 2023; Available online xxxx
eISSN2374-2895/©2023 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Inc. on behalf of Association of Pathology Chairs. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND
license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).
program, successful ABIM certication a decade prior, required 2- and
5-year check-ins with ABIM within the decade; state- and institution-
specic mandated licensure/credentialling/continuing medical educa-
tion (CME), and a decade of practice in the US; authors in this study and
many like it choose the country of medical training as the dening
source of potential knowledge decit or incompetence (unsurprisingly,
IMG status was not a factor in physician performance). Surely, after up-
wards of 13 years of training and practice in the US, IMG physicians
should be rightfully and properly categorized, as are their AMG coun-
terparts, as American Internal Medicine Graduates.After all, the very
basis of GME, specialty board certication, MOC, and CME is that un-
dergraduate medical education is inadequate to meet the needs of
modern-day, rapidly changing, subspecialty-based practice of medicine.
9
There is overwhelming evidence that IMGs who have undergone GME
training and board certication perform no differently with respect to
patient outcomes from AMGs.
7,11,12
Yet IMGs continue to be perceived as
inferior in medical training and ability (medical inferiority bias) by the
greater North American medical community. This medical inferiority
biaspermeates medicine at all levels, including the residency-selection
process, job market, and academia.
1318
Some IMGs are forced to accept
alternative careers.
19
fIMGs, unlike US-IMGs who are culturally Amer-
ican,face, in addition, signicant cultural racism the institutional
domination and sense of racialethnic superiority of one social group
over others, justied by and based on allusively constructed markers.
20
A majority of fIMGs are non-white and face both the usual profes-
sional and socio-cultural transitioning challenges of immigrant physi-
cians and also racialization-transitioning challenges (the adjustment to a
newly acquired minority race status) as they move into practice in the
US.
7,21
Despite selection pressures ensuring that only those with high
adaptive assimilation skills remain as faculty, many traits continue to set
the fIMG faculty visibly apart from like-race culturally US faculty
including accents, verbal and nonverbal cues, and non-US cultural at-
tributes that subject them to prejudice.
21,22
Numerous personal stories of
fIMGs voice more hostile and overt encounters from colleagues, patients,
and staff, and data suggest higher severity of disciplinary actions for
like-transgressions.
23
There is potential intersectionality of fIMG status
with race and gender. Nonwhite, IMG women may face greater disad-
vantage from stereotype bias (little brown womansyndrome) than
like-race IMG men and like-race AMG women.
24,25
It is likely that medical inferiority bias is intersectional with af-
nity bias and cultural racism and that it heightens the limitations for
the advancement of IMG faculty in AcMed, especially into academ-
icadministrative leadership roles.
26
Less than 3% of institutional
leadership roles in the top 10 US medical schools (as ranked by US
News and World Report) are held by IMGs. Professional societies also
show signicant underrepresentation of IMGs in leadership roles,
including in subspecialties where IMGs represent a signicant plu-
rality, such as pathology or internal medicine.
27
For example, in in-
ternal medicine aeld where 43% of practitioners are IMG only
11% of residency program directors are IMG.
28
International medical
graduate physicians seem to be largely absent from some national
leadership pipeline programs such as the National Clinician Scholars
Program.
29
Among the most prevalent and insidious communicators of the
inferiorityof the IMG faculty are the blanket exclusion policies for IMGs
from some post-graduate medical training programs (it is worth noting
that while some programs may choose not to have taken on the expense of
H1b visa sponsorship, J-1 sponsorship occurs through the Educational
Commission for Foreign Medical Graduates (ECFMG) and is not at cost to
a residency program),
30,31
the annual ritualistic secreting of IMG faculty
and trainees from residency applicants,
30
and the celebratory announce-
ment of matching of all AMGs.
21,32,33
Beyond creating dissonance for
the IMG faculty with organizational messaging of equity, these practices
delay socialization of AMGs to practicing and working with IMGs and
perpetuate anti-IMG bias.
15,33,34
There is no formal publicly available
data on promotion metrics for IMGs; however, IMGs report discrimination
for advancement.
