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A Focus on the Voice: Attention as a Unifying Mechanism Underlying Vocal Training and Mindfulness

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This article reviews recent findings from the author’s laboratory that may provide new insights into how habits are made and broken. Habits are extensively practiced behaviors that are automatically evoked by antecedent cues and performed without their goal (or reinforcer) “in mind.” Goal-directed actions, in contrast, are instrumental behaviors that are performed because their goal is remembered and valued. New results suggest that actions may transition to habit after extended practice when conditions encourage reduced attention to the behavior. Consistent with theories of attention and learning, a behavior may command less attention (and become habitual) as its reinforcer becomes well-predicted by cues in the environment; habit learning is prevented if presentation of the reinforcer is uncertain. Other results suggest that habits are not permanent, and that goal-direction can be restored by several environmental manipulations, including exposure to unexpected reinforcers or context change. Habits are more context-dependent than goal-directed actions are. Habit learning causes retroactive interference in a way that is reminiscent of extinction: It inhibits, but does not erase, goal-direction in a context-dependent way. The findings have implications for the understanding of habitual and goal-directed control of behavior as well as disordered behaviors like addictions.
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Objectives Despite being an ancient tradition, meditation has only become a popular inquiry of research over the past few decades. This resurgence can partially be attributed to the popularization of Eastern meditative practices, such as mindfulness, into Western culture. Though the mechanisms of meditation are not yet scientifically well-understood, systems of attention and executive control may play an important role. The present study aimed to examine potential attentional mechanisms of attention-based meditations across studies.Methods This paper examines behavioral measures of attention across literature. Studies (K = 87) that assigned participants to or recruited participants who use techniques common in mindfulness practices (focused attention, open monitoring, or both) were meta-analyzed. Outcomes were coded according to attentional network (alerting, orienting, executive control) or facet of executive control (inhibition, shifting, updating).ResultsMeta-analytic results suggest that generalized attention (g = 0.171, 95% CI [0.119, 0.224]), its alerting (g = 0.158, 95% CI [0.059, 0.256]) and executive control (g = 0.203, 95% CI [0.143, 0.264]) networks, and the inhibition (g = 0.159, 95% CI [0.064, 0.253]) and updating (g = 0.256 [0.176, 0.337]) facets of executive control are improved by meditation. There was significant heterogeneity in attention, the alerting and executive control networks, and the inhibition facet. Studies that taught both FA and OM techniques did not show attentional improvements over those that taught the techniques in isolation. Meditation led to greater improvements in accuracy-based tasks than reaction time tasks.Conclusions This meta-analysis suggests that attention is likely implicated in meditation, and meditation may improve some, but not all, attentional processes. Implications for understanding meditational mechanisms and moderator-related differences are discussed.
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Objectives Long-term meditation practice affects the brain’s ability to sustain attention. However, how this occurs is not well understood. Electroencephalography (EEG) studies have found that during dichotic oddball listening tasks, experienced meditators displayed altered attention-related neural markers including theta phase synchronization (TPS) and event-related potentials (ERP; P200 and P300) to target tones while meditating compared to resting, and compared to non-meditators after intensive meditation interventions. Research is yet to establish whether the changes in the aforementioned neural markers are trait changes which may be observable in meditators irrespective of practice setting. Methods The present study expanded on previous research by comparing EEG measures from a dichotic oddball task in a sample of community-based mindfulness meditators (n = 22) to healthy controls with no meditation experience (n = 22). To minimize state effects, neither group practiced meditation during/immediately prior to the EEG session. Results No group differences were observed in behavioural performance or either the global amplitude or distribution of theta phase synchronization, P200 or P300. Bayes factor analysis suggested evidence against group differences for the P200 and P300. Conclusions The results suggest that increased P200, P300, and TPS do not reflect trait-related changes in a community sample of mindfulness meditators. The present study used a larger sample size than previous research and power analyses suggested the study was sufficiently powered to detect differences. These results add nuance to our understanding of which processes are affected by meditation and the amount of meditation required to generate differences in specific neural processes.
