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Explaining the paradox of conspiracy theories and system‐justifying beliefs from an intergroup perspective

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Abstract

By distinguishing between ingroup versus outgroup conspiracy theories, this research seeks to explain a paradox in conspiracy theory research, namely, that conspiracy beliefs are associated with both derogation and justification of the social system. Study 1 ( N = 1,481) was a survey in the context of the COVID‐19 pandemic in China, and the results revealed a negative correlation between belief in ingroup conspiracy theories and system‐justifying beliefs. In Study 2 ( N = 195), exposure to outgroup conspiracy theories positively predicted system‐justifying beliefs, a finding that was serially mediated by external attributions and collective narcissism. In Study 3 ( N = 256), exposure to ingroup conspiracy theories negatively predicted system‐justifying beliefs, a result that was serially mediated by internal attributions and anomie. In Study 4 ( N = 616), exposure to a conspiracy theory about the US government increased system‐justifying beliefs among Chinese participants and decreased them among US participants. The distinction between ingroup versus outgroup conspiracy theories hence implies two different processes through which conspiracy theories affect system‐justifying beliefs.
Political Psychology. 2023;00:1–20.
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wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/pops
DOI: 10.1111/pops.12924
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Explaining the paradox of conspiracy theories
and system- justifying beliefs from an intergroup
perspective
Jia- YanMao 1 | Zhao- XieZeng2 | Shen- LongYang3 |
Yong- YuGuo2 | Jan- Willemvan Prooijen 1, 4,5
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License, which
permits use and distribution in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the us e is non-commercial and no
modifications or adaptations are made.
© 2023 The Authors. Political Psychology published by Wiley Periodicals LLC on behalf of International Society of Political
Psychology.
Jia- Yan Mao and Zhao- Xie Zeng contribute d equally to the article.
1Department of Experimental and Applied
Psychology, VU Amsterdam, Amsterdam,
the Netherlands
2School of Psycholog y, Nanjing Nor mal
University, Nanjing, China
3Institute of Social Psychology, School
of Human ities and Social Science, Xi'an
Jiaotong University, Xi'an, China
4The Netherlands Institute for the Study
of Crime and Law Enforcement (NSCR),
Amsterdam, the Netherlands
5Maastricht University, Maastricht, the
Netherlands
Correspondence
Jia- Yan Mao, Department of Experimental
and Applied Psychology, VU A msterdam,
Van der Boechorststraat 7, 1081BT
Amsterdam, the Netherlands.
Email: j.mao@vu.nl
Funding information
China Scholarship Council, Grant/Award
Number: 202006860004; National Natural
Science Foundation of China, Grant/Award
Number: 71971120 and 72001171
Abstract
By distinguishing between ingroup versus outgroup con-
spiracy theories, this research seeks to explain a paradox
in conspiracy theory research, namely, that conspiracy be-
liefs are associated with both derogation and justification
of the social system. Study 1 (N = 1,481) was a survey in
the context of the COVID- 19 pandemic in China, and the
results revealed a negative correlation between belief in
ingroup conspiracy theories and system- justifying beliefs.
In Study 2 (N = 195), exposure to outgroup conspiracy the-
ories positively predicted system- justifying beliefs, a find-
ing that was serially mediated by external attributions and
collective narcissism. In Study 3 (N = 256), exposure to
ingroup conspiracy theories negatively predicted system-
justifying beliefs, a result that was serially mediated by
internal attributions and anomie. In Study 4 (N = 616) , ex -
posure to a conspiracy theory about the US government
increased system- justifying beliefs among Chinese partic-
ipants and decreased them among US participants. The
distinction between ingroup versus outgroup conspiracy
theories hence implies two different processes through
which conspiracy theories affect system- justifying beliefs.
KEYWOR DS
anomie, attribution, belief in conspiracy theories, collective
narcissism, system- justifying belief
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INTRODUCTION
Throughout history, conspiracy theories have been rampant following major societal crises
such as wars, natural disasters, and terrorist attacks (van Prooijen & Douglas,2017). During
the COVID- 19 pandemic, many citizens endorsed conspiracy theories such as that the novel
coronavirus came from China's “biological warfare plan” or that the virus was a “biological
weapon” that leaked out of a Wuhan laboratory (Dehghani & Masoumi,2020; Douglas,2020;
Nie,2020). At the same time, large numbers of Chinese citizens believed the conspiracy the-
ory that the United States created the virus (Mao et al.,2021; Mu,2020; Su et al.,2021). Such
conspiracy theories surge particularly in societal crisis situations, which is consistent with the
notion that feelings of existential threat trigger the sensemaking processes underlying people's
belief in conspiracy theories (Van Prooijen,2020; Van Prooijen & Douglas,2 017).
A common assumption is that conspiracy theories have negative, and even subversive, soci-
etal implications. As the World Health Organization (WHO) has articulated in response to the
COVID- 19 pandemic, “We're not just fighting an epidemic; we're fighting an infodemic. Fake
news spreads faster and more easily than this virus, and is just as dangerous” (see also Oleksy,
Wnuk, Maison, & Łyś,2021; Pennycook et al.,2020; Van Bavel et al.,2020; WHO, 2020). For
example, belief in the conspiracy theory that electromagnetic waves transmitted by 5G tech-
nology could cause COVID- 19 has prompted people to damage telecommunication masts in
arson attacks and to verbally or physically abuse their engineers (Jolley & Paterson, 2020;
Waterson & Hern,2020). Also, Casara et al.(2022) have found that belief in conspiracy theo-
ries can motivate collective action against the perceived threat of economic inequality (see also
Sternisko et al.,2021). More generally, belief in conspiracy theories is associated with dissatis-
faction with the current social system (Abalakina- Paap et al.,1999; Goertzel,1994), suggesting
that conspiracy theories predict a tendency to derogate or challenge the social system.
System threat also can inspire people to defend the social system they live in, however (Kay
& Friesen,2011). Previous studies have found that conspiracy theories therefore can increase
system justification (Jolley et al.,2018; Mao et al.,2021), defined as the belief that the social
system and the status quo are legitimate (Kay & Jost,2003, 2014). Jolley et al.(2018) found that
exposure to conspiracy theories increases participants' satisfaction with the British social sys-
tem. Moreover, the relationship between belief in conspiracy theories and satisfaction with the
status quo was mediated by a tendency to attribute social problems to individuals and small
groups rather than systemic causes. Likewise, Mao et al.(2021) found that the system threat
posed by the COVID- 19 pandemic led Chinese participants to believe stronger conspiracy the-
ories about outgroups (mainly the United States), which in turn predicted increased system-
justifying belief. This illustrates that conspiracy theories can increase people's support for the
government and the social system that they live in.
