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Challenging the colorblind curriculum: addressing
race, ethnicity, and diversity in Social Work
education in Portugal
Erick da Luz Scherf
Erasmus Mundus Master’s Programme in Social Work with Families
and Children
Supervisor: Cláudia Pereira (PhD), Assistant Research Professor,
Department of Sociology, ISCTE-Instituto Universitário de Lisboa
Co-Supervisor: Inês Amaro (PhD), Assistant Professor, Integrated
Researcher, Department of Political Science and Public Policy, ISCTE-
Instituto Universitário de Lisboa
June, 2023
Department of Political Science and Public Policy
Challenging the colorblind curriculum: addressing
race, ethnicity, and diversity in Social Work
education in Portugal
Erick da Luz Scherf
Erasmus Mundus Master’s Programme in Social Work with Families
and Children
Supervisor: Cláudia Pereira (PhD), Assistant Research Professor,
Department of Sociology, ISCTE-Instituto Universitário de Lisboa
Co-Supervisor: Inês Amaro (PhD), Assistant Professor, Integrated
Researcher, Department of Political Science and Public Policy, ISCTE-
Instituto Universitário de Lisboa
June, 2023
1
Dedication
I dedicate this thesis to my husband Thiago,
for being my support system. You are still the one.
I would also like to dedicate this work to all who have
suffered racism, xenophobia, or any other form of discrimination.
Your stories matter, and your life matters.
[…]
“You know, there’s one place that all of the people
with the greatest potential are gathered,
one place, and that’s the graveyard.” – Viola Davis
"I know you weren’t alive at the time of slavery,
but that’s no excuse to ignore its legacy." - Anti-Flag
“The plague of racism is insidious, entering into our minds as smoothly and
quietly and invisibly as floating airborne microbes enter into our
bodies to find lifelong purchase in our bloodstreams.” - Maya Angelou
i
2
Abstract
Title: Challenging the colorblind curriculum: addressing race, ethnicity, and diversity in Social
Work education in Portugal
Author: Erick da Luz Scherf
Number of words: 29,729
Social Work education must prepare students for culturally relevant practice, which includes
teaching about race and ethnic diversity. To address racism and discrimination effectively in
social work practice, social workers need tools to recognize and overcome their own biases
while providing better interventions for diverse populations. Therefore, this research aims to
evaluate how race, ethnicity, and diversity are addressed in the social work curriculum in
Portugal. Given Portugal's history of lusotropicalism and colorblind attitudes, actively
challenging systemic racism and discrimination is crucial not only for society but also for social
work education. A colorblind curriculum could perpetuate normative discourses and systemic
oppression. This investigation examines how the curriculum reflects the experiences of diverse
populations, considering factors such as race, ethnicity, social class, gender, and sexual
orientation, among other things. The study analyzes Study Plans and Curricular Units, surveys
Social Work Faculty, and conducts interviews across different Higher Education Institutions.
The research employs document and content analysis, an online survey, and semi-structured
interviews. The focus is on Bachelor of Social Work programs, as this degree is required to
practice the profession in Portugal. The work draws on theoretical frameworks such as
Intersectionality, Critical Race Theory, and Anti-racist Education/Pedagogy. The findings
indicate that most Portuguese BSW programs cover the proposed topics and competencies,
albeit with a stronger emphasis on socio-cultural diversity rather than ethnoracial issues.
However, there is room for improvement to ensure a more robust and consistent approach to
diversity and discrimination in social work education, equipping students to navigate and
transform an unequal and racialized society.
Keywords: race, ethnicity, diversity, social work, education, Portugal
ii
3
Resumo
Título: Desafiando o currículo sem cor: abordando raça, etnia e diversidade na educação em
Serviço Social em Portugal
Autor: Erick da Luz Scherf
Número de palavras: 29,729
A educação em Serviço Social precisa preparar alunos para práticas culturalmente sensíveis,
incluindo o ensino sobre diversidade étnico-racial. Os assistentes sociais encontrarão pessoas
de diferentes grupos raciais e étnicos, portanto, precisam lidar com racismo e discriminação na
prática do serviço social, além de reconhecer seus próprios preconceitos para melhores
intervenções. Esta investigação, portanto, avalia como a raça/etnia e a diversidade são
abordadas no currículo do Serviço Social em Portugal. A história portuguesa com o
lusotropicalismo e o daltonismo racial requer um esforço ativo contra o racismo sistêmico e à
discriminação na sociedade e na formação em Serviço Social. Um currículo desconectado
dessas questões pode perpetuar discursos normativos e a opressão sistêmica. A pesquisa
examina como o currículo reflete as experiências de populações diversas, considerando raça,
etnia, classe social, gênero e orientação sexual, entre outras características. Foram analisados
Planos de Estudos, Unidades Curriculares e foram realizadas entrevistas com Docentes de
Serviço Social em diferentes instituições de ensino. A pesquisa utilizou análise documental,
inquérito eletrônico e entrevistas semiestruturadas. O foco foi em programas de Licenciatura
em Serviço Social, requisito para a profissão em Portugal. O trabalho baseia-se em referenciais
teóricos como Interseccionalidade, Teoria Crítica da Raça e Pedagogia Antirracista. Os
resultados indicam que a maioria dos programas incorpora os temas propostos, embora com
maior ênfase na diversidade sociocultural do que em questões etnorraciais. Medidas podem ser
tomadas para garantir uma abordagem mais ousada e consistente em relação à diversidade e
discriminação, fornecendo aos alunos as ferramentas necessárias para transformar uma
sociedade ainda muito desigual e racializada.