21,22
Indeed, it is plausible that the differential statistics
for non-advancement of Asian and Hispanic faculty reect the disadvan-
tage of IMG status, rather than race, as these racial groups within Medi-
cine have high IMG percentage.
35
In fact, immigrant bias maywell explain
the illusion of Asian successin science more broadly.
36
Impact of cultural racism and medical inferiority bias on
American medicine
Incongruence between espousedand livedinstitutional theoriesis a
signicant contributor to organizational malfunction and physician disen-
gagement,
37
factors that directly impact on patient quality and safety, and
institutional nancial well-being. Incongruence of diversity between
lower-level faculty and senior leadership rankscreates a sense of lack of
membershipand meaningin work, known factors that contribute to
demotivation, disaffection,and departure fromwork. International medical
graduate physicians report lower career satisfaction in jobs and perceive a
lack of support from colleagues.
38,39
International medical graduate phy-
sicians are generally reconciled with this disadvantaged professional exis-
tence and see it as the cost of being immigrant.
38
This may lead IMGs,
expecting diminishment and non-advancement, to choose to concentrate
their efforts to job-aspects with greater likelihood of success, e.g. publica-
tion efforts. This prioritization of selsh generalizable capitalover in-
vestment in organizational capital(e.g. teaching medical students,
participating in inclusivity work, supporting junior faculty) may be to the
detriment of the parent organization. It reduces the individualscommit-
ment to organization-building and increases the likelihood that competing
organizations will successfully draw this individual away from their exist-
ing organization. Indeed, AcMed may need to consider whether the lack of
equity and inclusivity for fIMGs might translate to early withdrawal from
the workforce and possible emigration to the fIMGs to their native country
for practice and retirement (the so-called reverse brain draineffect).
40,41
Two factors need greater consideration. Although AcMed has
committed to greater inclusivity, it faces an opposing force that un-
dermines an inclusive institutional culture. Market-force-driven mergers
and increasing subspecialization create fragmentation, which requires
adopting increasingly hierarchical structures to get work done. This often
requires organizations to propose organizational culturesthat neces-
sarily adopt values of the majority social culture, which, unfortunately is
not as inclusive of immigrants and minorities and views many non-
majority cultural traits as negatives.
15
Given that middle management
including in medicine is largely locally drawn and US-born, the risks
of sociocultural incompatibility or intolerance are greater.
42,43
This can
result in greater disaffection and disengagement of minority workers.
Thus, there needs to be a focused effort to ensure equity of opportunity
and inclusivity for all, with consideration given to the overvaluation of
the so called soft skillsof management.
Second, and at a national level, consideration needs to be given to the
distribution of IMG slots for residency. Discriminatory practices at entry
into residency are a complex mix of several factors: (1) protectionism for
the AMG US citizens, perceived as the brightest and in whom the
country has already invested so much;
15,44
(2) difculty in accurately
evaluating the medical competency of someone from a lower- or
middle-income country;
45
and (3) concerns about socio-cultural compe-
tencies in the work place and with patients.
46,47
Thus, selective residency
programs simply follow a seeming risk-mitigation strategy of excluding
IMGs from consideration. This strategy, which is at least partially based
in cultural racism and IMG inferiority bias, de facto segregates IMGs into
certain specialties and practice environments. Some specialties now
show large plurality fIMG (e.g. 40.4% of fellows in endocrine, diabetes
S.M. Smith, V. Parkash Academic Pathology 10/4 (2023) 100095
2
and metabolism [(2021 match], and 30.2% of entering residents in pa-
thology [2023 match]).
48,49
This may not be of any consequence; how-
ever, it is worth noting that cultural divides in science are often the
foundation for, a direct symptom of, and continued promoter of classism,
intra- and extra-community distrust, physician marginalization, and lack
of support for a given eld.