Taken together, these findings suggest a paradox: Whereas conspiracy theories often are
associated with negative feelings and attitudes toward one's own society and government
(Goertzel,1994; Imhoff & Bruder,2014), they are also associated with a tendency to justify
the social system that citizens live in (Jolley et al.,2018; Mao et al.,2021). In the present re-
search, we try to resolve this paradox by examining the role of the social identity of the alleged
conspirators. Beliefs in conspiracy theories are rooted in perceived intergroup conflict (van
Prooijen,2020; van Prooijen & van Vugt,2018), and, indeed, people often believe conspiracy
theories about competing outgroups (Cichocka et al.,2016; Mashuri & Zaduqisti,2015; van
Prooijen & Song,2021). People may also often believe conspiracy theories from within their
own ingroup, however, such as the belief that one's own government is involved in malevolent
conspiracies (van Prooijen & van Lange,2014). Such ingroup conspiracies may be difficult to
dissociate from the social system that people live in. We therefore propose that this distinc-
tion between ingroup versus outgroup conspiracy theories is of paramount importance in the
relationship between system- justifying beliefs. For the present purposes, we operationalize
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CONSPIRACY THEORIES AND SYSTEM JUSTIFICATION
the distinction between ingroup and outgroup at the national level in our studies, given that
different countries represent different social systems.
Hofstadter(1966) has pointed out that conspiracy theories help people understand incom-
prehensible events by attributing significant events to powerful, hostile groups. Our overarch-
ing theoretical proposition is that these attributions differ between ingroup versus outgroup
conspiracy theories: Ingroup conspiracy theories are likely associated with internal attribu-
tions blaming the social system, whereas outgroup conspiracy theories are likely associated
with external attributions blaming factors outside the social system. For instance, when peo-
ple attribute COVID- 19 to a conspiracy of their own government, it reduces trust in their
government; however, this is not the case when people attribute COVID- 19 to a conspiracy of
foreign groups (Bertin et al.,2022; McCarthy et al.,2022; Oleksy, Wnuk, Gambin, & Łyś,2021).
Ingroup and outgroup conspiracy theories thus stimulate different attributions— assuming
that societal problems were caused within or outside the social systemwhich in turn are
associated with different appraisals of the social system. We therefore hypothesize that belief
in ingroup conspiracy theories is negatively correlated with system- justifying belief, whereas
belief in outgroup conspiracy theories is positively correlated with system- justifying belief
(Hypothesis 1). In what follows, we highlight the more specific underlying processes for out-
group versus ingroup conspiracy theories separately.
Belief in outgroup conspiracy theories and system- justifying belief
Why would outgroup conspiracy theories predict increased system justification? We propose that
as outgroup conspiracy theories trigger attributions to hostile, immoral forces external to the so-
cial system, they also underscore the inherent greatness of their own social system. Conspiracy
theories about outgroups often are associated with two complementary psychological processes:
strong feelings of cohesion within one's own group (e.g., ingroup favoritism) and derogation of dif-
ferent groups as reflected in prejudice, hostility, and feelings of intergroup threat (e.g., Chayinska &
Minescu,2018; Tajfel & Turner,1979; Van Bavel & Pereira,2018; van Prooijen & van Vugt,2018).
Correspondingly, the cohesion within one's group— as associated with outgroup conspiracy be-
liefs— is often reflected in collective narcissism, that is, the feeling that one's own group is superior
to other groups and has special entitlements (Cichocka et al.,2016; Robertson et al.,2022).
Previous studies have found a significant positive correlation between collective narcissism and be-
lief in outgroup conspiracy theories (Cichocka et al.,2015, 2016; Golec de Zavala & Federico,2018;
Robertson et al., 2022; Sternisko et al., 2021). For example, collective narcissism among Polish
participants is correlated with conspiratorial stereotypes of Jewish attempts at world domination
(Golec de Zavala & Cichocka,2012). Americans' collective narcissism is positively correlated with
support for conspiracy theories involving foreign governments (Cichocka et al.,2016). Collective
narcissism is closely coupled with people's desire to defend, protect, and recognize their ingroup,
which supports system- justifying beliefs. We therefore hypothesize a serial mediation model, such
that belief in outgroup conspiracy theories positively predicts system- justifying belief through col-
lective narcissism and attributions external to the social system (Hypothesis 2).
Belief in ingroup conspiracy theories and system- justifying belief
Although outgroup conspiracy theories may trigger external attributions that downplay flaws
in the system, making internal attributions that accuse important actors from within one's own
community of malpractice is likely to highlight flaws in the system. We therefore propose that
the attributional process associated with ingroup conspiracy theories is likely to promote ano-
mie, defined as the shared perception that society is collapsing (Teymoori et al.,2017). Anomie
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MAO et al.
often occurs in times of social crisis (Casara et al.,2022; Teymoori et al.,2016, 2017), such
as war, terrorism (Jamieson, 1998), extensive political, ideological, and institutional change
(Ådnanes,2007; Genov,1998; Huschka & Mau,2006), and high levels of social inequality and
crime (Casara et al.,2022; Merton,1938, 1968; Messner & Rosenfeld,2001).
How people interpret and communicate perceptions of objective events shapes the develop-
ment of anomie (Teymoori et al.,2017). As ingroup conspiracy theories ascribe crisis events to
internal systems, belief in ingroup conspiracy theories is likely to stimulate feelings of anomie.
Previous research indeed has observed a positive correlation between belief in conspiracy theo-
ries about the government and anomie (Goertzel,1994), which in turn is likely to be associated
with feelings of alienation and dissatisfaction with the social system. Anomie is negatively cor-
related with belief in a just world (Teymoori et al.,2016), predicts withdrawal from the super-
ordinate group (Hornsey & Hogg,2000; Teymoori et al.,2017), reduces perceived cohesion in
society (Durkheim,1897/1987; Orru,1983; Zhao & Cao,2010), and lowers national identifica-
tion (Blank,2003; Scheepers et al.,1992; Srole,1956). We therefore hypothesize that the negative
relationship between ingroup conspiracy beliefs and system- justifying belief is serially mediated
by internal attributions and anomie (Hypothesis 3).
Current research overview
In the current research, we report a correlational study (Study 1) and three experimental studies
(Studies 2, 3, and 4) that delve into the complex relationship between belief in (ingroup vs. out-
group) conspiracy theories and system- justifying beliefs. Study 1 tested Hypothesis 1 in a correla-
tional study that took place in the context of the COVID- 19 pandemic. Study 2 tested Hypothesis
2 through an experimental manipulation of exposure to outgroup conspiracy theories. Study 3
tested Hypothesis 3 through a manipulation of exposure to ingroup conspiracy theories. Study
4 further tested our line of reasoning by manipulating exposure to a conspiracy theory involving
the US government in a Chinese sample (outgroup conspiracy theory) and a US sample (ingroup
conspiracy theory). All studies were conducted with Chinese samples, except for Study 4.
ST U DY 1
Study 1 was a survey study with a large sample conducted in China in August 2021, when
the delta variant of the coronavirus started spreading into the Chinese mainland. Our pur-
pose was to explore the relationship between belief in ingroup and outgroup conspiracy theo-
ries and system- justifying belief in the context of the COVID- 19 pandemic. All participants
completed measures including ingroup conspiracy beliefs, outgroup conspiracy beliefs, and
system- justifying belief. Following Hypothesis 1, we expected a negative correlation between
system- justifying belief and belief in ingroup conspiracy theories, and a positive correlation
with belief in outgroup conspiracy theories.
