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... The radical nature of education is revealed in attempts to help people change the existing conditions of their lives, not to adapt to them. A key reference for this type of education is Paulo Freire, 1 who enjoys "iconic status" among critical adult educators (Mayo, 2009, p. 270;Torres, 2019). Freire (2005) advocated transformative learning that takes the form of conscientisation (Portuguese conscientizacão) (see also Chapters 2 and 3), a process in which learners develop an awareness of the economic, technological, political and cultural structures in society that contribute to inequality and oppression; it is essential for learners to reflect on their world in order to change it, which brings about liberation on both personal and societal levels. ...
... Freire's concept of authentic dialogue between educator and learner (for more on this, see Mikulec, 2019, pp. 60-61) links the ideas to Jürgen and his theory of communicative action and the ideal speech situation (Mayo, 2009;Morrow & Torres, 2002;Torres, 2019; see also Chapter 8). The latter was adopted by critical adult educators -"Habermas' projects are effectively adult learning projects" (Murphy and Fleming, 2010, p. 12) -as they recognised the fundamental role of adult education in sustaining democracy (learning to democratise, to be an active citizen and to act communicatively) and in building real democratic institutions that can withstand the corrosive effects of capitalism and state administration Morrow & Torres, 2002). ...
... Ključna referenca za tovrstno izobraževanje je Paulo Freire, 1 ki uživa »ikonični status« (Mayo, 2009, str. 270;Torres, 2019) med kritičnimi izobraževalci odraslih. Freire (2005) se je zavzemal za transformativno učenje, ki poteka kot ozaveščanje (conscientizacão) (gl. ...
The present monograph Reflections on Adult Education and Learning: The Adult Education
Legacy of Sabina Jelenc Krašovec was initiated by the Slovenian adult education
community on the occasion of the much too early departure of Dr Sabina
Jelenc Krašovec, Associate Professor at the Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana,
who left us at the end of 2020 after serious illness.
The book is designed as a dialogue with her educational and research work in
which foreign and local authors critically reflect on her theoretical and practical
ideas through their own research work and/or practice. It consists of an introductory
chapter followed by three thematic parts that were given special attention to
by Sabina Jelenc Krašovec: learning and education of older people in the community,
informal learning in public spaces and the implementation of active democratic
citizenship, professional development of adult educators and guidance and
counselling in adult education.
... Hence, we agree with previous proposals (Rosaldo, 1994) that citizenship should be delinked from mere formal membership of the nation-state to an understanding based on how we belong in the world when we can fully express our selfhood and our dignity is respected. This requires a shift from framing belonging as national citizenship to belonging in the global commons (Torres, 2019;Torres and Bosio, 2020). Among other things the 'global commons is predicated on the idea that global peace is an intangible cultural good of humanity with immaterial value' (Torres and Bosio, 2020: 7). ...
We propose the Critical Diversity Literacy (CDL) framework for citizenship education in contemporary heterogeneous societies. It encourages an anti-essentialist, power-conscious awareness of difference beyond notions of citizenship that have been constitutive of the nation and tend to normalise masculinity, patriarchy, heterosexuality, able-bodiedness and whiteness. Using intersectionality and decoloniality heuristics, we approach multicultural citizenship from the multiple axes of our identities as we inhabit the world more complexly than mere belonging to the nation-state. The framework synthesises insights from contemporary
social theory into a usable scaffolding for diversity capacitation. The ten principles focus on intersectionality, social identities and positioning, historical awareness, diversity vocabulary, the coded nature of hegemonic power and personal engagement. Taken together, they promote an approach to multicultural citizenship
that focuses on social justice and pushes us to recognise the lived experience of citizenship ‘from below’. The framework has proved useful in designing curricula and interventions in different contexts and sectors and can be utilised to develop age-appropriate materials in schools.
... Freire's position leads to an epistemology of suspicion based on the assumption that social and cultural relationships necessarily involve moments or periods of domination and/or exploitation, thus, elucidating the need for critical hermeneutics before any meaningful social transformation and/or reform (Torres 2019). It is in line with this that the following can be enumerated as Freire's major contributions to the field of education in a bipartite system, namely: ...
African universities’ curricula remain largely Eurocentric, and this constitutes a factor in the continuing epistemicide against indigenous knowledge systems. While calls for epistemic decolonisation have highlighted this epistemic violence, the role of African scholars in the actualisation of such epistemic decolonisation has not been sufficiently exposed. This article, therefore, proffers Paulo Freire’s critical pedagogy (CP) as a framework for the transformative reconstruction of Western epistemologies in African universities. While Freire’s CP is typically utilised as a pedagogical method through which the teacher stimulates students’ critical consciousness, this article exposes its nature as a means of stimulating African scholars to the critical consciousness of their role in the process of deconstructing epistemic hegemonies. It argues that African scholars have a crucial role to play in epistemic decolonisation – as stimulants through which students learn to be critically conscious and as bastions of ideas and ideals guiding progressive social movements.