50
Intersectionality: cultural racism compounds other
discriminatory factors in academic medicine
AcMed should consider multiple factors that marginalize the work-
force, not only because it impacts productivity but indeed because it is
innately unethical to ignore these factors. Homo sapiens are a complex
and diverse species: arising from extreme backgrounds of varied socio-
economic status; genetically common yet showing variable phenotypes
from birth onwards; nurtured by various mores and cultural identities;
engaging with the world in a myriad of experiences; and developing
arrays of opinions and personalities rooted in both the norm and absurd.
One-size-ts-all solutions often do not work for this species known for
advanced complex thought and reason. Particularly in AcMed a
marketplace of free ideas within medicine which seeks to drive knowl-
edge by embracing novel thinking we should embrace the elements of
diversity that we contend are central to the advancement of thought.
Regretfully, this is simply not the case. In fact, the effects of exclusion
are more severe with increasing differentiating factors for a given
physician. Female physicians are markedly under-represented in AcMed
and leadership roles, even in the modern era.
51
Gendered agism termi-
nates women's options prematurely.
52
But imagine being an fIMG who
must adjust with the aforementioned issues, compounded with being a
female and/or of age? Forget representation in leadership roles or AcMed
basic elements of respect are often noted. It is challenging to create a
level playing eldfor all physicians when those making decisions on
the national level as well as the individual hospital level are of the same
predictable, redundant demographic.
Conclusion
Should AcMed and legislative institutions seek IMG equality? Would
requisite distribution of IMG residency slots across specialties and pro-
grams be a signicantly unfair imposition? We know that the US
healthcare system will be comprised of 40% of these physicians, after all.
Addressing the disparity would certainly be benecial in providing the
much-needed diversity for certain specialties, such as dermatology. It
may also be generally benecial for patients as America embraces
increasing immigration from low- and middle-income countries to offset
the demographic decit secondary by an aging population. These dis-
cussions will need thoughtful consideration.
However, at least as a start, it is imperative that broader academia
stops treating IMGs as second-class physicians. Faculty, particularly IMG
faculty in departments that categorically refuse IMG applicants for
various positions, need to question this behavior. This is not to argue that
departments actively or even consciously are quelling the advancement
of IMGs a glance at any given department's website will surely yield a
statement of diversity and cultural embracement. But the follow-through
of these statements does not match the reality of experiences of IMGs in
AcMed. Institutional and organizational introspection is necessary.
Change begins with engagement of IMGs and recognizing and embracing
the critical role that they play, not just at the national numberslevel.
Declaration of competing interest
The authors have no conicts of interest to report.
Funding
This research received no specic grant from any funding agency in
the public, commercial, or not-for-prot sectors.
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... This was done to improve comparability across rating periods where the rating scales differed across time. Given the importance of foreignborn physicians in U.S. health care and studies indicating that they also experience discrimination, we divided Black, Latino, and Asian residents into separate U.S.-born and non-U.S.-born groups (16)(17)(18). We combined U.S.-born and non-U.S.-born Black and Latino groups to measure overall URiM bias. ...
Article
Background: The 2014 adoption of the Milestone ratings system may have affected evaluation bias against minoritized groups. Objective: To assess bias in internal medicine (IM) residency knowledge ratings against Black or Latino residents-who are underrepresented in medicine (URiM)-and Asian residents before versus after Milestone adoption in 2014. Design: Cross-sectional and interrupted time-series comparisons. Setting: U.S. IM residencies. Participants: 59 835 IM residents completing residencies during 2008 to 2013 and 2015 to 2020. Intervention: Adoption of the Milestone ratings system. Measurements: Pre-Milestone (2008 to 2013) and post-Milestone (2015 to 2020) bias was estimated as differences in standardized knowledge ratings between U.S.-born and non-U.S.-born minoritized groups versus non-Latino U.S.-born White (NLW) residents, with adjustment for performance on the American Board of Internal Medicine IM certification examination and other physician characteristics. Interrupted time-series analysis measured deviations from pre-Milestone linear bias trends. Results: During the pre-Milestone period, ratings biases against minoritized groups were large (-0.40 SDs [95% CI, -0.48 to -0.31 SDs; P < 0.001] for URiM residents, -0.24 SDs [CI, -0.30 to -0.18 SDs; P < 0.001] for U.S.-born Asian residents, and -0.36 SDs [CI, -0.45 to -0.27 SDs; P < 0.001] for non-U.S.-born Asian residents). These estimates decreased to less than -0.15 SDs after adoption of Milestone ratings for all groups except U.S.-born Black residents, among whom substantial (though lower) bias persisted (-0.26 SDs [CI, -0.36 to -0.17 SDs; P < 0.001]). Substantial deviations from pre-Milestone linear bias trends coincident with adoption of Milestone ratings were also observed. Limitations: Unobserved variables correlated with ratings bias and Milestone ratings adoption, changes in identification of race/ethnicity, and generalizability to Milestones 2.0. Conclusion: Knowledge ratings bias against URiM and Asian residents was ameliorated with the adoption of the Milestone ratings system. However, substantial ratings bias against U.S.-born Black residents persisted. Primary funding source: None.