Method
Participants and design
We sent out a battery of questionnaires through Credamo, a Chinese crowdsourcing site
similar to Amazon's Mechanical Turk. A total of 1,497 adult participants in mainland
China provided written informed consent and completed the questionnaires. Three partici-
pants were removed because they were under 18 years old, and 13 participants were removed
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CONSPIRACY THEORIES AND SYSTEM JUSTIFICATION
because their time required to complete the questions was extremely short. The final sam-
ple for data analysis consisted of 1,481 participants (680 males, 729 females, 72 partici-
pants without gender information), ranging in age from 18 to 68 years, with a mean age of
29.28 years (SD = 6. 81).
Materials and procedure
Using a self- compiled scale based on the Conspiracy Mentality Scale developed by Imhoff and
Bruder(2014), we measured participants' belief in ingroup conspiracy theories. There were three
statements (e.g., “The government has covered up the truth about the recent pandemic”; 1 = strongly
disagree, 7 = strongly agree, Cronbach's α = .76).1 Belief in outgroup conspiracy theories was meas-
ured by selecting three items from the scale of outgroup conspiracy beliefs in the context of the
pandemic compiled by Mao et al.(2021), combined with one self- compiled item. Participants rated
the four items (e.g., “The novel coronavirus variant ‘Delta strain’ that has suddenly emerged in
China recently was maliciously transmitted into China by foreign reactionary forces”; 1 = strongly
disagree, 7 = strongly agree, Cronbach's α = .87). The ingroup and outgroup conspiracy belief items
loaded on separate factors in a factor analysis (see the Online Supplementary Materials). System-
justifying beliefs were measured with three items (e.g., “The majority of the Chinese government
policy is conducive to the interests of most people”; 1 = strongly disagree, 9 = strongly agree,
Cronbach's α = .87) adapted from the System Justification Scale (Kay & Jost,2003). The measures
were part of a larger questionnaire used for multiple different research projects.2 After completing
all the measurements, participants were paid a small amount of money.
Results
The correlations are displayed in Table1, showing that while ingroup conspiracy beliefs were
negatively related to system- justifying beliefs, outgroup conspiracy beliefs were unrelated to
system- justifying beliefs. These results support Hypothesis 1 for ingroup conspiracy theories,
but not for outgroup conspiracy theories.
Discussion
Although the negative correlation between belief in ingroup conspiracy theories and system-
justifying belief observed was consistent with our expectations, Study 1 did not replicate the
1We have emphasized in the preamble that these three items are about the Chines e govern ment.
2The questionnaire also included other variables, such as psychological distance, risk perception, perceived uncertainty,
responsibility attribution, and panic mental ity (see the online supplemental materials for a complete list of all measured variable s).
These variables were included in the survey by other researchers for other research purposes.
TABLE 1 Descriptive analysis and correlations.
MSD 1 2 3
1. Belief in ingroup conspiracy theories 2.20 1.11 1
2. Belief in outgroup conspiracy theories 4.22 1.39 .11*** 1
3. System- justifying belief 7.69 1.15 −.41*** .03 1
***p < .001.
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MAO et al.
positive correlation between belief in outgroup conspiracy theories and system- justifying be-
lief in a Chinese context (Mao et al.,2021).
One possible explanation is the difference between the time when we conducted the current
survey (August 2021) versus the time when Mao et al. (2021) carried out their experiments
(September and October 2020). In September and October 2020, the origin of the novel corona-
virus was still hotly debated in China, as many Chinese people believed in conspiracy theories
that it originated in the United States. In August 2021, however, when the delta strain was first
introduced to the Chinese mainland, people's support for the conspiracy theories that the virus
originated abroad dropped, whereas criticism of their own government's lack of responsibility
increased (Zheng,2022).
Study 1 illustrates that ingroup versus outgroup conspiracy beliefs have different implica-
tions for how people justify the social system that they live in. In addition, our findings are
consistent with a theoretical model that ingroup conspiracy theories may predict decreased
system justification, although the positive link between outgroup conspiracy theories and sys-
tem justification did not emerge in Study 1. There may hence be two different processes in the
relationship between belief in (ingroup vs. outgroup) conspiracy theories and system- justifying
belief. In the following, we report three experiments that investigated the effects of exposure
to outgroup (Studies 2 and 4) and ingroup (Studies 3 and 4) conspiracy theories on system-
justifying belief.
ST U DY 2
In Study 2, participants were exposed (vs. not exposed) to outgroup conspiracy theories
by reading text materials. The text materials focused on the conspiracy theory that Fort
Detrick in the United States leaked the coronavirus (a common theory in China). After
the reading task, participants were asked to rate their external attributions, collective
narcissism, and system- justifying beliefs. Based on our line of reasoning in the introduc-
tion, we expect a positive effect of exposure to outgroup conspiracy theories on system-
justifying beliefs, with external attribution and collective narcissism as serial mediators
of this effect.
Method
Participants and design
The study was a two- level between- group design (exposure to outgroup conspiracy theories:
exposure vs. control). An effect size (d) of .5 in an independent samples t- test requires a
sample size of approximately 102 participants for 80% power of detecting the effect. We re-
cruited 216 adult participants in mainland China through Credamo. A Monte Carlo power
analysis for indirect effects (Schoemann et al.,2 017) revealed that the current sample size
yielded 99% power to detect the serial mediation effect in our data. Two participants were
excluded because their time required to complete the questions was very short, and 14 par-
ticipants were excluded because their answers showed significant regularity (e.g., all the
results of the scale containing reverse- scoring questions were the same value and not the
middle value of the scale). In addition, five participants in the experimental group failed
the manipulation test and were deleted from data analyses. The final sample for data analy-
ses consisted of 195 participants (100 in the control group, 95 in the experimental group; 81
male, 114 female; Mage = 29 .17, SD = 6.34).
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CONSPIRACY THEORIES AND SYSTEM JUSTIFICATION
Materials and procedure
Inspired by the manipulation of Douglas and Sutton(2008), we asked participants in the out-
group conspiracy theory condition to read and understand as carefully as possible an article
about a conspiracy theory that Fort Detrick in the United States leaked the novel coronavirus.
