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Reforms and Media Depictions of the Death Penalty in Malaysia
Abstract
Malaysia has retained the death penalty for violent crimes and some nonviolent drug offenses. Major news dailies, controlled by political parties in the ruling coalition, have helped justify this stance in the past. This situation changed over 22 months when a new coalition, which campaigned on abolishing capital punishment, took office and sparked renewed public discussion on this issue. Depictions of the death penalty debate were analyzed by conducting a content analysis of two major English-language newspapers, The Star and New Straits Times. Our findings suggest that The Star provided more international coverage and the New Straits Times prioritized domestic coverage. While both outlets provided comprehensive, and sometimes, critical coverage of executions elsewhere, they downplayed the fact that Malaysia engages in the same practice. There was no evidence to indicate that they were pushing an agenda as neither took a formal position on the issue. Content to transmit the differing views on the subject, neither functioned as forums to air nor shaped policy positions. This posture was possibly shaped by preconceived notions of what their readership wants and/or self-censorship—a legacy of past subjugation that will hopefully change when press freedom is perceived as a right, not a privilege.
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This concluding chapter reviews how retentionist countries often seek to justify their use of capital punishment by relying on punishment theories that draw a distinction between the infliction of just punishment and arbitrary and unjust violence by the State. It also examines how the continuing use of capital punishment in Southeast Asian countries has been explained by some experts to reflect the distinctive Asian perception of human rights, being one that oversees the prevalence of community rights over individual rights, thus reinforcing the desideratum of the State to accentuate stringent punishment for offenders who are viewed as rebelling against the regiments of State control.
There has been an undeniable worldwide decline in retention over the last forty years. This chapter, therefore, asks why, despite this inexorable global trend and the universal recognition of human rights, do most ASEAN States cling to retentionist principles and policies? Moving beyond traditional theories on criminal justice, particularly retribution and utilitarianism, this chapter attempts to conceptually unpack the factors used to justify the retention of the death penalty in the region. It concludes that the death penalty situation in the eight ASEAN countries remains rather static and the record somehow reveals a very mixed reality, reflecting the absence of any shared policy on the death penalty among AMS other than the proviso, ‘in accordance with law’. Some observations and recommendations are then made for Member States to consider possible steps towards the abolition of the death penalty.
The death penalty in Malaysia is a British colonial legacy that has undergone significant scrutiny in recent times. While the Malaysian Federal Constitution 1957 provides that ‘no person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty save in accordance with law’, there are several criminal offences (including drug-related crimes) that impose the mandatory and discretionary death penalty. Using Benford and Snow’s framing processes, this paper reviews death penalty politics in Malaysia by analysing the rhetoric of abolitionists and retentionists. The abolitionists, comprising activist lawyers and non-government organisations, tend to use ‘human rights’ and ‘injustice’ frames, which humanise the ‘criminal’ and gain international support. The retentionists, such as victims’ families, use a ‘victims’ justice’ frame emphasising the ‘inhuman’ nature of violent crimes. In addition, the retentionist state shifts between ‘national security’ and ‘national development’ frames. This paper finds that death penalty politics in Malaysia is predominantly a politics of framing.
It has been well-established that, in the USA, the news media contributes to the construction of moral panics regarding the use and users of various types of drugs. In this study, we utilize the moral-panic framework to understand how the media depicts drug use in Malaysia. We used content analysis of two widely read English-language Malaysian newspapers to explore how drug use and drug users are depicted and portrayed. Broadly, we find that Malaysian news media tends to overemphasize legal issues while underemphasizing health issues associated with drug use, drug treatment, and harm reduction interventions. This type of coverage has likely contributed to a moral panic surrounding drug use in Malaysia.
This paper draws upon my doctoral research into the experiences of women who have been sentenced to death for drug trafficking in Malaysia. I utilise this case-study as a lens through which to examine the relationship between women, crime and economic factors. From my data derived from 47 ‘elite’ interviews, as well as legal and media database searches (resulting in information on 146 cases), I argue that current feminist criminological theorising should be updated to incorporate the relationship between women’s crime and precarious work. As I show, precarity is gendered and disproportionately affects women from the global south. Overall, I find that many of the women who have been sentenced to death in Malaysia were engaged in precarious work and drug trafficking was a way to make ‘quick money’ to address economic insecurity. Clearly, capital punishment is incommensurate with the crime.