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Mindfulness is often used as an umbrella term to characterize a large number of practices, processes, and characteristics. Critics argue that this broad definition has led to misinformation, misunderstanding, and a general lack of methodologically rigorous research. Some of the confusion surrounding mindfulness is also believed to stem from an undifferentiated use of the term mindfulness and meditation. Mindfulness and all other forms of meditation have been shown to modulate the insula, which is the primary hub for interoception. Some have argued that interoception is foundational to mindfulness and may be the primary mechanism by which one benefits from the practice. However, much like the mindfulness literature, interoception remains broadly defined often without precision and with domain-specific meanings and implications. Research demonstrates that the insula and surrounding neural circuits are believed to be responsible for a number of other functions beyond interoception including attention, awareness, and all subjective experiences, much of which has been linked to the mindfulness literature. It has been assumed that mindfulness produces these neuroplasticity and functional effects. There is evidence that mindfulness and some of its benefits may be better described as increased interoception as a result of the neuroplasticity changes in the insula, and the development of the insula and surrounding neural circuits may cultivate dispositional mindfulness. The purposes of this article are to (1) highlight that it may be more accurate to link many of the identified benefits in the mindfulness literature to interoception and its neurological correlates and (2) propose attentional style as a means to clarify some of the confusion surrounding mindfulness, interoception, and meditation. Different meditations require different attentional styles. Attention can be analogous to a focal point with each focal point providing a unique perspective. Given that all meditative techniques modulate the insula, each meditation can provide a unique perspective from which to investigate complex interoceptive signals that may be unavailable from other meditative traditions. It may prove more useful to anchor scientific findings in the concrete body as a means to investigate those rather than a set of abstract, broadly defined meditative techniques.
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Interoception, the process by which the nervous system senses, interprets, and integrates signals originating from within the body, has become major research topic for mental health and in particular for mind-body interventions. Interoceptive awareness here is defined as the conscious level of interoception with its multiple dimensions potentially accessible to self-report. The Multidimensional Assessment of Interoceptive Awareness (MAIA) is an 8-scale state-trait questionnaire with 32 items to measure multiple dimensions of interoception by self-report and was published in November 2012. Its numerous applications in English and other languages revealed low internal consistency reliability for two of its scales. This study’s objective was to improve these scales and the psychometrics of the MAIA by adding three new items to each of the two scales and evaluate these in a new sample. Data were collected within a larger project that took place as part of the Live Science residency programme at the Science Museum London, UK, where visitors to the museum (N = 1,090) completed the MAIA and the six additional items. Based on exploratory factor analysis in one-half of the adult participants and Cronbach alphas, we discarded one and included five of the six additional items into a Version 2 of the MAIA and conducted confirmatory factor analysis in the other half of the participants. The 8-factor model of the resulting 37-item MAIA-2 was confirmed with appropriate fit indices (RMSEA = 0.055 [95% CI 0.052–0.058]; SRMR = 0.064) and improved internal consistency reliability. The MAIA-2 is public domain and available (www.osher.ucsf.edu/maia) for interoception research and the evaluation of clinical mind-body interventions.
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Mindfulness has transdiagnostic applicability, but little is known about how people first begin to practice mindfulness and what sustains practice in the long term. The aim of the present research was to explore the experiences of a large sample of people practicing mindfulness, including difficulties with practice and associations between formal and informal mindfulness practice and wellbeing. In this cross-sectional study, 218 participants who were practicing mindfulness or had practiced in the past completed an online survey about how they first began to practice mindfulness, difficulties and supportive factors for continuing to practice, current wellbeing, and psychological flexibility. Participants had practiced mindfulness from under a year up to 43 years. There was no significant difference in the frequency of formal mindfulness practice between those who had attended a face-to-face taught course and those who had not. Common difficulties included finding time to practice formally and falling asleep during formal practice. Content analysis revealed “practical resources,” “time/routine,” “support from others,” and “attitudes and beliefs,” which were supportive factors for maintaining mindfulness practice. Informal mindfulness practice was related to positive wellbeing and psychological flexibility. Frequency (but not duration) of formal mindfulness practice was associated with positive wellbeing; however, neither frequency nor duration of formal mindfulness practice was significantly associated with psychological flexibility. Mindfulness teachers will be able to use the present findings to further support their students by reminding them of the benefits as well as normalising some of the challenges of mindfulness practice including falling asleep. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (10.1007/s12671-018-0951-y) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