This article consists of nine short paragraphs with multiple pieces of evidence to support the
idea that the COVID- 19 pandemic originated in the United States. The term conspiracy theory
does not appear in the article (for full text, see the Online Supplementary Materials). Consistent
with Jolley et al.(2018), participants in the control group did not participate in this reading
comprehension task or read any other written material, but directly responded to the media-
tors and dependent variables. After the manipulation, participants completed a multiple-
choice question to check comprehension of the manipulation.3
All participants then completed measurements of the remaining variables. Synthesizing
previous studies (Arlikatti et al.,2007; Brown & White, 2010; Cheng et al., 2017; McAuley
et al.,1992), we used a seven- item scale to measure participants' tendency to make external
attributions for the pandemic (e.g., “I hold the US government responsible for this outbreak
of COVID- 19”; 1 = strongly disagree, 9 = strongly agree, Cronbach's α = .93). Following Golec
de Zavala and Federico(2018), we used four items to measure participants' collective narcis-
sism (e.g., “If China had a major say in the world, the world would be a much better place”;
1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree, Cronbach's α = .69). In addition, consistent with pre-
vious studies (Mashuri & Zaduqisti,2014; Pehrson et al.,2009), we used four items to mea-
sure participants' national identification (e.g., “I feel close to China”; 1 = strongly disagree,
7 = strongly agree, Cronbach's α = .71). Finally, system- justifying belief was measured with
the eight- item System Justification Scale developed by Kay and Jost(2003; e.g., “China's po-
litical system operates in a fair and legitimate way”; 1 = strongly disagree, 9 = strongly agree,
Cronbach's α = .89). We also collected basic demographic information of participants. At the
end of the study, all participants received a small monetary reward.
Results
First, we conducted a series of independent samples t- tests on participants' external attribution,
collective narcissism, national identification, and system- justifying beliefs. Participants displayed
stronger external attribution, collective narcissism, national identification, and system- justifying
beliefs in the conspiracy exposure condition than in the control condition (see Table2). This
suggests that our experimental manipulation significantly influences all the dependent variables
in the expected manner. Descriptive statistics and correlational analyses showed that all the de-
pendent variables are positively correlated (see Tabl e2).
The PROCESS macro for IBM SPSS 25.0 (Model 6; Hayes,2013) was then used to test the serial
mediating effect of exposure to outgroup conspiracy theories on system- justifying belief, through
external attribution and collective narcissism. Regression analysis results (see Figure1) showed that,
after controlling for the mediators, the direct effect of exposure to outgroup conspiracy theories on
system- justifying belief was reduced to nonsignificant, B = .10, p = .12, CI95% [− .03, .23]. Although
exposure to outgroup conspiracy theories did not have a significant effect on collective narcissism in
this model, B = .05, p = .44, CI95% [− .08, .19], it did significantly predict external attribution, B = .50,
p < .001, CI95% [.37, .62], which in turn significantly predicted collective narcissism, B = .51, p < .001,
CI95% [.37, .65]. Both external attribution, B = .39, p < .001, CI95% [.25, .53], and collective narcissism,
B = .28, p < .001, CI95% [.15, .41], had significant effects on system- justifying belief.
3For complete multiple- choice questions in the three studies (Studies 2, 3, and 4), please refer to the Online Supplementar y
Materials. If all data are included in the statistical analyses, the results are similar.
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MAO et al.
TABLE 2 Independent samples t- tests, descriptive analysis, and correlations.
Experimental
group (N = 95)
Control group
(N = 100)
t
Cohen's
d M SD 1 2 3 4 5MSD MSD
1. Exposure to outgroup conspiracy theories .49 .50 1
2. External attribution 8.01 .69 6.77 1.36 7.96*** 1.15 7.37 1.25 .50*** 1
3. Collective narcissism 6.24 .56 5.83 .72 4.50*.64 6.03 .68 .31*** .54*** 1
4. National identification 6.66 .35 6.33 .51 5.24** .75 6.49 .47 .35*** .36*** .63*** 1
5. System- justifying belief 7.97 .64 7.29 1.0 0 5.68** .81 7.62 .91 .38*** .59*** .52*** .48*** 1
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.
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CONSPIRACY THEORIES AND SYSTEM JUSTIFICATION
The serial mediation analysis showed that external attribution and collective narcissism fully
mediated the effect of exposure to outgroup conspiracy theories on system- justifying belief, with a
mediating effect size of .28, accounting for 73.83% of the total effect (.38) of exposure to outgroup
conspiracy theories on system- justifying belief. The indirect effect generated by exposure to out-
group conspiracy theories external attribution collective narcissism system- justifying be-
lief was significant, B = .07, CI95% [.03, .14], accounting for 18.94% of the total effect.4
Discussion
The results of Study 2 support and extend the findings of Mao et al.(2021) that exposure to
outgroup conspiracy theories increases system- justifying belief. In addition, external attribu-
tion and collective narcissism serially mediate this effect, which supports Hypothesis 2.
ST U DY 3
Study 3 expanded on Study 2 by testing the idea that exposure to an ingroup conspiracy theory
reduces system justification. The ingroup conspiracy theory used was based on a “pregnant
miscarriage” incident that received widespread media attention in China. Specifically, one
month before Study 3 was carried out (February 2022), an eight- months pregnant woman in
Xi'an, China, had a miscarriage after waiting for two hours at the hospital gate because she
could not provide proof of a negative COVID- 19 test. After the reading task, participants were
asked to rate participants' attributions of this event as internal to the system, anomie, and
system- justifying belief. It was expected that exposure to ingroup conspiracy theories would
decrease system- justifying belief. Following Hypothesis 3, we also investigate the serial medi-
ating role of internal attribution and anomie in this effect.
Method
Participants and design
The study had a two- level between- group design (exposure to ingroup conspiracy theories: ex-
posure vs. control). Based on the same power analysis as in Study 2, 290 adult participants in
4The serial mediation model still holds when we include national identification along with individual and parental educational
levels as covariates i n the model.
FIGUR E 1 Study 2: Serial mediation model. Path values are the path coefficients with standard errors.
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001. All variables were standardized.
Exposure to Out-group Conspiracy Theories System-justifying Belief
External AttributionCollective Narcissism
.51(.07) ***
.50(.06) ***
.28(.07) ***
.10(.06)
.39(.07) ***
.05(.07)
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mainland China were recruited through Credamo. A Monte Carlo power analysis for indirect
effects (Schoemann et al.,2017) revealed that the current sample size yielded more than 99%
power to detect the serial mediation effect in our data. Two participants were excluded because
they failed our attention test, five participants were excluded because their time required to com-
plete the questions was very short, and 16 participants were excluded because their answers
showed significant regularity (for the same reasons as in Study 2). In addition, 11 participants
in the experimental group failed the manipulation test and were deleted from data analyses. The
final sample for data analysis consisted of 256 participants (130 in the control group, 126 in the
experimental group; 93 male, 163 female, Mage = 30.88, SD = 6.32).
Materials and procedure
Using the same manipulation method used in Study 2, participants in the ingroup conspiracy the-
ory exposure group first completed a reading comprehension task in which they were asked to read
and memorize an article about the “pregnant miscarriage” incident in Xi'an. This article consists of
four short paragraphs. The term conspiracy theory does not appear in the article (for full text, see the
Online Supplementary Materials), but it conveys a theme that many government policies and ac-
tions conceal unknown purposes, which is consistent with the characteristics of conspiracy theories
as summarized by previous researchers (Brotherton et al.,2013; van Prooijen & van Vugt,2018). As
in Study 2, participants in the control group did not read any materials but responded to the medi-
ating and dependent variables directly. After the experimental manipulation, participants com-
pleted a multiple- choice question to check comprehension of the manipulation.5
After this, all participants completed measurements of the remaining variables. We adapted
the measurement of attribution by Jolley et al.(2018) and presented participants with nine
major social issues (i.e., huge gap of wealth, serious environmental pollution, grim employment
landscape, imbalance of educational resources, excessively high price of housing, serious work
involution, sharp drop in new population, and entertainment prevails and corruption) in to-
day's Chinese society. Participants were asked to rate on a 9- point scale the extent to which they
thought a range of social issues are caused by the actions of individuals, small groups in society
(or foreign governments), or fundamental flaws inherent in Chinese society (1 = the actions of in-
dividuals, small groups in society or foreign governments, 9 = fundamental flaws inherent in Chinese
society, Cronbach's α = .84). The issues included flawed laws, values, social norms, institutions,
and China's political and economic systems.
