No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
V-kua Structure in Shaoxing Wu Chinese: A VP-shells Approach
Abstract
The postverbal adverbs in southeast Chinese dialects have long been a major research object in the literature of Chinese linguistics. They reveal a unique syntactic phenomenon of the adverbial distribution, in which such adverbs postverbally occur in certain dialects but occur preverbally in Mandarin. The V-kua structure in Shaoxing Wu, as the research objective of this dissertation, contains such an interesting feature that kua postverbally occurs in Shaoxing Wu while the Mandarin version of kua (i.e. kuai) precedes the predicate. Many approaches from the perspectives of traditional Chinese as well as the cartographic syntax have been proposed in order to address the misery displacement of the postverbal adverbs. However, previous research still failed to reveal the syntactic structure of V-kua and was unable to explain the structural difference of the postverbal adverb kua between the Shaoxing Wu and Mandarin. This dissertation aims to fill the research gap under a generative syntactic analysis, which could facilitate investigating the syntax of the postverbal adverb kua as well as the V-kua constructions under different argument structures. That is, under the implementation of the VP-shell hypothesis as well as other principles such as the Linear Correspondence Axiom, the syntactic projections of adverbs and their relationship with the postverbal linear order are now feasible to be addressed. By arguing the postverbal adverb kua to be a strictly VP projected AdvP and the preverbal adverb kuai to be a strictly vP projected AdvP, it is plausible to derive the syntactic structures of V-kua and to account for the reason why kua and kuai occur differently in their linear order. The general patterns of V-kua and the postverbal adverb kua are now syntactically defined while for a more universal account of the postverbal adverbs that existed in Chinese dialects, further research is needed.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this publication.
This article proposes a unified analysis of the peripheral projections in Chinese, which does not rely on a head-directionality parameter. Each of these projections constitutes a phase and that its head bears an EPP feature, which must be satisfied. Chinese peripheral projections demonstrate four different ways to satisfy EPP. Importantly, Sentence-Final Particles (SFPs) project phases and their complements obligatorily move to the specifier as a last resort to satisfy the EPP. The movement of the complement to the phase edge would postpone the transfer of phrases embedded in the complement, allowing these phrases to move later. When the phase edge is not available for the moved complement, phrases embedded within the complement will not be able to be extracted in the later stage after the complement is transferred. This constitutes a strong argument in favor of the obligatory complement-to-specifier raising analysis for SFPs in Chinese.
The lexical layer, headed by the verb, the structural layer in which theta assignment takes place.
Architecture of the Periphery in Chinese offers a comprehensive survey on the fine structure of the sentence peripheral domain in Mandarin Chinese from a cartographic perspective. Different functional projections hosting sentence-final particles, implicit operators and other informational components are hierarchically ordered according to the "Subjectivity Scale Constraint" functioning at syntax-discourse interface. Three questions will be essentially addressed: What is the order? How to determine such an order? Why such an order? This research not only gives a thorough examination of the peripheral elements in Chinese but also improves the general understanding of the ordering issue in the left-periphery crosslinguistically. This book is aimed at scholars interested in Chinese syntax or generative syntax.
An examination of the evidence for and the theoretical implications of a universal word order constraint, with data from a wide range of languages.
This book presents evidence for a universal word order constraint, the Final-over-Final Condition (FOFC), and discusses the theoretical implications of this phenomenon. FOFC is a syntactic condition that disallows structures where a head-initial phrase is contained in a head-final phrase in the same extended projection/domain. The authors argue that FOFC is a linguistic universal, not just a strong tendency, and not a constraint on processing. They discuss the effects of the universal in various domains, including the noun phrase, the adjective phrase, the verb phrase, and the clause. The book draws on data from a wide range of languages, including Hindi, Turkish, Basque, Finnish, Afrikaans, German, Hungarian, French, English, Italian, Romanian, Arabic, Hebrew, Mandarin, Pontic Greek, Bagirmi, Dholuo, and Thai.
FOFC, the authors argue, is important because it is the only known example of a word order asymmetry pertaining to the order of heads. As such, it has significant repercussions for theories connecting the narrow syntax to linear order.
