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Bréchas de Género en Interés Político
Abstract
Las brechas de género en participación, interés y ambición política son temas persistentes en el estudio de género y política. Las brechas de participación tienen consecuencias para la democracia, porque se traducen en diferencias de poder
político e influencia en la toma de decisiones. Tradicionalmente, las mujeres han votado menos que los hombres, tenido menor conocimiento e interés en la política y también presentado menos ambición de ocupar cargos (Dassonneville &
Kostelka, 2021; Dassonneville & McAllister, 2018; Fox & Lawless, 2014; Franklin et al., 2004). Los estereotipos de género, disponibilidad de tiempo por la división sexual del trabajo, formas de socialización, trabas institucionales y baja presencia de mujeres en politica, se encuentran entre las razones de esta brecha de género, la cual se observa tanto en países desarrollados como en América Latina (Bos et al.,
2022; Fraile & Gomez, 2017; Hernández et al., 2020; Hinojosa & Kittilson, 2020).
En este capítulo, partiremos discutiendo sobre la relevancia de las brechas de género en interés político para la democracia. Luego, utilizando datos de la encuesta ELSOC, exploraremos las diferencias de género en interés en política y cómo estas han variado en los años 2016-2021. No buscamos explicar el porqué de estas diferencias, sino más bien caracterizar los cambios producidos entre 2016- 2021, poniendo particular atención a factores del contexto político que pudiesen influir en fluctuaciones del interés en la política. En general, existen brechas de género que son persistentes, aunque de pequeña magnitud y, en la mayoría de los casos, no son estadísticamente significativas. Indagaremos en cómo la brecha de género varía según nivel educativo, edad y los cambios en el tiempo, dando cuenta
de que el estallido social parece haber tenido un importante efecto en crear mayor interés en la politica, particularmente, entre mujeres educadas y jóvenes.
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This article develops and tests a new theoretical framework, gendered political socialization , which offers important insights into how children perceive gender in politics and the consequences of these perceptions on sex differences in political interest and ambition. Based on data from 1,604 children who live in four different regions across the United States, we find that children not only perceive politics to be a male-dominated space, but with age, girls increasingly see political leadership as a “man’s world.” Simultaneously, as children grow older, they internalize gendered expectations, which direct their interests toward professions that embody the gendered traits that fit with their own sex. One result of this mismatch between women and politics is that girls express lower levels of interest and ambition in politics than do boys.
How does the symbolic power of a female president affect female parliamentary behavior? Whereas female descriptive representation has increased around the world, women parliamentarians still face significant discrimination and stereotyping, inhibiting their ability to have a real voice and offer “thick” representation to women voters. We leverage the case of Malawi, a case where the presidency changed hands from a man to a woman through a truly exogenous shock, to study the effect of a female president on female parliamentary behavior. Drawing on unique parliamentary transcripts data, we argue and show that women MPs under a female president become empowered and less confined to stereotypical gendered issue ownership patterns, leading to a significant increase in female MP speech making. Our results speak directly to theories of symbolic representation by focusing particularly on intra-elite role-model effects.
Since the return of democracy, party identification has been declining sharply among the Chilean public. We seek to understand this process by applying an age-period-cohort analysis to survey data from 1994 to 2014. In light of the elite-driven and socially uprooted character, or what we call the encapsulated nature, of the Chilean party system, we
hypothesize that cumulative electoral experience has had a negative effect on party identification and not the positive effect that Converse’s (1969) social-learning model would predict. Our findings support these expectations but also reveal large period effects that have shrunk the overall level of partisan identification and significant cohort effects whereby generations born after the 1950s have become less partisan. We also uncover important nuances that occur across the various mainstream political parties. We conclude that all three sources of social change are leading toward the extinction of mass partisanship from Chilean society.
This article tests contextual and individual-level explanations about the gender gap in knowledge in Latin American Countries .We suggest that the gender gap in knowledge is impacted by political and economic settings through two interrelated mechanisms: gender accessibility (i.e. the extent to which the context provides opportunities for women to influence the political agenda) and gender-bias signaling (i.e. the extent to which women actually play important roles in the public sphere). Analyzing data from the 2008
AmericasBarometer's round of surveys, we show that the gender gap in knowledge is smaller among highly educated citizens, in rural areas (where both men and women know little about politics) and in bigger cities (where women's levels of political knowledge are higher). More importantly, the magnitude of the gender gap varies to a great extent across countries. Gender differences in income, party-system institutionalization and the representation of women in national parliaments are all found to play a particularly important role in explaining the magnitude of the gender gap in political knowledge across Latin America.
This study employs district-level data from national legislative elections in 19 Latin American countries to evaluate the effect of gender quota legislation, in concert with other electoral rules, on the election of women legislators. It updates and extends a previous study on the same topic using data from more recent elections in the same 19 countries. Well designed quota legislation has a profound positive impact on the election of women. Where well designed quota legislation is in force, the use of closed lists on average results in a greater percentage of women legislators elected to office than does the use of open lists, primarily due to the marked superiority of the closed list systems when the number of seats a party wins in a district is two.
This article studies the change of cleavages in the post-authoritarian Chile using electoral and socioeconomic evidence that goes beyond presidential elections and public opinion polls. This research allows us to determine that the socioeconomic conditions (measured through the index of human development) have the expected effects on the percentage of votes obtained by each of the two major coalitions of the country (the governing Concertación, and the opposition Alianza). In general terms, the Concertación obtains better results in the communes with greater values of the index of human development and the Alianza in communes with lower levels of human development. Nonetheless, if we considered the curvilinear effects, the Alianza perform better in communes with extreme values of IDH and the Concertación in the communes with average values. In other words, the Concertación presents a distribution with a shape similar to an inversed U (n), and the Alianza otherwise (U). With respect to the vote of women we can affirm that, although they still tend to favor parties of the Alianza, women simultaneously tend to vote more to the women than to the men. Therefore, we can observe gender solidarity at the polls.