This paper, rather than providing a comprehensive discussion around Paulo Freire’s ideas, focuses on one aspect of his body of work: colonialism. The emphasis is on the ‘oppressor consciousness’ and cultural invasion (seen in its broadest context to include institutional colonialism with special reference to the traditional, modernizing and prophetic church. It also deals with the complex issue of language in postcolonial contexts, with special reference to education in Guinea Bissau and its implications for other colonial contexts.
This article offers a critical intercultural perspective to English as a Foreign Language (EFL) education inspired by Freire's conceptualisation of dialogue required in contexts where teachers must comply with hegemonic language policies. Drawing on an ethnographic study with Yusef, a Palestinian-Arab EFL teacher in Israel, I examine how intercultural critical dialogue within EFL education is seen from the margins. Analysis of interviews, classroom interactions, and policy documents underscores the political agency of Yusef and his students and their response to imposed linguistic/educational subjectivities. Undertaking a critical intercultural stance enables marginalised communities to deconstruct their invisibility and contest asymmetrical power divisions.
The focus of this work is the potential contributions and emerging challenges in comparative education. Globalization has brought a heterogeneous world globalization, having the global capitalism mostly as an expression, whereas there has been place enough for dissent. Limited theory and empirical research defeat the purpose of comparative education as an intellectual field for the analysis of globalization and anti-globalization. The author, based on the journey of a critical theorist as WCCES president, establishes a brief historical perspective of comparative and international education. Regarding the latter not as a discipline, but as an interdisciplinary field, he states that in this period we learned to work in three broad orientations: scientific, pragmatic and an international dimension of education, eminently global. However, the best contributions of comparative and international education have not taken place in WCCES. Therefore, this work concludes with proposals for the Council. The most important are the adoption of the positions of the Incheon Meeting, as well as to assume that our commitment remains firm in favour of equity transformational projects.
The perception of the international economic system as one of industrial center and agrarian periphery, in which the former dominates the latter, has had a tremendous influence in the analysis of underdevelopment; the significance of the idea is impossible to gauge because its acceptance is still expanding. Raúl Prebisch's analytical terms, and the concomitant theory of trade relations, now known as unequal exchange, have been adopted not only by the followers of a dependency theory tradition in Latin America, stemming directly from Prebisch, but also by non-Latin American writers (assuredly, with extensive modifications) such as Arghiri Emmanuel, André Gunder Frank, Immanuel Wallerstein, Johan Galtung, and Samir Amin.
Reading neoliberalism in a Gramscian key, this article argues that neoliberalism is not merely an ideological agenda but a new civilization design, what Gramsci termed a new historical bloc. Using the concept of new common sense as an analytical framework, the article offers 16 theses exploring different areas of education and policy impacted by neoliberalism.
Popular-education programmes conducted by social movements are reshaping politics and education in Latin America. Negotiating with governments, they promote social justice while educationally challenging ?neo-liberal? educational standardisation. Moving from a defensive towards an offensive strategy, some movements support themselves economically while developing new educational strategies. They encounter both support and opposition from the social democratic governments in the region. They are at odds with the international bilateral and multilateral organisations that promote neo-liberal top?down policies, and some of these new social movements have moved beyond social action in specific regions and national borders creating regional alliances for their struggle.
Neoliberalism has utterly failed as a viable model of economic development, yet the politics of culture associated with neoliberalism is still in force, becoming the new common sense shaping the role of government and education. This ‘common sense’ has become an ideology playing a major role in constructing hegemony as moral and intellectual leadership in contemporary societies. Neoliberal globalisation, predicated on the dominance of the market over the state and on deregulatory models of governance, has deeply affected the university in the context of ‘academic capitalism’. The resulting reforms, rationalised as advancing international competitiveness, have affected public universities in four primary areas: efficiency and accountability, accreditation and universalisation, international competitiveness and privatisation. There is also growing resistance to globalisation as top-down-imposed reforms reflected in the public debates about schooling reform, curriculum and instruction, teacher training and school governance. Many question whether neoliberal reforms attempt to limit the effectiveness of universities as sites of contestation of the national and global order and thus undermine the broader goals of education. Neoliberal reforms have limited access and opportunity along class and racial lines, including limiting access to higher education through the imposition of higher tuition and reduced government support to institutions and individuals.
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