We also assessed the Anomie Scale developed by Teymoori et al. (2016). Participants re-
sponded to 12 items (e.g., “People think that there are no clear moral standards to follow”;
1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree, Cronbach's α = .91) on the scale. System- justifying be-
lief was again measured with the eight items (Cronbach's α = .91) using the System Justification
Scale developed by Kay and Jost(2003). In addition, participants' national identification was
measured using the same four items (Cronbach's α = .81), as in Study 2. Finally, participants'
basic demographic information was collected, and they received a small monetary reward.
Results
A series of independent samples t- tests were conducted on participants' internal attribution,
anomie, system- justifying belief, and national identification. The results showed that partici-
pants had higher levels of internal attribution and anomie, but lower levels of system- justifying
belief and national identification in the experimental group than in the control group (see
5If all data are included in the statistical analyses, the results are simi lar.
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CONSPIRACY THEORIES AND SYSTEM JUSTIFICATION
Table3). This indicates that our manipulation influenced our measured variables in the ex-
pected manner. Descriptive statistics and correlational analyses showed that all the dependent
variables were significantly correlated (see Table3).
The PROCESS macro for IBM SPSS 25.0 (Model 6) developed by Hayes(2013) was again
used to test the serial mediating effect of exposure to ingroup conspiracy theories on system-
justifying belief through internal attribution and anomie. The results (see Figure2) revealed
that, after controlling for the mediators, the direct effect of exposure to ingroup conspiracy
theories on system- justifying belief was reduced to nonsignificant, B = −.0 7, p = .08, CI95%
[−.16, .01]. Exposure to ingroup conspiracy theories had significant effects on internal attri-
bution, B = .34, p < .0 01, CI 95% [.22, .45], and anomie, B = .21, p < .001, C I95% [.09, .33]; internal
attribution significantly predicted anomie, B = .26, p < .001, C I95% [.14, .39], but did not pre-
dict system- justifying belief, B = −.0 4, p = .37, C I95% [−.12, .05]; anomie significantly predicted
system- justifying belief, B = −.75, p < .001, CI95% [−.83, −.67].
The results of the serial mediation analysis showed that internal attribution and anomie fully
mediated the effect of exposure to ingroup conspiracy theories on system- justifying belief, with
a mediating effect size of −.24, accounting for 76.43% of the total effect (−.31) of exposure to
ingroup conspiracy theories on system- justifying belief. Specifically, the indirect effect generated
by exposure to ingroup conspiracy theories internal attribution anomie system- justifying
belief was significant, B = − .07, CI95% [−.13, −.03], accounting for 21.58% of the total effect.6
Discussion
Study 3 demonstrated that exposure to ingroup conspiracy theories decreases system- justifying
belief, serially mediated by internal attributions and anomie. This supports Hypothesis 3.
Studies 2 and 3 jointly are consistent with our conjecture that the type of conspiracy theories
(ingroup vs. outgroup) elicits different attributions, thus explaining the complex relationships
between belief in conspiracy theories and system justification.
ST U DY 4
While Studies 2 and 3 separately tested the effects of outgroup versus ingroup conspiracy
theories on system justification beliefs, in Study 4, we tried to find experimental evidence for
both processes in a single study. Specifically, Study 4 exposed participants to a conspiracy
theory about the role of the US government and pharmaceutical companies in the COVID- 19
pandemic (vs. a control group), but it recruited participants in China and the United States.
The reading material hence exposed Chinese participants to an outgroup conspiracy theory
but American participants to an ingroup conspiracy theory.
Method
Participants and design
The study used a 2 (sample: US vs. China) × 2 (exposure to conspiracy theories: exposure vs.
control) between- subject design. In China, 330 Chinese adult participants were recruited
through wenju an.com, a platform similar to Credamo. In the United States, 330 American adult
6The serial mediation model still holds when we include national identification along with individual and parental educational
levels as covariates i n the model.
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TABLE 3 Independent samples t- tests, descriptive analysis, and correlations.
Experimental
group (N = 126)
Control group
(N = 130)
t
Cohen's
d M SD 12345MSD MSD
1. Exposure to ingroup
conspiracy theories
.49 .50 1
2. Internal attribution 6.08 1.21 5.09 1.52 5.73*** .72 5.58 1.46 .34*** 1
3. Anomie 2.98 .99 2.40 .87 5.01*** .62 2.68 .97 .30*** .34*** 1
4. System- justifying
belief
7.0 0 1.37 7.73 .80 −5.22*** −.65 7.37 1.17 .31*** −.32*** −.79*** 1
5. National
identification
6.01 .88 6.33 .50 −3.55*** −.45 6.17 .73 −.22*** −.19 ** −.56*** .73*** 1
**p < .01; ***p < .001.
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CONSPIRACY THEORIES AND SYSTEM JUSTIFICATION
participants were recruited through Prolific. Following our preregistration, 21 participants were
excluded because their answers showed significant regularity (for the same reasons as in Study 2;
11 Chinese and 10 American). In addition, 23 participants in the experimental group failed the
manipulation test (10 Chinese and 13 American) and were deleted from data analyses.
The final Chinese sample consisted of 309 participants (153 in the control group, 156 in the
experimental group; 98 male, 209 female, 2 other; Mage = 32.03 , SD = 6.77). The final American
sample consisted of 307 participants (153 in the control group, 154 in the experimental group;
182 male, 119 female, 6 other; Mage = 37.73, SD = 14.12 ).
Materials and procedure
Participants in the conspiracy theory exposure groups were asked to read an excerpt from a blog
about a suspected conspiracy of the US government having a secret deal with pharmaceutical
companies such as Pfizer during the COVID- 19 pandemic (for full text, see the Online
Supplementary Materials). After reading the text, participants were asked to briefly summarize
the main content in one or two sentences and then completed a multiple- choice comprehension
check.7 Participants in the control condition responded directly to the dependent variables.
After this, all participants completed the measurement of the dependent variables. Similar to
Studies 2 and 3, we used the System Justification Scale developed by Kay and Jost(2003) to mea-
sure system- justifying belief with eight items (Cronbach's α = .91). Chinese participants were asked to
provide system- justifying beliefs about Chinese society, whereas American participants were asked to
provide these for American society. In addition, we used four self- compiled items (e.g., “I believe there
were secret and illegal deals between the US government and pharmaceutical companies during the
course of the COVID- 19 pandemic”; 1 = strongly disagree, 9 = strongly agree, Cronbach's α = .92) to
measure participants’ specific belief in conspiracy theories about the US government. Finally, partic-
ipants' basic demographic information was collected, and they all received a small monetary reward.