News media strongly influence how we picture public affairs across the world, playing a significant and sometimes controversial role in determining which topics are at the centre of public attention and action. Setting the Agenda, first published in 2004, has become the go-to textbook on this crucial topic.In this timely third edition, Maxwell McCombs – a pioneer of agenda-setting research – and Sebastián Valenzuela – a senior scholar of agenda setting in Latin America – have expanded and updated the book for a new generation of students. In describing the media's influence on what we think about and how we think about it, Setting the Agenda also examines the sources of media agendas, the psychological explanation for their impact on the public agenda, and their consequences for attitudes, opinions and behaviours. New to this edition is a discussion of agenda setting in the widened media landscape, including a full chapter on network agenda setting and a lengthened presentation on agenda melding. The book also contains expanded material on social media and the role of agenda setting beyond the realm of public affairs, as well as a foreword from Donald L. Shaw and David H. Weaver, the co-founders of agenda-setting theory.This exciting new edition is an invaluable source for students of media, communications and politics, as well as those interested in the role of news in shaping and directing public opinion.
This article offers an overview of the current domestic war on drugs in the United States and the subsequent mass incarceration of individuals. The domestic and foreign drug policy fronts are compared by focusing on Plan Colombia. The cornerstone argument is that a “global war on drugs” is occurring with very similar characteristics to the domestic war on drugs. However, entire countries are being incarcerated in the wake of the “global war on drugs,” with much larger implications.
Indonesia is one of the ASEAN countries that is always struggling with terrorism issues. It has also been the focus of the international news media where terrorism issues are concerned. On 17 th July 2009, once again Indonesia is traumatised yet with another terrorism incident with the bombing of JW Marriot and Ritz-Carlton Hotel in Jakarta. This time Malaysia also becomes a major focus in the international agenda. This is because the prosecution of Nordin Mat Top, a Malaysian citizen who is said to mastermind a series of bombings in Indonesia, is widely discussed in the mass media, both in Malaysia and Indonesia and also at the international level. In this situation how would the Malaysian mainstream media report the story on terrorism in a neighbouring country, when the terrorist himself is from Malaysia? Hence, it is interesting to look at how Malaysia writes about terrorism news in Indonesia especially with this case in point. Furthermore, with a heavy reliance on the international news agencies for international news coverage, will Malaysia adopt the same news frame as created by the international agencies when writing about terrorism issues or will the Malaysian media create their own news frames in dealing with terrorism issues in Indonesia. The purpose of this study is to identify whether Malaysian mainstream media, specifically Utusan Malaysia and The New Straits Times, with different news orientation, language preferences and editorial policies, create their own news frames or subscribe to the frames created by the international news agencies in reporting terrorism issues in Indonesia.
This article focuses on the war on drugs in the Philippines in order to explore issues related to extra-judicial killing, which remains common in many countries that have abolished the death penalty and in many more that retain it but seldom carry out judicial executions. In the first year of Rodrigo Duterte’s presidency (2016–17), thousands of people were killed by police or by vigilantes who were encouraged to prosecute his war on drugs. At a time when democracy is in retreat in many parts of the world, this case illustrates how popular harsh punishment can be in states that have failed to meet their citizens’ hopes for freedom, economic growth, and security.
Since the newly elected Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte took office in June 2016, more than 7,000 deaths have been linked to his ongoing “war on drugs.” Despite international condemnation of extrajudicial and vigilante killings, the statistics show no sign of slowing down and the administration remains firm in eradicating people engaged in illegal drugs. This article inquires whether the Philippine “war on drugs” is an act of genocide using Gregory H. Stanton’s stages of genocide. Based on data drawn from news articles, policy issuances, government briefings, public speeches and available drug-related statistics, this article argues that Duterte’s rhetoric and policies satisfy the stages of classification, symbolization, dehumanization, organization, polarization, preparation, extermination and denial. The analysis in this article hopes to send a message to the international community, civil society and the Philippine government that the human rights situation related to the “war on drugs” in the Philippines needs to be addressed immediately. It also aims to demonstrate the utility of Stanton’s stages in identifying early warning signs of genocide.