Article
Purpose The Arab experience is understudied because Arabs are categorized as White on the U.S. Census, leading to diminished documentation of their personal experiences. There is also little understanding of the Arab experience and its intersectionality with gender, being an international medical graduate (IMG), and working in academia. The authors studied the experience of Arab women IMGs working in the U.S. academic system. Method This qualitative study used interpretative phenomenological analysis to analyze in-depth interview data from 20 first-generation U.S. immigrant Arab women who were IMGs. Interpretative phenomenological analysis involved data familiarization, immersion, and coding. Codes were grouped into potential themes on the participants’ experience. The authors explored connections between the themes and engaged in reflexive practice through memo writing and team meetings. The study was performed from November 2022 to May 2023. Results The experiences of the 20 first-generation U.S. immigrant Arab women IMGs were as diverse as the Arab identity itself but congruent with some documented IMG experiences. Political turmoil, desire for new opportunities, and career goals were all reasons that led them to emigrate, but cultural differences, isolation from their home countries, and missing family were central to their experiences. Muslim women wearing the hijab or those with heavy accents faced more microaggressions and xenophobia in academic clinical settings. Those in environments that embraced their differences and supported them described less discrimination. They all, however, felt that they benefited from training in the United States. However, they noted room for improving cultural humility in residencies and the need for a more inclusive workplace. Conclusions This study highlights the visible and invisible challenges that affect Arab women IMGs’ experience in the United States. Program directors and department leaders should try to learn about the backgrounds of IMGs and current geopolitical events that might affect IMGs and extend support.
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Background Non-US citizen international medical graduates (IMGs) make up a significant proportion of the physician workforce, especially in physician shortage areas and specialties. IMGs face barriers matriculating in US residency programs. Whether a program reports accepting J-1 visas and sponsoring H-1B visas influences their decision to apply, it remains unclear which institutional factors shape programs' likelihood to consider visa-seeking applicants. Objective We investigated factors associated with programs reporting accepting J-1 visas or sponsoring H-1B visas for non-citizen applicants in internal medicine, the specialty most sought after by IMGs. Methods We performed multivariable regression analyses using publicly available data to identify characteristics associated with reported visa acceptance (J-1 and or H-1B). Covariates included university affiliation, program size, program type (academic, university-affiliated community, or community), and Doximity reputation ranking. Results We identified 419 programs: 267 (63.7%) reported accepting J-1 visas. Among programs that accepted J-1 visas, 65.6% (n=175) accepted only J-1 visas while 34.5% (n=92) sponsored H-1B and accepted J-1 visas. Ranking in the third quartile (vs first quartile) was associated with lower odds of accepting J-1 (aOR 0.12; 95% CI 0.02-0.87; P=.04) and sponsoring H-1B visas (aOR 0.19; 95% CI 0.05-0.76; P=.02). Community status (vs academic) was associated with lower odds of accepting J-1 visas (aOR 0.2; 95% CI 0.06-0.64; P=.007), as was county hospital affiliation vs non-county hospitals (aOR 0.22; 95% CI 0.11-0.42; P<.001). Conclusions While prior evidence shows that most internal medicine programs that substantially enroll IMGs are low ranking, high-ranking internal medicine programs are paradoxically more likely to report that they consider and sponsor visa-seeking applicants.