Palavras-chave: raça, etnia, diversidade, serviço social, educação, Portugal
iii
4
Table of Contents
Dedication.................................................................................................................................. i
Abstract..................................................................................................................................... ii
Resumo..................................................................................................................................... iii
List of Figures and Tables ........................................................................................................1
Acknowledgments ..................................................................................................................3
Positionality Statement ..........................................................................................................4
Chapter 1. Introduction and Background ................................................................................6
1.1. Research background ...............................................................................................6
1.2. Research objectives ................................................................................................11
1.3. Implications for Social Work Practice with Families and Children ...........................11
1.4. Methods and materials ..............................................................................................12
1.5. Ethical considerations ................................................................................................14
Chapter 2. Race, Ethnicity, and Diversity in the Portuguese Context: The View of Public Policy
.............................................................................................................................................16
2.1. Race, ethnicity, diversity, and the management of difference ....................................16
2.2. The National Strategy for Roma Populations/Communities ........................................19
2.3. The Adoption of the UN Global Compact for Migration ..............................................21
2.4. The National Plan to Combat Racism and Discrimination ............................................23
2.6. Preliminary conclusions of this chapter ......................................................................26
Chapter 3. Literature Review ................................................................................................27
3.1. Race, Ethnicity, and Diversity in Social Work Education and Practice ..........................28
3.2. Social Work Education and Practice in Portugal: History and Challenges ....................36
3.3. Preliminary conclusions of this chapter ......................................................................40
Chapter 4. Theoretical Frameworks ......................................................................................43
4.1. Critical Curriculum Studies .........................................................................................44
4.2. Critical Race Theory and Anti-racist Pedagogy ............................................................45
4.3. Social Work Theories and Frameworks for Practice ....................................................47
4.3.1. Anti-racist and anti-oppressive social work practice.............................................47
4.3.2. Culturally sensitive practice and cultural humility ................................................49
4.3.3. Intersectionality framework/approach ................................................................50
4.4. Preliminary conclusions of this chapter ......................................................................52
5
Chapter 5. Results and Discussion.........................................................................................53
5.1. Analysis of Portuguese BSW curricula .........................................................................53
5.2. Characteristics of research participants/respondents .................................................68
5.3. Results and analysis from the online questionnaire ....................................................69
5.3.1. Race, Ethnicity, and Diversity in Social Work Education in Portugal: Perceptions
Over the Relevance of the Themes ................................................................................69
5.3.2. Social Work Education and the History of Colonialism and Slavery ......................71
5.3.3. Presence of the themes in the curriculum ............................................................73
5.3.4. Characterization: When and how are the themes discussed ................................75
5.3.5. Perceptions of cultural competence ....................................................................77
5.3.6. Evaluation of social work education in Portugal as it relates to the themes .........78
5.4. Results and analysis from the interviews ....................................................................79
5.4.1. Theme 1: References to the Curriculum and Teaching Practices ..........................79
5.4.2. Theme 2: Opportunities and Challenges in Embracing Diversity in and Outside the
Classroom......................................................................................................................85
5.4.3. Theme 3: Looking Beyond the Curriculum: The Role of Extracurricular Activities .90
Chapter 6. Concluding Remarks ............................................................................................94
6.1. Recommendations .....................................................................................................96
6.2. Suggestions for Future Research ................................................................................96
6.3. Implications for Social Work Education and Practice ..................................................97
References ...........................................................................................................................99
Appendix I .......................................................................................................................... 114