Results
Conspiracy beliefs
A 2 (sample) × 2 (conspiracy exposure) ANOVA revealed that the main effect of conspiracy
exposure was significant, F(1,612) = 6. 67, p = . 010, η2 = .011. The main effect of the sample also
7If the data of par ticipants who made an error on the multiple- choice question (22 participants) are i ncluded in the analyses, the
results are similar.
FIGUR E 2 Study 3: Serial mediation model. Path values are the path coefficients with standard errors.
*p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001. All variables were standardized.
Exposure to In-group Conspiracy Theories System-justifying Belief
Internal Attribution Anomie
–.07(.04)
.26(.06) ***
.34(.06) ***
–.75(.04)***
–.04(.04)
.21(.06) ***
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MAO et al.
was significant, F(1,612) = 181.11, p < .001, η2 = .228. The interaction between conspiracy expo-
sure and sample was not significant, F(1,612) = .15, p = .70 2, η2 = .000. These findings indicate
that our manipulation of conspiracy exposure successfully influenced participants' conspiracy
beliefs.
System- justifying beliefs
A 2 (sample) × 2 (conspiracy exposure) ANOVA revealed that the main effect of conspiracy
exposure was not significant, F(1,612) = .03, p = .866, η2 = .000. The main effect of the sample
was significant, F(1,612) = 620.92 , p < .0 01, η2 = .504. Importantly, the interaction effect between
conspiracy exposure and sample was significant, F(1,612) = 11.32 , p = .0 01, η2 = .018. Figure3
displays the interaction effect.
Among US participants, the simple main effect of conspiracy exposure on system-
justifying belief was significant, F(1,612) = 5.0 9, p = .024, η2 = .008. System- justifying beliefs
of American participants exposed to the conspiracy theory (M = 3 .76, SD = .11) were signifi-
cantly lower than those of the American control group (M = 4.10 , SD = .11). Among Chinese
participants, the simple main effect of conspiracy exposure on system- justifying belief was
also significant, F(1,612) = 6.2 7, p = .013, η2 = .010. System- justifying beliefs of Chinese par-
ticipants exposed to the conspiracy theory (M = 6.75 , SD = .11) were significantly higher
than those of the Chinese control group (M = 6.38 , SD = .11). These findings further support
our line of reasoning.8
Discussion
Study 4 sought to test the effects of ingroup versus outgroup conspiracy theories by pre-
senting a conspiracy involving the US government, and then recruiting Chinese and US
participants. The results supported our hypothesis: Exposure to an ingroup conspiracy
theory (i.e., US participants exposed to a conspiracy theory about the US government) de-
creased system justification, but exposure to an outgroup conspiracy theory (i.e., Chinese
participants exposed to a conspiracy theory about the US government) increased system
justification.
GENERAL DISCUSSION
There seems to be a paradox in previous research results on the relationship between con-
spiracy theory and system- justifying belief. On the one hand, conspiracy beliefs are associ-
ated with the public's dissatisfaction with, and derogation of, the social system that they live
in (Abalakina- Paap et al.,1999; Casara et al.,2022; Goertzel,1994; Imhoff & Bruder,2014).
On the other hand, however, conspiracy theories can stimulate people to defend the social
system they live in and perceive it as fair and legitimate (Jolley et al.,2018; Mao et al.,2021).
The current research sought to resolve this paradox by classifying conspiracy theories accord-
ing to whether the suspected conspirators come from perceivers' ingroup or outgroup. Study
1 revealed a negative correlation between belief in ingroup conspiracy theories and system-
justifying beliefs. Results further indicated that exposure to an outgroup conspiracy theory
increased system- justifying beliefs in Study 2, while exposure to an ingroup conspiracy theory
8If gender and age are controlled for, the results are similar.
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CONSPIRACY THEORIES AND SYSTEM JUSTIFICATION
reduced system- justifying beliefs in Study 3. Through serial mediation analyses, the current
research also supports two different processes underlying the relationship between belief in
conspiracy theories and system- justifying belief. Furthermore, Study 4 indicated different ef-
fects on ingroup versus outgroup conspiracy theories on system justification within the same
study by recruiting participants from the United States and China.
Although overall the results were quite consistent, Study 1 did not replicate the positive
correlation between belief in outgroup conspiracy theories and system- justifying belief found
by Mao et al.(2021). We suspect this is the case because the social situation in China at the
time of our survey had changed significantly from that of Mao et al.(2021). This also under-
scores the necessity of subsequent experimental manipulation of conspiracy theory exposure.
Furthermore, various conspiracy theories about the same event may point to different conspir-
ators and different plots, and supporting these different conspiracy theories may have different
social consequences (Imhoff & Lamberty,2020; Oleksy, Wnuk, Maison, & Łyś,2021). The
present research adds to these issues by illuminating that whether people categorize conspir-
acy theories as internal or external to their society matters for how they feel about that society.
One of the main contributions of the current research is that it illuminates how ingroup
versus outgroup conspiracy theories have different downstream implications, notably for how
people evaluate their social and political systems. This distinction also resonates with social
identity theory (Tajfel & Turner,1979), which stipulates that people's positive social identity is
enhanced upon realizing that their ingroup is superior to an outgroup. However, when their in-
group is in a relatively weak position— as is the case when people feel threatened by a powerful
outgroup— they may endorse beliefs to restore their ingroup status, such as that the powerful
outgroup is part of an immoral conspiracy (Casara et al.,2022; Einstein & Glick,2015). When
the hostile group is an inseparable part of one's own ingroup (e.g., one's own government),
however, it decreases the value that people attribute to their group. This distinction between
threats coming from within or outside a perceiver's' own group has different psychological
aftereffects and social consequences.
A core aspect of our line of reasoning is people's tendency to attribute perceived malprac-
tice as internal or external to the system. Jolley et al.(2018) found that conspiracy theories can
justify social systems by attributing social problems to individuals and small groups instead
of systemic causes, thus allowing more satisfaction with the status quo. The serial mediation
analysis of Study 2 provides further support for this process, and it illuminates that people
can legitimize their system by attributing its problems to causes outside the system. Moreover,
Study 3 underscores that a different attributional process explains the link between ingroup
FIGUR E 3 Study 4: Mean system- justifying beliefs as a function of sample (Chinese vs. American
participants) and exposure to a conspiracy theory involving the US government (exposure vs. control).
1.00
2.00
3.00
4.00
5.00
6.00
7.00
8.00
9.00
Chinese participants American participants
System-justifying beliefs
Conspiracy exposure
Control group
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MAO et al.
conspiracy theories and system- justifying beliefs: Ingroup conspiracy theories make people
attribute societal problems as inherent to the system, decreasing its legitimacy. Together, this
suggests that conspiracy theories instigate an attributional process that shapes their evalua-
tions of society.