The distribution of adverbs is particularly difficult to account for, given the amount of
variation it encompasses. Not only are adverbs typically optional, but any adverb may
also appear in several different positions relative to other constituents, with placement
differing according to adverb type and language. As a result, although adverbs are not
essential clausal mainstays, the way they are incorporated into the syntax has crucial
implications for an overall understanding of clause structure.
Some recent accounts of adverb distribution, most notably Cinque (1999), require a
highly articulated clausal cartography, where each adverb fits into a specific syntactic
position. The placement of adverbs is determined by their semantic properties inasmuch
as their specified positions correspond to semantic classes. The ordering of these positions
is syntactically predetermined, supposedly with no little or no semantic input. More
semantics-based accounts of adverb distribution, as exemplified by Ernst (2002), do not
restrict adverbs to specific positions. Rather, any adverb may adjoin to any projection, as
long as its individual semantic requirements are satisfied. Such theories of distribution
thus depend on adverbs’ semantic interactions with each other and other constituents.
The differences between these ‘syntactic’ and ‘semantic’ approaches have led to questions
about the nature of verb movement, functional projections, and adjunction. The
debate over adverb distribution also raises the issue of what contribution semantics makes
to the syntax, and what is syntactically primitive.
The aim of this dissertation is to develop an account of adverb distribution that neither
requires the introduction of new functional projections, nor attempts to shoehorn
an external semantic hierarchy onto a pre-existing syntactic one. It will focus on the
position of adverbs in relation to other constituents rather than their order with respect
to each other. In this thesis I will review previous theories of adverb distribution, giving
special attention to Cinque’s (1999) ‘functional specifier’ approach and Ernst’s (2002)
‘semantic adjunction’ approach, as well as some alternatives, especially the VP-remnant
analysis proposed in Nilsen (2003). I will then look at the little-discussed phenomenon
of ‘Adverb Climbing’ (AC), in which an adverb precedes a verb that takes an infinitival
complement, but is interpreted as modifying the embedded rather than the matrix verb.
Taking the varying availability of AC with Control and Raising verbs as a starting point,
I will develop a theory of adverb licensing that determines where an adverb may adjoin
according to its location in relation to a particular projection. Specifically, I will propose
that an adverb must c-command the projection it modifies, and must have access to that
projection either in the same phase or at the edge of a lower phase. Based on this analysis I will argue that AC is in fact an indicator of restructuring, and that control
and raising verbs take different sizes of infinitival complement. I will also examine the
distribution of ‘verb-modifying’ adverbs. Drawing on previous ‘split VP’ proposals (e.g.
Ramchand 2008; Travis (2010)), I will contend that the varying distribution of agentive,
subject-oriented, and manner adverbs indicates that each is distributed in relation to a
different projection within the vP, and that some postverbal adverbs are complements
of VP. This proposal will require the introduction of crosslinguistically parameterised
restrictions on the order in which adverbs and feature-checking elements may be merged
to a single projection. Moreover, I will argue that the array of positions available to
agentive adverbs indicates that English has head movement within the vP which bypasses
a head, violating Travis’s (1984) Head Movement Constraint (HMC). I will then posit a
new analysis of head movement which allows for this violation while still precluding
the instances of ungrammaticality that the HMC was meant to rule out. I will finally
discuss the distribution of adverbs and negation in the IP range, giving special attention
to Pollock’s (1989) classic data from English and French. I will develop an analysis
of negation which will allow me to explain the distribution of both sentential adverbs
and negation without splitting the IP. Further refinement of the ordering restrictions on
multiple merge will also provide an explanation for the ungrammaticality of an adverb
between a subject and the highest verb in French, and between do and not in English.
This dissertation will serve to situate the study of adverb distributionwithin Chomsky’s
(1995) Minimalist framework while providing fresh insight into the extent to which
adverb distribution may be used as an indicator of clause structure and movement of
other constituents.
This squib is concerned with English V NP1 NP2 (double-object) constructions, as in (1), and in particular with the implications of such constructions for phrase structure principles governing certain anaphoric relations:
(1)
a. I gave John a book.
b.
I denied Fred his pay.