This article argues that, in Duterte’s “war on drugs”, state power is exercised through the body in a spectacle of humiliation and violence. The analysis draws from the work of Foucault (1979) on the political value of a spectacle of the body to explain the distinctive character of Duterte’s violent war on drugs; of Feldman (1991) on the use of the body as an object in which violence is embodied to send political messages; of Agamben (1995) on eliminating life supposedly devoid of value; and on Mumford et al. (2007), who pointed to the popularity of “violent ideological leaders.” I argue that, under the Duterte administration, criminals are humiliated and killed in a spectacle of violence that politicises their lives, sending a message that intimidates others. In the process, law-abiding citizens are meant to feel safe, which is seen as likely to increase the newly elected president’s popularity and his power as chief executive. Duterte has thereby politicised life, not only putting criminals outside the benefit of state protection but actively targeting them. Duterte is the first mayor and president to have actively targeted criminals and, in doing so has encouraged other politicians to follow his example. The politicisation of the bodies of criminals is distinctive in Duterte’s form of violence. This article is drawn from data sets of individual killings when Duterte was either serving as or acting behind the mayor of Davao, and compared with cases of drug-related killings since he became president on 30 June 2016. © 2016, GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies. All rights reserved.
It appears to be a time of turbulence within the global drug policy landscape. The historically dominant model of drug prohibition endures, yet a number of alternative models of legalization, decriminalization and regulation are emerging across the world. While critics have asserted that prohibition and the ensuing ‘war on drugs’ lack both an evidence base and legitimacy, reformers are embracing these alternatives as indicators of progressive change. This article, however, argues that such reforms adhere to the same arbitrary notions, moral dogma and fallacious evidence base as their predecessor. As such they represent the ‘metamorphosis of prohibition’, whereby the structure of drug policy changes, yet the underpinning principles remain unchanged. Consequentially, these reforms should not be considered ‘progressive’ as they risk further consolidating the underlying inconsistencies and contradictions that have formed the basis of drug prohibition.
http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/3118/3/Taylor%2C%20Buchanan%20and%20Ayres%20CCJ%20submission%5B1%5D.pdf
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This study focused on news coverage on “Bersih 3.0” by Utusan Malaysia and Malaysiakini. Frames can be divided into five dimensions which are responsibility, human interest, morality, conflict, and economic consequences. A total of 256 news articles were analyzed starting from 4 April to 4 May 2012 using content analysis method. MANOVA test was applied to scrutinize the differences of portrayal of frames by media and event. Overall, there were significant interaction effects based on the prominence portrayal of frames between two media in two different time periods. Responsibility frame was the most prominent frame in Utusan Malaysia during pre-event period compared to post-event period. But conflict frame became the most prominent frame during post-event period compared to pre-event period, likewise for Malaysiakini.
Not many people realize that the mass media carry two significant values in their content. One is the value of arts that very much represents the subjective thoughts; and the other is the value of science, which emphasizes precision, accuracy and accountability. Both values reside in the content of the mass media that very much become a precursor and inspiration for government and society to achieve their goals. Nevertheless, both are contradictory in nature. From the general semanticist point of view the words of science could bring objectivity of the mass media to achievable heights. Whilst the words of arts, which are emotion laden yet exhilarating, could lead to human prejudices or perhaps human enlightenment. Although extremely subjective in nature, the arts denote the artistic creation of man that without them, the mass media could hardly persist. On the other hand, news and information of scientific in nature such as pollution, natural catastrophes, diseases and medical discoveries as well as environmental disturbances highlighted by the mass media are seldom being disputed. Hence, based on a content analysis study of four Malaysian mainstream newspapers, this paper will dwell into the plight of the Malaysian print media in trying to create a balance between arts and science especially in communicating health and environmental issues. From a general semantics perspective, the paper will also look at the use and misuse of words by print media practitioners in imparting arts and science messages.
Since 1996, death sentences in America have declined more than 60 percent, reversing a generation-long trend toward greater acceptance of capital punishment. In theory, most Americans continue to support the death penalty. But it is no longer seen as a theoretical matter. Prosecutors, judges, and juries across the country have moved in large numbers to give much greater credence to the possibility of mistakes -- mistakes that in this arena are potentially fatal. The discovery of innocence, documented here through painstaking analyses of media coverage and with newly developed methods, has led to historic shifts in public opinion and to a sharp decline in use of the death penalty by juries across the country. A social cascade, starting with legal clinics and innocence projects, has snowballed into a national phenomenon that may spell the end of the death penalty in America. © Frank R. Baumgartner, Suzanna L. De Boef, and Amber E. Boydstun, 2008.