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Stress and stress‐related mental health problems are major causes of illness and disability. Mindfulness‐based stress reduction (‘MBSR’) is a group‐based health promotion intervention to improve health and the way people deal with stress and life?s challenges. The core ingredient is mindfulness training through physical and mental exercises practiced daily for eight weeks. The mindful non‐judgmental attitude of being present with what arises is practiced in the formal exercises and in everyday situations. This review assesses the effect of MBSR programs on outcome measures of mental and physical health, quality of life and social functioning in adults. MBSR has a moderately large effect on outcome measures of mental health, somatic health, and quality of life including social function at post‐intervention when compared to an inactive control. If 100 people go through the MBSR program, 21 more people will have a favourable mental health outcome compared to if they had been put on a wait‐list or gotten only the usual treatment. These results may be inflated by underreporting of negative trials and moderate heterogeneity (indicating differences between the trials). MBSR has a small but significant effect on improving mental health at post‐intervention compared to other active treatments. MBSR has the same effect as other active interventions on somatic health, and quality of life (including social function). There was no underreporting of negative trials, and heterogeneity (differences between trials) were small for mental health, moderate for quality of life and large for somatic health. The effects were similar across all target groups and were generally maintained at follow‐up (1?34 months). The effects were largely independent of gender and study sample. The effects seemed also largely independent of duration and compliance with the MBSR intervention. No studies report results regarding side‐effects or costs. Effects were strongly correlated to the effects on measures of mindfulness, indicating that the effects may be related to the increase in self‐reported mindfulness. Two thirds of the included studies showed a considerable risk of bias, which was higher among studies with inactive than active control groups. Studies of higher quality reported lower effects than studies with low quality. The overall quality of the evidence was moderate, indicating moderate confidence in the reported effect sizes. Further research may change the estimate of effect. Plain language summary Mindfulness training improves health and quality of life for adults Mindfulness‐based stress reduction (MBSR) is used to improve health, quality of life and social functioning. MBSR has a positive effect on mental health outcomes measured right after the intervention and at follow up. It also improves personal development, quality of life, and self‐reported mindfulness. What is this review about? Stress and stress‐related mental health problems are major causes of illness and disability. MBSR is a group‐based health promotion intervention to improve health and the way people deal with stress and life's challenges. The core ingredient is mindfulness training through physical and mental exercises practiced daily for eight weeks. The mindful non‐judgmental attitude of being present with what arises is practiced in the formal exercises and in everyday situations. This review assesses the effect of MBSR programs on outcome measures of mental and physical health, quality of life and social functioning in adults. What is the aim of this review? This review summarizes all studies that compare the effect of a MBSR program to a control group intervention, in which the participants had been randomly allocated to be in either the MBSR group or a control group. The review summarizes the results in two categories. First, where the effect of the MBSR program was compared to an inactive group (either a wait list group or one receiving ordinary care also received by the MBSR group). Second, where MBSR was compared with an alternative active group intervention. What studies are included? The review summarizes 101 randomized controlled trials with a total of 8,135 participants from USA, Europe, Asia and Australia. Twenty‐two trials included persons with mild or moderate psychological problems, 47 targeted people with various somatic conditions and 32 of the studies recruited people from the general population. Seventy‐two studies compared MBSR to an inactive control group, while 37 compared MBSR to an active control intervention. Seven studies compared MBSR to both. Ninety‐six studies contributed data to the meta‐analyses, with data from 7,647 participants. Is mindfulness effective? MBSR has a moderately large effect on outcome measures of mental health, somatic health, and quality of life including social function at post‐intervention when compared to an inactive control. If 100 people go through the MBSR program, 21 more people will have a favourable mental health outcome compared to if they had been put on a wait‐list or gotten only the usual treatment. These results may be inflated by underreporting of negative trials and moderate heterogeneity (indicating differences between the trials). MBSR has a small but significant effect on improving mental health at post‐intervention compared to other active treatments. MBSR has the same effect as other active interventions on somatic health, and quality of life (including social function). There was no underreporting of negative trials, and heterogeneity (differences between trials) were small for mental health, moderate for quality of life and large for somatic