I: Verb Classes.- I: Intransitive Verbs and Auxiliaries.- 1.0. Introduction.- 1.1. Free Inversion.- 1.2. The Distribution of ne.- 1.3. Ergative Verbs.- 1.4. On the Syntax of ne.- 1.5. Reflexive, Ergative and Inherent-reflexive si.- 1.6. Impersonal si.- 1.6.0. Introduction.- 1.6.1. SI as a Subject Argument.- 1.6.2. Object Preposing.- 1.7. Auxiliary Assignment.- 1.8. Linear Order.- 1.9. Conclusion.- Notes.- 2: The Syntax of Inversion.- 2.0. Introduction.- 2.1. Null Subjects and Cliticization.- 2.2. Null Subjects and Free Inversion.- 2.3. Inversion Relations and Emphatic Pronouns.- 2.4. Residual Questions.- 2.5. Piedmontese ye.- 2.5.0. Introduction.- 2.5.1. Inflectional Clitics.- 2.5.2. Inversion.- 2.5.3. Italian ci.- 2.5.4. Verb Agreement.- 2.5.5. Conclusion.- 2.6. French il.- 2.6.1. Subject Pronouns.- 2.6.2. Il-inversion and Auxiliary Assignment.- 2.6.3. Se moyen.- 2.7. English there.- 2.7.0. Introduction.- 2.7.1. 'Be' as a Raising Verb.- 2.7.2. Inversion with 'be'.- 2.7.3. Presentational there.- 2.8. Conclusion.- Notes.- 3: on Reconstruction and Other Matters.- 3.0. Introduction.- 3.1. Subject ?-role and Case.- 3.1.1. Minus Accusative.- 3.1.2. Double Objects.- 3.1.3. By-phrases.- 3.2. Past Participial Clauses.- 3.2.0. Introduction.- 3.2.1. English.- 3.2.2. Impersonal Passives.- 3.2.3. Italian sc Relatives.- 3.3. Reconstruction.- 3.3.0. Introduction.- 3.3.1. Each Interpretation.- 3.3.2. Quantifier Scope.- 3.3.3. Reconstruction and the Projection Principle.- Notes.- II: Complex Predicates.- 4: Causative Constructions.- 4.0. Introduction.- 4.1. Faire-Infinitive.- 4.1.0. Introduction.- 4.1.1. Syntactic Derivation.- 4.1.2. Sentential Complement.- 4.1.3. Exceptional Case Marking.- 4.1.4. Cliticization.- 4.1.5. VP-movement.- 4.2. Faire-par.- 4.2.0. Introduction.- 4.2.1. Base-generation.- 4.2.2. Thematic Subject.- 4.2.3. On the 'Transformational' Approach.- 4.3. Similarities between FI and FP.- 4.4. Syntactic Subject.- 4.5. Ergative Complements of fare.- 4.5.0. Introduction.- 4.5.1. Dative and Reflexive Objects.- 4.5.2. Dativized Subjects.- 4.5.3. Further Remarks and Conclusions.- 4.6. FI versus Reconstruction.- 4.7. On Perception Verbs.- 4.8. Conclusion.- Notes.- 5: Restructuring Constructions.- 5.0. Introduction.- 5.1. Syntactic Derivation.- 5.2. Restructuring with andare, venire.- 5.3. Embedded Subject.- 5.4. Similarities between Restructuring and Causative Constructions.- 5.5 Auxiliaries and Past Participle Agreement.- 5.6. Subject Substitution.- 5.7. Auxiliaries in Some Special Cases.- 5.8. More on the Differences between Causative and Restructuring Constructions.- 5.8.0. Introduction.- 5.8.1. Subject Substitution versus VP-Complements.- 5.8.2. Matrix Passives.- 5.8.3. Prepositional Infinitives.- 5.8.4. Summary.- 5.9. Conclusion.- Notes.- 6: Reflexives.- 6.0. Introduction.- 6.1. Reflexives and Auxiliary Assignment.- 6.2. Reflexives in Complex Predicates.- 6.3. Reflexives as Lexical Affixes.- 6.3.0. Introduction.- 6.3.1. Ergative and Inherent-reflexive si.- 6.3.2. Inversion and sc Relatives.- 6.3.3. Reflexives under faire.- 6.4. Conclusion 427 Notes.- Closing Remarks.- Index of Names.- Analytical Index.
Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. The MIT Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Linguistic Inquiry. This article argues that inversion of the subject and auxiliary in English matrix questions and elsewhere is the effect of a violable optimality-theoretic constraint that requires head positions to be filled. When no other auxiliary is available, do-support occurs to satisfy this constraint, resulting in the presence of an expletive verb. When a higher-ranked constraint prohibits inversion, no inversion or do-support is found. The argument is then extended to cases where the complementizer that is obligatory, which are shown to offer best satisfaction of the proposed set of violable constraints.
This paper investigates the Final-over-Final Constraint (FOFC): a head-initial category cannot be the immediate structural complement of a head-final category within the same extended projection. First, we document the empirical evidence, logically possible but cross-linguistically unattested combinations of head-final and head-initial orders. Second, we formulate FOFC in terms of Extended Projections (Grimshaw 1991, 2001, 2005). Third, we reduce FOFC to the LCA, combined with a constraint on the formation of Extended Projections which we ultimately reduce to Relativised Minimality. Finally, we suggest that our approach, although it entails a minimal amount of linearization information in narrow syntax, nonetheless complies with the Strong Minimalist Thesis.
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 1985. MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND HUMANITIES Bibliography: v.3, leaves 680-691. by Mark Cleland Baker. Ph.D.
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 1987. Title as it appears in M.I.T. Graduate list, June 1987: The English noun phrase in its sentential aspects. Bibliography: v. 2, leaves 355-363. by Steven Paul Abney. Ph.D.
Hanyu fangyu li biaoshi dongzuo cixu de houzhici. 汉语方言里表示 动作次序的后置词
- Z 曹志耘 Cao
Cao, Z. 曹志耘. 1998. Hanyu fangyu li biaoshi dongzuo cixu de houzhici. 汉语方言里表示
动作次序的后置词. Yu yan jiao xue yu yan jiu. (4), pp.17-37.
Dongnan fangyan li dongci de houzhi chengfeng 东南方言里动词的 后置成分
- Z 曹志耘 Cao
Cao, Z. 曹志耘. 2002. Dongnan fangyan li dongci de houzhi chengfeng 东南方言里动词的
后置成分. In Pan, Y. 潘悟云. ed., Dong fang yu yan yu wen hua 东方语言与文化.
Shanghai: dong fang chu ban zhong xin. pp.302-326.
Zhonggu hanyu zhong de 'kuai
- Z 懂志翘 Dong
Dong, Z. 懂志翘. 2003. Zhonggu hanyu zhong de 'kuai' ji yu qi xiangguan de ciyu. 中古汉
语中的"快"及与其相关的词语. Gu han yu yan jiu. (1), pp.87-89.
Adjuncts and word order typology in east asian languages
- T Ernst
Ernst, T. 2003. Adjuncts and word order typology in east asian languages. In Simpson, A. and
Li, Y.-H. A. eds., Functional Structure(s), Form and Interpretation. Routledge. pp.241-261.
Adverbs and light verbs
- T Ernst
Ernst, T. 2010. Adverbs and light verbs. In Clemens, E. L. and Liu, C.-M. L. eds.,
Proceedings of the 22nd North American Conference on Chinese Linguistics (NACCL-22)
and the 18th International Conference on Chinese Linguistics (IACL-18). Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University. pp.178-195.
Adverbial Adjuncts in Mandarin Chinese
- T Ernst
Ernst, T. 2014. Adverbial Adjuncts in Mandarin Chinese. In Huang, C.-T. J., Li, Y.-H. A. and
Simpson, A. eds., The handbook of Chinese linguistics. Wiley Blackwell. pp.49-72.
Cong beibu wuyu de 'V-kuai' kan zhongxin weiyu chengfeng xuhua wei zhuci de xianxiang 从北部吴语的
- L 冯力 Feng
Feng, L. 冯力. 2007. Cong beibu wuyu de 'V-kuai' kan zhongxin weiyu chengfeng xuhua wei
zhuci de xianxiang 从北部吴语的"V 快"看中心谓语成分虚化为助词的现象. Zhong
guo yu wen. (3), pp.248-254.
Nanbu wuyu qingyuan hua de 'VP+xian' jiegou 南部吴语庆元话的 "VP+先
- W 胡文文 Hu
Hu, W. 胡文文. 2021. Nanbu wuyu qingyuan hua de 'VP+xian' jiegou 南部吴语庆元话的
"VP+先"结构. Ms. thesis, Zhejiang University.