This article discusses the contemporary issue of media freedom in Malaysia. First, it discusses the concept of freedom of the press and determines which theories, Libertarian, Social Responsibility, or Authoritarian, are suitable in the context of analysing the real situation of media freedom in Malaysia. Second, by using the list of media freedom criteria from the Department of Journalistic Studies, Missouri University, US, analysis has been done to measure the situation of media freedom in Malaysia. Third, the article tries to show the latest movements and lobbies internally and externally in supporting the media freedom in Malaysia. To conclude the current situation, the Malaysian government has restricted media freedom for the purpose of national security and political stability. However, this article clearly shows that media in Malaysia has been controlled by the government and media companies associated with government leaders for political survivability of ruling government party and leaders to hold the power.
The political messages of newspapers are significantly associated with the substantive political attitudes of a national sample of their readers. Diversity of news perspectives and editorial liberalism show significant relationships to readers' support of interest groups, public policies, and politicians. The relationships vary among self-identified liberals, conservatives, and moderates in accordance with the predictions of information-processing theory. The standard assertion in most recent empirical studies is that “media affect what people think about, not what they think.” The findings here indicate the media make a significant contribution to what people think—to their political preferences and evaluations—precisely by affecting what they think about.
In the 20th century, political leaders and governments throughout the world supported drug prohibition and constructed a global drug prohibition system. They did so because of the influence of the USA and its allies and the UN. This article suggests they also did so because drug prohibition, drug demonisation and anti-drug campaigns were very useful */especially to politicians, the police, the military, and the media. Now in the 21st century, global drug prohibition is facing several overlapping crises. The growth of the harm reduction movement has increasingly pushed drug policies in many countries from the more criminalized end of the drug prohibition continuum to the more regulated and tolerant end. Further, a serious, reputable and ever growing opposition to punitive drug policies has begun to challenge global drug prohibition itself. Finally, drug prohibition appears to be unable to prevent the increasing cultivation, use, and normalization of cannabis throughout the world. Because of these currently unstoppable developments, global drug prohibition is losing some of its invisibility and political invulnerability. # 2003 Published by Elsevier Science B.V.
Substantial work has been done on media's coverage of crime, and particularly violent crime. However, very little work has been done on media's relationship to the death penalty, a topic that presents its own set of complex challenges. This article examines the feedback loop between law and media in the capital punishment context. It first discusses the ways in which the perceived requisites of the media, particularly television, shape coverage of capital punishment. These requisites include the need for immediate, discrete and filmic occurrences, the demand for official sources, and the influence of dramatic conventions like stars and villains, a clear moral, and definitive closure. The paper argues that media coverage governed by these requisites gives short shrift to problems of justice and fairness in individual capital cases, and pays even less attention to broader, systemic problems plaguing the American system of capital punishment. The paper then argues that the administration of the death penalty is, in turn, strongly influenced by the media at a number of crucial pressure points. The feedback loop is especially visible at the legislative juncture, when crime control policies are made; at the prosecutorial juncture, when discretion about capital charging is at work; and at the adjudicative juncture, when both judge and jury must make difficult decisions about sentencing.
We examine sources of variation in possession and use of the death penalty using data drawn from 193 nations in order to test theories of punishment. We find the death penalty to be rooted in a country's legal and political systems, and to be influenced by its religious traditions. A country's level of economic development, its educational attainment, and its religious composition shape its political institutions and practices, indirectly affecting its use of the death penalty. The article concludes by discussing likely future trends.