health. The effects were similar across all target groups and were generally maintained at follow‐up (1–34 months). The effects were largely independent of gender and study sample. The effects seemed also largely independent of duration and compliance with the MBSR intervention. No studies report results regarding side‐effects or costs. Effects were strongly correlated to the effects on measures of mindfulness, indicating that the effects may be related to the increase in self‐reported mindfulness. Two thirds of the included studies showed a considerable risk of bias, which was higher among studies with inactive than active control groups. Studies of higher quality reported lower effects than studies with low quality. The overall quality of the evidence was moderate, indicating moderate confidence in the reported effect sizes. Further research may change the estimate of effect. What do the findings of this review mean? Based on this review it is reasonable to consider MBSR a moderately well‐documented method for helping adults improve their health and cope better with the challenges and stress that life brings. New research should improve the way the trials are conducted addressing the pitfalls in research on mind‐body interventions. How up‐to‐date is this review? The review authors searched for studies up to November 2015. This Campbell Systematic Review was published in October 2017. Executive summary/Abstract Background There is an increasing focus on mind‐body interventions for relieving stress, and improving health and quality of life, accompanied by a growing body of research trying to evaluate such interventions. One of the most well‐known Programs is Mindfulness‐Based Stress Reduction (MBSR), which was developed by Kabat‐Zinn in 1979. Mindfulness is paying attention to the present moment in a non‐judgmental way. The Program is based on old contemplative traditions and involves regular meditation practice. A number of reviews and meta‐analyses have been carried out to evaluate the effects of meditation and mindfulness training, but few have adhered to the meta‐analytic protocol set out by the Cochrane Collaboration and Campbell Collaboration, or focused on MBSR only. The first edition of this review was published in 2012 with a literature search done in 2010, comprising 31 studies. As the field is rapidly developing, an update is called for. Objectives To evaluate the effect of Mindfulness‐Based Stress Reduction (MBSR) on health, quality of life and social functioning in adults. Search methods The following sources were searched, most recently in November 2015: PsycINFO (Ovid), MEDLINE (Ovid), EMBASE (Ovid), AMED (Allied and Complementary Medicine) (Ovid), CINAHL (Ebsco), Ovid Nursing Full Text Plus (Ovid), Cochrane Central Register of Controlled Trials (CENTRAL), British Nursing Index, (ProQuest), Eric (ProQuest), ProQuest Medical Library, ProQuest Nursing & Allied Health Source, ProQuest Psychology Journals, Web of Science, SveMed+, Social Services Abstracts, Sociological Abstracts and International Bibliography of Social Sciences. Selection criteria The review included randomised controlled trials (RCTs) where the intervention followed the MBSR protocol developed by Kabat‐Zinn, allowing for variations in the length of the MBSR courses. All target groups were accepted, as were all types of control groups, and no language restrictions were imposed. Data collection and analysis Two reviewers read titles, retrieved studies, and extracted data from all included studies. Standardized mean differences (as Hedges’ g) from all study outcomes were calculated using the software Comprehensive Meta Analysis. The meta‐analyses were carried out using the Robumeta Package within the statistical program R, with a technique for handling clusters of internally correlated effect estimates. We performed separate meta‐analyses for MBSR compared to either waitlists or treatment as usual (WL/TAU – named inactive), and for MBSR compared to control groups that were offered another active intervention. Results The review identified 101 RCTs including the 31 from the first review, with a total of 8,135 participants. Twenty‐two trials included persons with mild or moderate psychological problems, 47 targeted people with various somatic conditions and 32 of the studies recruited people from the general population. Seventy‐two studies compared MBSR to a WL/TAU control group, while 37 compared MBSR to an active control intervention. Seven studies compared MBSR to both a WL/TAU condition and to an active control group. Ninety‐six studies contributed to the meta‐analyses (based on information from 7,647 participants). Two thirds of the included studies showed a considerable risk of bias, and risk of bias was higher among studies with inactive than active control groups. Post‐intervention Hedges’ g effect sizes for MBSR versus WL/TAU for the outcome measures of mental health, somatic health, and quality of life including social function were, respectively, 0.54 (95% CI 0.44, 0.63), 0.39 (95% CI 0.24, 0.54), and 0.44 (95% CI 0.31, 0.56). Some funnel‐plot asymmetry points to a small degree of underreporting of negative trials. Heterogeneity was moderate for mental health and quality of life, and high for somatic health. Assuming a favourable outcome for 50% of the control group, the main finding of an effect size of 0.54 for improving mental health corresponds to a 65% chance that a random person from the treatment group will have a higher score than a person picked at random from the control group (probability of superiority). Another way of putting it, is that in order to have one more favourable mental health outcome in the treatment group compared to the control group at end of intervention, five people need to be treated (NNT=4.9, 95% CI 4.2, 5.9). Thus, if 100 people go through the treatment, 21 more people will have a favourable outcome compared to if they had