- R Kayne
Kayne, R. 1983. Connectedness. Linguistic Inquiry. 14(2), pp.223-249.
Serial Verbs: Grammatical, Comparative and Cognitive Approaches
- R K Larson
Larson, R. K. 1991. Some issues in verb serialization. In Lefebvre, C. ed., Serial Verbs:
Grammatical, Comparative and Cognitive Approaches. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John
Benjamins Publishing Company. pp.185-210.
Yueyu jufa de leixingxue tedian 粤语句法的类型学特点. Ya tai yu wen jiao yu xue bao
- D 刘丹青 Liu
Liu, D. 刘丹青. 2001. Yueyu jufa de leixingxue tedian 粤语句法的类型学特点. Ya tai yu
wen jiao yu xue bao. (2).
Linhai fangyan zhong de 'qi
- X 卢笑予 Lu
Lu, X. 卢笑予. 2016. Linhai fangyan zhong de 'qi'. 临海方言中的"起". In Chen, M. 陈忠敏.
ed., Di ba jie guoji wu fangyan xueshu yantaohui lunwen ji. 第八届国际吴方言学术研
讨会论文集.
Wuyu de houzhi fuci 'tian' yu youjiehua 吴语的后置副词"添"与有界 化. Yu yan ke xue
- C 骆锤炼 Luo
Luo, C. 骆锤炼. 2009. Wuyu de houzhi fuci 'tian' yu youjiehua 吴语的后置副词"添"与有界
化. Yu yan ke xue. 8(5), pp.472-477.
Eliminating positions: Syntax and semantics of sentential modification
- Ø Nilson
Nilson, Ø. 2003. Eliminating positions: Syntax and semantics of sentential modification. Ph.D.
thesis, Utrecht University.
Shi lun hanyu zhong 'kuai' ji qi ciyi yanbian. 试论汉语中"快"及其词 义演变. Xi ju zhi jia
- X Pei
- 裴新华
Pei, X. 裴新华. 2018. Shi lun hanyu zhong 'kuai' ji qi ciyi yanbian. 试论汉语中"快"及其词
义演变. Xi ju zhi jia. 18, pp.232-233.
Impersonal passives and the unaccusative hypothesis
- D M Perlmutter
Perlmutter, D. M. 1978. Impersonal passives and the unaccusative hypothesis. Annual
meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society. 4, pp.157-190.
Zhejiang suichang fangyan de 'tian
- W 王文胜 Wang
Wang, W. 王文胜. 2006. Zhejiang suichang fangyan de 'tian'. 浙江遂昌方言的"添". Fang
Yan. (2), pp.119-124.
Shi lun hanyu fuci 'kuai' de chansheng
- X 向贤文 Xiang
Xiang, X. 向贤文. 2015. Shi lun hanyu fuci 'kuai' de chansheng. 试论汉语副词"快"的产生.
Journal of Qiqihar University. 4, pp.86-88.
Wuyu gai shuo. 吴 语 概 说 . Shanghai: huadong shifan daxue chubanshe
- Y 颜 逸 明 Yan
Yan, Y. 颜 逸 明. 1994. Wuyu gai shuo. 吴 语 概 说. Shanghai: huadong shifan daxue
chubanshe.
Shanghai shiqu fangyan zhi
- R 游汝杰 You
You, R. 游汝杰. 1988. Shanghai shiqu fangyan zhi. 上海市区方言志. Shanghai: shanghai
jiaoyu chubanshe.
Wenzhou hua li dai 'qi' zi de buyu ju
- R 游汝杰 You
You, R. 游汝杰. 1997. Wenzhou hua li dai 'qi' zi de buyu ju. 温州话里带"起"字的补语句.
Suzhou fangyan zhong de
- J 张家茂 Zhang
Zhang, J. 张家茂. 1985. Suzhou fangyan zhong de 'V-kuai zai' 苏州方言中的"V 快哉". Yu
yan yan jiu. (2), pp.105-107.
Xiandai hanyu fangyan cixu wenti de kaocha. 现代汉语方言词序问 题的考察. Fang Yan
- Z 张振兴 Zhang
Zhang, Z. 张振兴. 2003. Xiandai hanyu fangyan cixu wenti de kaocha. 现代汉语方言词序问
题的考察. Fang Yan. (2), pp.108-126.