List of tables List of figures Preface Introduction: 1. The decline and fall of political activism? 2. Theories of political activism Part I. The Puzzle of Electoral Turnout: 3. Mapping turnout 4. Do institutions matter? 5. Who votes? Part II. Political Parties: 6. Mapping party activism 7. Who joins? Part III. Social Capital and Civic Society: 8. Social capital and civic society 9. Traditional mobilising agencies: unions and churches 10. New social movements, protest politics and the internet 11. Conclusions: the reinvention of political activism? Appendix: comparative framework Notes Select bibliography Index.
Purpose
This paper aims to study the effect of family socioeconomic status (SES) on academic and labor market outcomes.
Design/methodology/approach
The authors used a rich data set of administrative records for test scores, individual background and adult earnings of a cohort of agents, covering a period spanning the agents' upper-secondary education and their early years in the labor market.
Findings
The authors find that students with the highest SES obtained a 1.5 standard deviations higher score in the college admission test than students who had the same academic outcomes in the eighth grade test but belong to the lowest SES. Similarly, among students that obtained the same scores in the college admission test, those with the highest SES earned monthly wages 0.7 standard deviations higher than those with the lowest SES.
Originality/value
The findings highlight that family socioeconomic background continues to influence outcomes during individuals’ upper secondary education and early years in the labor market.
Successive studies have found a persistent gender gap in political knowledge. Despite much international research, this gap has remained largely impervious to explanation. A promising line of recent inquiry has been the low levels of women's elected representation in many democracies. We test the hypothesis that higher levels of women's elected representation will increase women's political knowledge. Using two large, comparative data sets, we find that the proportion of women elected representatives at the time of the survey has no significant effect on the gender gap. By contrast, there is a strong and significant long-term impact for descriptive representation when respondents were aged 18 to 21. The results are in line with political socialization, which posits that the impact of political context is greatest during adolescence and early adulthood. These findings have important implications not only for explaining the gender knowledge gap, but also for the impact of descriptive representation on political engagement generally.
Based on survey responses from a national random sample of nearly 4,000 high school and college students, we uncover a dramatic gender gap in political ambition. This finding serves as striking evidence that the gap is present well before women and men enter the professions from which most candidates emerge. We then use political socialization - which we gauge through a myriad of socializing agents and early life experiences - as a lens through which to explain the individual-level differences we uncover. Our analysis reveals that parental encouragement, politicized educational and peer experiences, participation in competitive activities, and a sense of self-confidence propel young people's interest in running for office. But on each of these dimensions, women, particularly once they are in college, are at a disadvantage. By identifying when and why gender differences in interest in running for office materialize, we begin to uncover the origins of the gender gap in political ambition. Taken together, our results suggest that concerns about substantive and symbolic representation will likely persist.
This paper analyzes the socioeconomic stratification of achievement in the Chilean voucher system using a census of 4th and 8th graders, a multilevel methodology, and accounting for unobserved selectivity into school sector. Findings indicate that the association between the school's aggregate family socioeconomic status (SES) and test scores is much greater in the private-voucher sector than in the public one, resulting in marked socioeconomic stratification of test scores in the Chilean voucher system. We also find that the amount of tuition fees paid by parents in private-voucher schools has no bearing on test scores, after controlling for the socioeconomic makeup of the school. Implications of these findings for educational inequality in the context of a universal voucher system are discussed.
Electoral turnout in Chile: an ageperiodcohort -approach
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Bargsted, M., Somma, N. M., & Muñoz, B. (2019). Electoral turnout in Chile: an ageperiodcohort -approach.
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Históricas: nada sin nosotras
- P Figueroa Rubio
Figueroa Rubio, P. (2021). "Históricas: nada sin nosotras". Paridad y nueva
Constitución: El caso de Chile.
Delegative democracy revisited: Chile's crisis of representation
- J P Luna
Luna, J. P. (2016). Delegative democracy revisited: Chile's crisis of representation.
Mujeres menores de 50 años, el motor del triunfo de Boric: cómo fue la participación y preferencias por edad y sexo. La Tercera
- S Rivas
Rivas, S. (2021) Mujeres menores de 50 años, el motor del triunfo de Boric: cómo
fue la participación y preferencias por edad y sexo. La Tercera. 20 de diciembre
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En concreto, el trabajo en terreno de la primera ola de la encuesta se realizó entre el 8 de agosto y el 19 de diciembre de 2016; la segunda ola fue aplicada entre 24 de julio y el 9 de octubre de 2017; para la tercera ola el trabajo de campo fue entre el 27 de agosto y el 10 de diciembre
- Correa
"Datos de participación disponibles en https://www.servel.cl/estadisticas-de-participacion/
"En concreto, el trabajo en terreno de la primera ola de la encuesta se realizó entre el 8 de
agosto y el 19 de diciembre de 2016; la segunda ola fue aplicada entre 24 de julio y el 9 de
octubre de 2017; para la tercera ola el trabajo de campo fue entre el 27 de agosto y el 10 de
diciembre. En la cuarta ola, el trabajo comenzaría el 19 de octubre de 2019, pero el estallido
social atrasó su inicio al 21 de noviembre y duró hasta el 9 de marzo de 2020; y, finalmente, la
quinta medición se aplicó entre el 30 de enero de 2021 hasta mediados de junio.
" Estudios sobre transmisión de la desigualdad en Chile han encontrado una alta correlación
entre nivel de educación y estatus socioeconómico (ver Correa et al., 2019;