This Article argues that commercial pressures are determining the news media's contemporary treatment of crime and violence, and that the resulting coverage has played a major role in reshaping public opinion, and ultimately, criminal justice policy. The news media are not mirrors, simply reflecting events in society. Rather, media content is shaped by economic and marketing considerations that frequently override traditional journalistic criteria for newsworthiness. This Article explores local and national television's treatment of crime, where the extent and style of news stories about crime are being adjusted to meet perceived viewer demand and advertising strategies, which frequently emphasize particular demographic groups with a taste for violence. Newspapers also reflect a market-driven reshaping of style and content, resulting in a continuing emphasis on crime stories as a cost-effective means to grab readers' attention. This has all occurred despite more than a decade of sharply falling crime rates. The Article also explores the accumulating social science evidence that the market-driven treatment of crime in the news media has the potential to skew American public opinion, increasing the support for various punitive policies such as mandatory minimums, longer sentences, and treating juveniles as adults. Through agenda setting and priming, media emphasis increases public concern about crime and makes it a more important criteria in assessing political leaders. Then, once the issue has been highlighted, the media's emphasis increases support for punitive policies, though the mechanisms through which this occurs are less well understood. This Article explores the evidence for the mechanisms of framing, increasing fear of crime, and instilling and reinforcing racial stereotypes and linking race to crime. Although other factors, including distinctive features of American culture and the American political system, also play a role, this Article argues that the news media are having a significant and little-understood role in increasing support for punitive criminal justice policies. Because the news media is not the only influence on public opinion, this Article also considers how the news media interacts with other factors that shape public opinion regarding the criminal justice system.
This chapter examines the ways by which authoritarianism and the media affect public perception and support for capital punishment in the ASEAN region by outlining and discussing its tenacious, oft perplexing, support there. Despite the worldwide trend towards the abolition of the death penalty, ASEAN Member-States still seemingly support retentionist principles and policies. This paper, however, illustrates that public support and political stances in its favour are, in reality, neither unconditional nor unnuanced. Drawing from past studies and considering current realities on the ground, this chapter investigates the complex interplay among the issues of capital punishment, authoritarianism, and the media. As observed in recent years, authoritarianism, in one form or another, has crept into the ASEAN region, stifling dissent and threatening the media—which may either be State-controlled or, at the very least, State-suppressed. Following an analysis of such interplay, this chapter then explores various alternatives for framing the capital punishment discourse with the ultimate goal of working against its retention and re-imposition in the long run.
Background: Drug policies aimed at youth often adopt “scare tactics” approaches, which highlight harms of substances to dissuade youth from using them. However, the success of deterrent approaches remains widely debated, and some scholars have cautioned that these approaches may do more harm than good.
Methods: Drawing on a sample of adolescents from the 2016 Monitoring the Future study, we investigated the influence of perceived drug harmfulness alongside several other risk factors for substance use. Logistic regression models assessed the relative influence of perceived harmfulness, access, peer use, and disapproval on youths’ past year use of marijuana, crack cocaine, and powder cocaine.
Results: Perceived drug harmfulness was no longer associated with the use of marijuana and crack cocaine when considering other risk factors. Perceptions of harmfulness were only related to powder cocaine use. In addition, the impact of peer use, access, and disapproving attitudes varied by substance examined.
Conclusions: Regarding marijuana and crack cocaine, we find evidence against the deterrence perspective and show that focusing solely on the harms of using a substance may not be an effective policy approach in reducing the use of these substances among adolescents. Programs may also perhaps increase their efficacy by adopting substance-specific approaches.
Background
In Australia and elsewhere, the impacts of drug prohibition have sparked a critical dialogue about the state of current drug laws. While a range of ‘experts’ have offered their opinion and participation in these deliberations, the voices of the affected community have largely been excluded. This study aimed to gather the opinions and preferences of people who use drugs about the current or alternative models of drug laws, in addition to how they think drug laws could be changed Author Conflict of Interest Declaration.
Methods
In March 2018, four focus groups (n = 37) were conducted with people who were in receipt of social welfare services in Sydney, Australia, where participants were encouraged to share their views about the current drug laws, drug law reform options, and important messages to politicians. Several themes were identified through a thematic analysis.
Results
Models of drug law reform were often understood and expressed in language and constructs different to those commonly used by researchers. Opinions were diverse and there was no consensus on a preferred model, although discussions flowed around decriminalisation, legalisation, and a medical/prescription model; the latter being the preferred approach. Participants shared pessimistic views of the drug laws ever changing, and argued that public opinion would need to adjust for reform to succeed. Furthermore, they argued that the views of the affected community are vital to any drug law reform campaign.
Conclusions
Participants affinity towards a medical/prescription approach to drug regulation was an unexpected finding. This study serves as an important example of the opinions and experiential knowledge of the affected community and this knowledge could be solicited alongside other forms of ‘expertise’ in drug law reform campaigns.