been put on a wait‐list or gotten the usual treatment. For 21 studies with follow‐up data, the effect size was generally maintained at follow‐up (1–32 months). For the comparison of MBSR versus alternative psychosocial interventions at post‐intervention there was a small, statistically significant difference in favour of MBSR improving mental health with a Hedges’ g effect of 0.18 (95% CI 0.05, 0.30), and MBSR was not more effective than other active interventions on outcome measures of somatic health, 0.13 (95% CI ‐0.08, 0.34) and quality of life (including social function), 0.17 (95% CI ‐0.02, 0.35). Heterogeneity was low for mental health, moderate for quality of life and high for somatic health, and there was no funnel‐plot asymmetry. Assuming a favourable outcome for 50% of the control group, the main finding of an effect size of 0.18 for improving mental health corresponds to a 57% chance that a random person from the treatment group will have a higher score than a person picked at random from the control group and the NNT=14, 95% CI 8, 50). Since the measure of mental health includes outcomes from a larger proportion of the included studies compared to somatic health or quality of life, it is a more robust measure for the effect of the MBSR intervention. It is therefore treated as the main primary outcome for the meta‐analyses. For all comparisons effect sizes were fairly similar across the range of target groups and the effects were generally maintained at follow‐up (1–34 months). Effect sizes for measures of mental health were not particularly influenced by length of intervention, attendance or self‐reported practice, but they were strongly correlated to the effects on measures of mindfulness, indicating that the effects of the MBSR intervention may be related to the increase in self‐reported mindfulness. Sensitivity analyses with exclusion of studies with exceptional findings did not substantially change the results. A majority of studies suffered from risk of bias, and studies of higher quality reported lower effects than studies with low quality. We found no reports of side‐effects or costs in any of the trials. The overall quality of the evidence was moderate, indicating moderate confidence in the reported effect sizes. However, further research could impact on our confidence in the estimate of effect and may change the estimate. Authors’ conclusions MBSR has moderate effect on mental health across a number of outcome measures, for a range of target groups and in a variety of settings, compared to a WL or TAU control group. NNT was 4.9 (95% CI 4.2, 5.9) post‐intervention; on par with other well‐established interventions in the health service. The effect on somatic health is smaller, but still statistically significant. MBSR also seems to improve measures of quality of life and social function when compared to inactive control groups. MBSR improved mental health compared to other active psychosocial interventions, with a NNT = 14 (95% CI 8, 50), and had a similar effect on improving somatic health, and quality of life and social function. For all comparisons, the effects were maintained at follow‐up and correlated to effects on mindfulness. The quality of the evidence was moderate and should be improved in future studies. There were many studies with considerable bias, and heterogeneity was mostly moderate. In addition, there is indication of underreporting of negative studies when MBSR was compared to inactive controls. These factors might have influenced the results found. MBSR might be an attractive option to improve health, handle stress, and cope with the strains of life. Ways to further strengthen the effect should be sought. All new trials should include measures of mindfulness and explore moderators and mediators of effects. New studies should register study protocols and adhere to guidelines for reporting of randomized controlled trials.
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Fifty-eight students at a small liberal arts college in northeastern United States participated in a study of inattentional blindness (IB) and inattentional insensitivity (IIS). IIS is the inability to detect the sensation of a salient stimulus while performing a task within a congruent sensory modality. Participants’ driving performance and situation awareness (SA) were tested in a driving simulator. Similar to previous research, IB was found to exist in about 45% of the participants who watched the Invisible Gorilla video. However, over 80% of participants displayed IIS in a tactile condition. Moreover, participants who displayed IIS showed better performance in SA. In addition, IIS participants were less likely to slam on the brakes when driving the simulator compared to participants who noticed the irrelevant tactile stimulus. Finally, it was found that participants who have high working memory (WM) are more likely to correctly count the number of basketball passes made in the Invisible Gorilla video than participants who have low WM.
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Scitation is the online home of leading journals and conference proceedings from AIP Publishing and AIP Member Societies
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Surprising as it may seem, research shows that we rarely see what we are looking at unless our attention is directed to it. This phenomenon can have serious life-and-death consequences. Although the inextricable link between perceiving and attending was noted long ago by Aristotle, this phenomenon, now called inattentional blindness (IB), only recently has been named and carefully studied. Among the many questions that have been raised about IB are questions about the fate of the clearly visible, yet unseen stimuli, whether any stimuli reliably capture attention, and, if so, what they have in common. Finally, is IB an instance of rapid forgetting, or is it a failure to perceive?