For the path of outgroup conspiracy theories increasing system- justifying belief, we also
have investigated collective narcissism as a mediator on the basis of previous research findings.
Expandi ng previous studie s showing positive correlations between collective narcissism and be-
lief in outgroup conspiracy theories (Cichocka et al.,2016; Golec de Zavala & Cichocka,2012),
Study 2 demonstrates that exposure to an outgroup conspiracy theory causally increases peo-
ple's collective narcissism. Apparently, conspiracy theories help to bolster people's social self-
perception (Biddlestone et al.,2021). More importantly for the present purposes, our results
suggest that through collective narcissism, outgroup conspiracy theories incite a psychological
process leading them to justify their societal system.
For the path of ingroup conspiracy theories decreasing system- justifying belief, we have
introduced anomie as a mediating variable. Anomie is primarily a sociological concept, orig-
inally used to describe a state in which a social system is collapsing (Durkheim, 1897/1987;
Merton, 1938, 1968; Messner & Rosenfeld, 2001; Teymoori et al., 2 017). This social state is
closely related to social crisis situations (Casara et al.,2022; Teymoori et al.,2016, 2017 ) and
provides fertile soil for conspiracy theories. Our research suggests that ingroup conspiracy
theories increase feelings of anomie, decreasing the extent to which they perceive the societal
system as legitimate and just.
The present findings may inspire future research designed to examine differential effects
of ingroup versus outgroup conspiracy theories. This also hints at possible practical impli-
cations of this research. When public opinion blames outgroups for crisis situations and,
accordingly, outgroup conspiracy theories proliferate, citizens may display increased levels
of nationalism and collective narcissism. In such situations, public officials need to be pre-
pared for possible hostility toward outgroups. When ingroup conspiracy theories prevail,
however, such hostility is more likely directed at one's own public institutions, increasing
the need for governmental authorities to build institutional trust among citizens. Indeed,
governmental interventions to build trust can counteract the impact of COVID- 19 conspir-
acy theories (Murphy et al.,2021).
Limitations
It is important to point out that the current research has some limitations. First, although rely-
ing on Chinese samples may increase knowledge of how conspiracy beliefs emerge in Eastern
cultures, an almost exclusive focus on China (with the exception of Study 4) may also limit the
generalizability of our research findings. China is a country with a collectivistic culture, and
this cultural dimension is related to people's susceptibility to conspiracy theories and other
unfounded beliefs (Adam- Troïan et al.,2021; Lin et al.,2021; Van Prooijen & Song,2021). The
extent to which our conclusions generalize to countries with a Western cultural background
hence needs to be addressed more thoroughly in future studies.
Second, there were various methodological limitations associated with our studies. Notably,
although the conclusions of Studies 2 and 3 are based on serial mediation analyses, it is impos-
sible to prove causal relationships in cross- sectional designs. In addition, the experimental de-
sign of Studies 2, 3, and 4 compared the experimental condition to a baseline condition where
no information was provided. It is therefore difficult to establish whether the observed effects
are due to the conspiracist nature of the vignette or merely to providing critical information
about an ingroup or an outgroup. These limitations may be resolved in future research using
different research designs.
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CONSPIRACY THEORIES AND SYSTEM JUSTIFICATION
Finally, we should note that there may be additional important factors (e.g., national iden-
tification in Studies 2 and 3) explaining the links between ingroup and outgroup conspiracy
theories and system- justifying belief. This is important, as accumulating evidence indicates
that ingroup versus outgroup conspiracy theories are associated with different psychological
processes and outcomes (Wang & Van Prooijen,2023). Relatedly, we have operationalized in-
groups and outgroups based on national identity, as these include different social systems. This
limits the extent to which the present findings generalize to different ingroups and outgroups,
for example, within the same country (e.g., competing political parties, different racial groups).
This needs to be explored in future research. Nonetheless, our current research model can be
used as a theoretical framework to study how belief in ingroup and outgroup conspiracy theo-
ries produces different psychological and social effects. The present studies hence represent a
first step to acknowledge the important differences between ingroup versus outgroup conspir-
acy theories, and they clarify that this distinction deserves more attention in future research.
Concluding remarks
The occurrence of social crisis situations stimulates conspiracy theories (Van Prooijen &
Douglas, 2017 ). However, embracing conspiracy theories can have different, even contra-
dictory, social effects, especially in political attitudes, which can lead to both derogating
(Abalakina- Paap et al.,1999; Casara et al.,2022; Goertzel,1994; Imhoff & Bruder,2014) and
justifying social systems (Jolley et al.,2018; Mao et al.,2021). This research used an intergroup
perspective to explain this paradox, by clarifying the effects of whether the suspected con-
spirators come from the ingroup or a competing outgroup. The results are consistent with the
notions that outgroup conspiracy theories predict increased system- justifying beliefs, whereas
ingroup conspiracy theories predict decreased system- justifying beliefs. These findings sug-
gest that when examining the social and political impact of belief in conspiracy theories, one
needs to take the social categorization of the suspected conspirators into account.
ACKNO WLE DGE MENTS
This work was funded by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (Project No.
71971120, Project No. 72001171) and the China Scholarship Council (Grant/Award Number:
202006860004).
DATA AVAILA BI LIT Y STATE MEN T
All data and materials of the studies reported here are publicly available on the Open Science
Framework (https://osf.io/g37vz/). For all the studies, we report all the conditions and meas-
ures (either in the Method sections or the Supplementary Materials); data exclusions (if any)
are reported in the Method sections of the respective studies. All the studies reported here have
formal ethical approval, and Study 4 was preregistered (https://osf.io/m5hqn ?revis ionId =63491
9ecd1 964c1 02748 2996).
ORCI D
Jia- Yan Mao https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7598-0870
Jan- Willem van Prooijen https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6236-0819
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SUPPORTING INFORMATION
Additional supporting information can be found online in the Supporting Information section
at the end of this article.
How to cite this article: Mao, J.-Y., Zeng, Z.-X., Yang, S.-L., Guo, Y.-Y., & van Prooijen,
J.-W. (2023). Explaining the paradox of conspiracy theories and system- justifying beliefs
from an intergroup perspective. Political Psychology, 00, 1–20. https://d oi.or g /10.1111/
pops.12924
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... Examples of such include: (1) glorifying the Cross-Cultural Vaccine Hesitancy self and the ingroup by placing blame for negative consequences of the pandemic on outgroups (Thomas et al., 2024); (2) creating an explanation for the origins of COVID-19 (Leibovits et al., 2021); and (3) delegitimizing the pandemic and its perceived threat (Douglas, 2021;Pummerer et al., 2022). Each of these served the purpose of protecting the legitimacy of the nation-state and its corresponding ingroup, consistent with recent research on the system-justifying capabilities of conspiracy beliefs (Mao et al., 2024). Aside from this, the speed at which vaccines and other pharmaceutical options were developed to combat COVID-19 has caused many to question their efficacy and safety (Haque & Plant, 2020). ...