Examining the successful movements to abolish capital punishment in the UK, France, and Germany, this book examines the similarities in the social structure and political strategies of abolition movements in all three countries. An in-depth comparative analysis with other countries assesses chances of success of abolition elsewhere.
This paper explores the influences of worldwide anti-death penalty campaigns in the local institutional environment in China
and its implications for China’s capital punishment reforms in recent years. It found a ‘concentric pattern’ of the dissemination
of human rights values and anti-death penalty activisms may explain the varying attitudes towards human rights and international
activism among different social groups across the Chinese society. Divergent interests of and perceptions held by national-level
and lower-level legal elites are likely to be one of the causes for China to adopt an incremental reformist stance. Further,
this study shows that the Chinese legal elites were poorly informed of the current status of public opinion on capital punishment.
A populist-sentiment-driven administration of capital punishment is closely tied to reliance on capital punishment.
Economic perceptions affect policy preferences and government support. It thus matters that these perceptions are driven by factors other than the economy, including media coverage. We nevertheless know little about how media reflect economic trends, and whether they influence (or are influenced by) public economic perceptions. This article explores the economy, media, and public opinion, focusing in particular on whether media coverage and the public react to changes in or levels of economic activity, and the past, present, or future economy. Analyses rely on content-analytic data drawn from 30,000 news stories over 30 years in the United States. Results indicate that coverage reflects change in the future economy, and that this both influences and is influenced by public evaluations. These patterns make more understandable the somewhat surprising finding of positive coverage and public assessments in the midst of the Great Recession. They also may help explain previous findings in political behavior.
This book provides the first multidisciplinary and nonpartisan analysis of how the United States should decide on the legal status of cocaine, heroin and marijuana. It draws on data about the experiences of Western European nations with less punitive drug policies as well as new analyses of America’s experience with legal cocaine and heroin a century ago, and of America’s efforts to regulate gambling, prostitution, alcohol and cigarettes. It offers projections on the likely consequences of a number of different legalization regimes and shows that the choice about how to regulate drugs involves complicated tradeoffs among goals and conflict among social groups. The book presents a sophisticated discussion of how society should deal with the uncertainty about the consequences of legal change. Finally, it explains, in terms of individual attitudes toward risk, why it is so difficult to accomplish substantial reform of drug policy in America.
This research analyzes local TV news coverage of three Nebraska executions in the 1990s, the first in the state since 1959. The three Nebraska executions allow us to see mass media coverage of the death penalty from four perspectives: 1) media organization routines, journalistic beliefs, and how source selection affected the content; 2) justice was portrayed through a consonant set of social symbols; 3) the public support for the death penalty in this country may have led journalists to avoid tough questioning of public officials; 4) the resulting coverage was a social construction of reality that might influence future public opinion. TV news reports emphasized the carnival‐like atmosphere at the state penitentiary during two of the three executions.
Objective. Researchers have found a distinct difference between expressed supportfor the death penalty (which garners a majority of Americans) and expressed preference for the death penalty over other sentences (which attracts only a minority). Despite the strength of this finding in academic circles, the media tend to cover the death penalty as if it were indisputably favored by a majority of Americans. This article tests the effect of this disparity in coverage. Methods. Using an experimental design, respondents were placed in three groups: Condition 1 read a typical media portrayal depicting widespread support for the death penalty, Condition 2 read a realistic portrayal of the mix of preferences for the death penalty and an alternative sentence, and Condition 3 (the control group) read an article unrelated to the death penalty. Results. Compared to the control group and Condition 1, those who read a more realistic account of public opinion on the death penalty (Condition 2) were less supportive of capital punishment, more likely to think death penalty opponents would talk comfortably about their position, and believed the death penalty would become less prevalent in the future. Conclusions. These findings suggest that the unrealistic media portrayal of public opinion on the death penalty is bolstering a sense of inevitability about the issue.
The Death Penalty: Justice or Injustice
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Death penalty abolishment won't diminish the severity of punishment
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Committee on alternatives to mandatory death penalty hands over report to government
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Indonesians’ support for the death penalty declines with more rigorous survey methods
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Over Half of Malaysians Polled in New Survey Feel Death Sentence Still Necessary
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Nay’ to mandatory death penalty
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Mandatory death sentence abolition needs further scrutiny - minister
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Death, drugs and development: Malaysia's mandatory death penalty for traffickers and the international war on drugs
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