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International medical graduates (IMGs) have become a vital part of the US graduate medical education (GME) and health care system (HCS) workforce; they contribute to essential diversity that relieves cultural and linguistic barriers to health care. The number of IMGs looking for medical training in the United States. has constantly been increasing in the last decades. The challenges they meet begin long before residency application, continue during their transition to residency programs, through early medical training, and eventually subside in senior years. IMGs' hurdles permeate the themes of navigating the US GME and HCS, adaptation to the US culture, communication skills, racial discrimination, emotional distress, and finances. This article aims to comprehensively review available information concerning the challenges encountered by IMGs in their transition to the US GME and HCS environments.
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Objective Many studies have analysed gender bias in academic medicine; however, no comprehensive synthesis of the literature has been performed. We conducted a pooled analysis of the difference in the proportion of men versus women with full professorship among academic physicians. Design Systematic review and meta-analysis. Data sources MEDLINE, Embase, Cochrane Central Register of Controlled Trials, Education Resources Information Center and PsycINFO were searched from inception to 3 July 2020. Study selection All original studies reporting faculty rank stratified by gender worldwide were included. Data extraction and synthesis Study screening, data extraction and quality assessment were performed by two independent reviewers, with a third author resolving discrepancies. Meta-analysis was conducted using random-effects models. Results Our search yielded 5897 articles. 218 studies were included with 991 207 academic physician data points. Men were 2.77 times more likely to be full professors (182 271/643 790 men vs 30 349/251 501 women, OR 2.77, 95% CI 2.57 to 2.98). Although men practised for longer (median 18 vs 12 years, p<0.00002), the gender gap remained after pooling seven studies that adjusted for factors including time in practice, specialty, publications, h-index, additional PhD and institution (adjusted OR 1.83, 95% CI 1.04 to 3.20). Meta-regression by data collection year demonstrated improvement over time (p=0.0011); however, subgroup analysis showed that gender disparities remain significant in the 2010–2020 decade (OR 2.63, 95% CI 2.48 to 2.80). The gender gap was present across all specialties and both within and outside of North America. Men published more papers (mean difference 17.2, 95% CI 14.7 to 19.7), earned higher salaries (mean difference 33256,9533 256, 95% CI 25 969 to $40 542) and were more likely to be departmental chairs (OR 2.61, 95% CI 2.19 to 3.12). Conclusions Gender inequity in academic medicine exists across all specialties, geographical regions and multiple measures of success, including academic rank, publications, salary and leadership. Men are more likely than women to be full professors after controlling for experience, academic productivity and specialty. Although there has been some improvement over time, the gender disparity in faculty rank persists. PROSPERO registration number CRD42020197414.
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Cultural racism refers to the institutional domination and sense of racial‐ethnic superiority of one social group over others, justified by and based on allusively constructed markers, instead of outdated biologically ascribed distinctions. These culturally constructed markers have included language use, religious practice, immigrant status, social welfare dependency, and the profiling of criminal and terrorist behavior. Moreover, cultural racism is generally associated with more laissez‐faire articulations of “color‐blind” and supposedly race‐neutral state policies and a state that constructs an image of itself as a champion for racial equality. Instead, many emphasize how cultural racism perpetuates more hidden and insidious forms of racial exclusion and inequalities.
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The United States Medical Licensing Examination (USMLE) Step 2 Clinical Skills (CS) was paused in 2020 because of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic and discontinued in 2021. Step 2 CS was an important tool to assess readiness of international medical graduates (IMGs) to enter graduate medical education (GME) in the United States. This article describes the Educational Commission for Foreign Medical Graduates' (ECFMG's) response to the discontinuation of Step 2 CS. ECFMG certifies IMGs who seek eligibility for GME and licensure in the United States. Requirements for ECFMG certification include, among other factors, demonstration of adequate clinical skills and English proficiency, which were previously assessed as part of Step 2 CS. Beginning in June 2020 and during the next year, ECFMG modified the certification process with the introduction of 6 opportunities (pathways) for IMGs to demonstrate adequate clinical skills and a new test of English proficiency. In addition, permanent ECFMG certification is now granted only after the successful completion of the first year of residency, as determined by the program director. The COVID-19 pandemic and discontinuation of Step 2 CS caused a significant crisis for many IMGs who sought entrance into the United States, impacting the careers of those who had planned entry and those who would be eligible for U.S. training and the future workforce. Despite challenges due to the ongoing global pandemic, ECFMG certification continues to allow qualified physicians to enter U.S. GME and ensures that these individuals are ready to begin supervised training.