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Susana Bloch is Directeur de Recherches of the French Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) and works in Paris at the Institut des Neurosciences, Université Pierre et Marie Curie, 9 quai St. Bernard, BP 12., F-75005, Paris, France. 1. I gratefully acknowledge Robert Barton, Richard Geer, and Pedro Sándor for many insightful discussions around the work here presented. 2. For instance, experimental psychologists are concerned with the more measurable behavioral characteristics of emotions, while physiologists try to find out the electrophysiological, chemical, or neurohumoral process involved mostly in the animal model, thus eliminating the possibility of looking at the subjective process occurring. In fact, the analysis of subjective states has been left to philosophers or psychotherapists, safely out of scientific hands. As a consequence of these different approaches, a fragmentation of the emotional event has resulted and a dualistic body-mind view about emotions keeps emerging. Such dualism is even present in the terminology which differentiates feelings from emotions, as if they were "separate" processes. Direct practitioners, on the other hand, when working with the body (Alexander, Feldenkrais, Rolfing, etc.) or the voice or the breathing, tend to be more integrated in their empirical approach to the emotions. 3. The subject was placed on a couch in a soundproof isolated chamber. External electrodes for recording heart rate and muscular tension and a strain gauge for recording respiratory movements were attached. Once recording conditions became stable, subjects were asked to remember as vividly as possible strong emotionally charged life experiences. When the evocation ended, subjects reported what they had felt. 4. These emotions were considered as basic because they correspond to universal invariants of behavior—in a Darwinian sense—and are present in the animal and in the human infant either as innate behavior or apparent at very early stages of post-natal development. The set of bodily responses of such basic emotions is biologically suited for adaptive and survival functions, such as facing danger (fear), chasing a territorial invader (anger), protecting an infant (tenderness), mating (erotic love), etc. 5. With respect to erotic love and tenderness, which were not studied by Paul Ekman, distinct facial expressions and breathing characteristics differentiating between these emotions were also found by us (Bloch, Lemeignan, and Aguilera; Bloch and Lemeignan; Lemeignan et al.). 6. The universality of these prototypical postural features is also implied in Michael Chekhov's concept of "psychological gestures." This author distinguishes them from the natural gestures of everyday life in the sense that they are archetypal, serving "as an original model for all possible gestures of the same kind" (77; my emphasis). For instance, the brooding quality of an introspective character is depicted by Chekhov as a person in a crouched position with folded arms and bent head (67 drawing 3). This is close to the postural effector pattern of sadness (Bloch, Orthous, and Santibáñez; Bloch and Lemeignan). 7. In a study done in my laboratory in Paris, in collaboration with Madeleine Lemeignan (neurophysiologist) and Nancy Aguilera (psychologist), we did a more quantitative study with thirty-six subjects. Recordings of respiratory movements during emotional states allowed us to quantify a variety of respiratory parameters such as amplitudes and frequencies of the fundamental cycles, relation between the duration of inspiration and that of expiration, and duration of the intercyclic "pause." We found that the respiratory movements are differentiated among the six emotions by their frequency (cycles per minute), by the amplitudes of the fundamental cycles, by the duration of the intercycle "pause," and/or by the superimposition of small saccadic (staccato) movements into the fundamental cycles (Bloch, Lemeignan, and Aguilera). 8. A typical example of emotional induction by reproducing corresponding effector patterns was obtained with an actor from Spain who knew nothing about our work and who willingly agreed to participate in the experiment. The entire session was filmed, and what follows is an approximate transcription of what happened (the video document is in my possession). After some small talk to make the actor feel at ease and to adjust the filming conditions, I gave the following instructions: "Please begin to breathe in and out through your nose with rapid and regular deep breaths; keep...
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Educational taxonomies developed by Bloom, Krathwohl, and collaborators have been used for decades as frameworks for instructional objectives, curriculum design, and assessments of achievement. However, their scope is now too limited. The well‐known cognitive domain is extended to include ideational functions of imagination and creativity, and the affective domain is enhanced to include internalization, wonder, and risk taking. The psychomotor domain is expanded into a sensorimotor domain, incorporating five senses along with balance, spatial relationships, movement, and other physical activity. A social domain is introduced to accentuate sociocultural processes that accompany thinking, feeling, and sensing/movement. Lastly, the four domains are synthesized into a unified domain of thinking, feeling, sensing/moving, and Interacting to optimize potential and self‐fulfillment for all students.
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This book provides a foundation to the principles of psychology. It draws upon the natural sciences, avoiding metaphysics, for the basis of its information. According to James, this book, assuming that thoughts and feelings exist and are vehicles of knowledge, thereupon contends that psychology, when it has ascertained the empirical correlation of the various sorts of thought or feeling with definite conditions of the brain, can go no farther as a natural science. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)