... Conspiracy theories draw on social identity and uniqueness motives (Sternisko et al., 2020) and stem from individual, relational, and collective social identities (Biddlestone et al., 2021). They can reinforce support for the social order when threatened (Jolley et al., 2018) and bolster nationalistic ideals by framing outgroups as disruptors (Mao et al., 2021;Mao et al., 2024). Thus, a stronger national identity may predict system justification and belief in pandemic-related conspiracy theories Jutzi et al., 2020). ...
... Ultimately, national identification is associated with system justification, as a strong sense of national identity can foster a motivation to perceive the existing social order as legitimate and stable. This tendency may be particularly pronounced in times of crises, when maintaining a positive national image and protecting the status quo from change/threat become especially salient (Jutzi et al., 2020;Mao et al., 2024). ...
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... Our approach assumes that conspiracy mentality is a system challenging worldview. Mao et al. (2023) have shown that conspiracy theories blaming the national ingroup's authorities reduce system justification, whereas conspiracy theories accusing powerful outgroups (e.g., the US in a Chinese participants sample) foster system justification (see also Jolley et al., 2018). ...
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... Our findings suggest the opposite, and the distinction between conspiracy mentality and specific conspiracy beliefs provides an explanation for this CONSPIRACY BELIEFS AND ATTRIBUTION FOR INEQUALITIES discrepancy. Conspiracy theories can be mobilized in a diversity of settings for a variety of ideological reasons (e.g., to bolster or challenge the establishment, Mao et al., 2023;Wood & Gray, 2019; see also Nera et al., 2022). In contrast, conspiracy mentality is robustly associated with discontent with the status quo. ...
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... Often used as a tool for political mobilization, they incite nationalist sentiments, thereby consolidating their power and influence. Especially in foreign policy, authorities may fabricate conspiracies against external "hostile" nations to incite hatred towards external malevolent forces, thereby enhancing domestic unity and support for the government (Mao et al., 2023;Nefes, 2017). ...
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... van Prooijen, 2022b), when they confirm ingroup values, or when they allege that harm is being done to an opponent, which can inspire schadenfreude (Spears & Leach, 2004). Research has, for example, shown that reading about a conspiracy theory casting blame on others can increase positive feelings about one's own system (Jolley et al., 2018;Mao et al., 2024). Overall, the more the emphasis on a conspiracy theory providing superior knowledge, superior morality and/or harm to an enemy instead of harm to one's own group, the more the conspiracy theory should elicit appraisals of pleasantness. ...
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2024) The appraisal model of conspiracy theories (AMCT): Applying appraisal theories to understand emotional and behavioral reactions to conspiracy theories. Psychological Inquiry. ISSN 1047-840X. (In press) Kent Academic Repository Downloaded from https://kar.
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Chapter
Conspiracy theories are a common feature of social and political debate, and of growing concern for governments and policymakers. Awareness of the importance of conspiracy theories has been facilitated by a rapid expansion of empirical research in the past 20 years, and the bulk of this research comes from social psychology. In the current chapter, we review this significant research progress, focusing on the antecedents of conspiracy beliefs and their consequences. As we review this literature, we refer to examples from our ongoing research programme. We then articulate what we perceive to be the main limitations of the research to date focusing on measurement, sampling and theoretical focus, and propose avenues for future research. Finally, we briefly discuss interventions to address the effects of conspiracy theories.
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Recent empirical and theoretical developments suggest that endorsement of conspiracy theories can arise from the frustration of social motives. Taking this further, the current review integrates theorising on processes relating to three selves—the individual, relational, and collective self and outlines their associations with conspiracy beliefs. In doing so, we argue that motives pertaining to the individual self (e.g., narcissism, need for uniqueness) are linked to belief in conspiracy theories to deflect blame from personal shortcomings and protect the self‐image. Motives responding to threats to the relational self (e.g., social exclusion) increase endorsement of conspiracy theories to regain a sense of social support through exchanging shared concerns. Finally, collective self motives (e.g., collective narcissism, perceived ingroup victimhood) foster conspiracy beliefs to defend the group image by blaming outgroups for ingroup misfortunes and placing one's group in a morally superior victim role. Taken together, endorsement of conspiracy theories appears to be borne out of attempts to manage these three selves. Potential consequences for each of the selves, future directions, and theoretical implications are discussed.
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People often find truth and meaning in claims that have no regard for truth or empirical evidence. We propose that one reason is that people value connecting and fitting in with others, motivating them to seek the common ground of communication and generate explanations for how claims might make sense. This increases the likelihood that people experience empty claims as truthful, meaningful, or even profound. Seven studies (N > 16,000 from the U.S. and China) support our prediction. People who score higher in collectivism (valuing connection and fitting in) are more likely to find fake news meaningful and believe in pseudoscience (Studies 1 to 3). China-U.S. cross-national comparisons show parallel effects. Relative to people from the U.S., Chinese participants are more likely to see meaning in randomly generated vague claims (Study 4). People higher in collectivism are more likely to engage in meaning-making, generating explanations when faced with an empty claim, and having done so, are more likely to find meaning (Study 5). People who momentarily experience themselves as more collectivistic are more likely to see empty claims as meaningful (Study 6). People higher in collectivism are more likely to engage in meaning-making unless there is no common ground to seek (Study 7). We interpret our results as suggesting that conditions that trigger collectivism create fertile territory for the spread of empty claims, including fake news and misinformation.
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While conspiracy theories may offer benefits to those who believe in them, they can also foster intergroup conflict, threaten democracy, and undercut public health. We argue that the motivations behind conspiracy theory belief are often related to social identity. Conspiracy theories are well-positioned to fulfill social identity needs such as belongingness goals, the need to think highly of one’s in-group, and the need to feel secure in one’s group status. Understanding the social motives that attract people to conspiracy theories should be a focus of future research, and may be key to creating more successful interventions to reduce socially harmful conspiracy theories.
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The COVID‐19 pandemic has led to an upswing in conspiracy theory beliefs, which creates challenges for effectively countering the pandemic, with higher rates of COVID‐19 vaccine hesitancy found among conspiracy theorists. Research suggests health risk perceptions, trust in government and anomie may mediate the relationship between COVID‐19 conspiracy theory beliefs and vaccine hesitancy. However, the mediating role of trust in government and anomie on vaccine hesitancy have not been empirically examined in the context of COVID‐19, and it is not clear whether different conspiracy theories have distinct mediational pathways to vaccine hesitancy. The current study examines the extent to which perceptions of the health threat posed by COVID‐19, trust in government and anomie can explain the relationship between distinct COVID‐19 conspiracy theories and COVID‐19 vaccine hesitancy. Drawing on data from a national online survey of 779 Australian adults, a series of path analyses examining the influence of three distinct conspiracy theories on vaccination hesitancy revealed two key mediational pathways, which varied across conspiracy theory types. Anomie and perceptions of the health threat posed by COVID‐19 were the most common mediators of this relationship. Implications for COVID‐19 vaccine hesitancy and for conspiracy theory research are discussed.
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