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Although research finds that international medical graduates (IMGs) fill gaps in US health care left by US medical graduates (USMGs), the extent to which IMGs' career outcomes are stratified along the lines of their country of medical education remains understudied. Using data from the 2019 American Medical Association Physician Masterfile (n = 19,985), I find IMGs from developed countries chart less marginalised paths in their US careers relative to IMGs from developing countries; they are more likely to practise in more competitive and popular medical specialities; to attend prestigious residency programmes; and to practise in less disadvantaged counties that employ more USMGs relative to IMGs. These findings suggest IMGs experience divergent outcomes in the United States based on their place of medical education, with IMGs from developing countries experiencing more constraints in their careers relative to IMGs from developed countries. This understudied axis of stratification in medicine has important implications for our understanding of how nativism and racism may intersect to generate inequalities in the medical profession and in US health care more broadly.
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Background Non-White and female surgeons are underrepresented in academic surgery faculty. We hypothesized that the leadership of major U.S. regional and national general surgery societies reflects these same racial and gender disparities. We suspected that attending a medical school or residency program with academic prestige would be more common for surgeons from underrepresented backgrounds. Materials and Methods Race/ethnicity and gender of the 2020-21 executive council members and 2012-21 society presidents of 25 major general surgery societies (7 regional, 18 national) was assessed. Academic prestige was determined by reputational top 25 programs, identified using U.S. News and World Report and Doximity rankings for medical school and residency, respectively. Results Surgical society executive council members (n = 204) were predominantly White (75.5%) and male (67.2%). The 50 non-White council members were Asian (n = 37), Black (n = 7), and Latinx (n = 6). 14 (6.9%) were international medical graduates (IMGs). 56.4% attended a school or program ranked in the Top 25 (n = 115). Surgical society presidents 2012-21 (n = 242) have been mostly White (87.6%) and male (83.4%). Non-White, male surgical society presidents were Asian (n = 13), Black (n = 9), and Latino (n = 6). Of the 41 female surgery society presidents, 92.7% were White, 7.3% (n = 3) Asian, and none Black or Latina. 13 were IMGs (5.3%). 55.0% of society presidents attended Top 25 (n = 133) schools or programs. The three non-White, female presidents all attended Top 25 schools/programs (100%). Of the 15 unique individuals who were male, non-White presidents, 12 attended top 25 schools or programs (80%). Conclusion Women, non-White surgeons, and IMGs are underrepresented in U.S. surgical society leadership. Increasing racial diversity in U.S. surgical society leadership may require intentionality in mentorship and sponsorship, particularly for surgeons who did not attend prestigious schools or programs.
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Despite improvements in representation of women in academic medicine, the rate of promotion and career advancement remains unequal. Compared with their male colleagues, women report lower rates of personal-organizational value alignment and higher rates of burnout. Particular challenges further exist for Black women, Indigenous women, women of color, and third gender or gender nonbinary faculty. Promoting the well-being of women physicians requires innovative approaches beyond the traditional scope of physician well-being efforts and careful attention to the unique barriers women face. Three wellness-oriented models are presented to promote the professional fulfillment and well-being of women physicians: (1) redefine productivity and create innovative work models, (2) promote equity through workplace redesign and burnout reduction, and (3) promote, measure, and improve diversity, equity, and inclusion. By engaging in innovative models for equitable advancement and retention, it is anticipated that diverse groups of women faculty will be better represented at higher levels of leadership and thus contribute to the creation of more equitable work climates, fostering well-being for women physicians.