Appendix II ......................................................................................................................... 115
Annex I ............................................................................................................................... 116
Annex II .............................................................................................................................. 117
Annex III ............................................................................................................................. 118
Annex IV ............................................................................................................................. 120
1
List of Figures and Tables
Figure 1. A banner attached to a box with rocks inside that reads “free if you’re gonna throw
it at a Zuca” …………………………………………………………………………………….………………………….……. p. 4
Figure 2. Global Definition of the Social Work Profession…………………………………………………. p. 7
Figure 3. André Ventura, leader of the Portuguese far-right extremist party Chega, and his
followers hold a banner that reads “Portugal is not racist” on a street
demonstration……………………………………………………………………………………………………………....… p. 9
Figure 4. Visual description of the research process………………………….………............…………. p. 13
Figure 5. Formalized complaints of racial discrimination in Portugal (2014-2019), as registered
by the CICDR………………………………………………………………………………….……………………………..… p. 18
Figure 6. Street protest in Lisbon following the assassination of Bruno Candé, a 40-year old
Black Portuguese actor…………………………………………………………………………………………………... p. 24
Figure 7. Areas of intervention of the National Plan to Combat Racism and
Discrimination……………………………………………………………………………………………….……………….. p. 25
Figure 8. Intersectionality framework and the relationships of power and
privilege…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…... p. 50
Figure 9. Results from question number 12 in the online questionnaire. Source: Elaborated by
the author based on questionnaire data..……………………………..…….………………………………….. p. 68
Figure 10. Results from question number 21 in the online questionnaire. Source: Elaborated
by the author based on questionnaire data..……………………………..…………………………..……….. p. 69
Figure 11. Results from question number 15 in the online questionnaire. Source: Elaborated
by the author based on questionnaire data..……………………………..………………………………….. p. 70
Figure 12. Results from question number 13 in the online questionnaire. Source: Elaborated
by the author based on questionnaire data..……………………………..………………………………….. p. 71
Figure 13. Results from question number 16 in the online questionnaire. Source: Elaborated
by the author based on questionnaire data..……………………………..………………………………….. p. 73
Figure 14. Results from question number 17 in the online questionnaire. Source: Elaborated
by the author based on questionnaire data..……………………………..………………………………….. p. 73
Figure 15. Results from question number 19 in the online questionnaire. Source: Elaborated
by the author based on questionnaire data….………………….………..………………………………….. p. 76
2
Figure 16. Results from question number 20 in the online questionnaire. Source: Elaborated
by the author based on questionnaire data….…………………………..…………………………………….. p. 77
Table 1. Summary of literature review, Part I………………………………………….…………..………….. p. 33
Table 2. Summary of literature review, Part II…………………………………….…………..………………. p. 40
Table 3. Results from the review of Curricular Units (UCs) and course syllabi of Portuguese
BSW programs…………..…………………………………………………………….….…………………………………. p. 55
Table 4. Quantitative content analysis of BSW programs in Portugal concerning the selected
themes. Source: Elaborated by the author………………………………………………….…………………. p. 66
Table 5. Demographic data of the respondents. Source: Elaborated by the author based on
questionnaire data………………………………………………………………………………………………………… p. 67
Table 6. HEIs represented among the sampled population. Source: Elaborated by the author
based on questionnaire data………………………………………………………………….……..…………….… p. 68
Table 7. Results from question number 14 in the online questionnaire. Source: Elaborated by
the author based on questionnaire data……………………………………………………………………….. p. 72
Table 8. Results from question number 18 in the online questionnaire. Source: Elaborated by
the author based on questionnaire data……………………………………………………………………….. p. 74
3
Acknowledgments
First of all, I would like to thank God, through whom all things are possible, and acknowledge
the miracles He has performed in my life. Secondly, I need to thank my husband Thiago Rios
for supporting me both emotionally and financially in life and through the duration of this
Master’s program. I also owe gratitude to my supervisors, Professors Cláudia Pereira (Ph.D.)
and Maria Inês Amaro (Ph.D.).
I am equally grateful to the Erasmus Mundus MFAMILY consortium for having selected me
as a student, and to the European Commission for sponsoring my studies with a full-ride
scholarship. When I left my home country of Brazil to come to Europe for the first time, I only
had a handful of suitcases and a dream, and I can finally say I am closer than ever to living the
life I envisioned for myself and my family. I am thankful for all the things I experienced through
this 2-year journey, both good and bad, for they have taught me invaluable lessons about life,
friendship, pain, failure, and success.
When you are alone in a foreign country and when you have a hard time making friends and
forging genuine connections, you are forced to look inward, thus this period of my life was
overflown with self-discovery. I learned a lot about myself in the process and discovered new
interests and even unresolved childhood traumas. To me, the MFAMILY was not only a
professional training program, but it was also a big lesson in resilience, and it proved to me I
am more than capable of thriving in the face of adversity.
With that said, this journey was a lot easier because of some awesome people I met along the
way. Shereen El Gazzar, you are a gift from MFAMILY that I will be lucky to carry with me
for as long as we both live. Your friendship, your advice, and your empathy have shown no
limits and I am incredibly thankful for all your support. Freija Jacob and Daniela Arocha, thank
you for always encouraging me and rooting for my success. And finally, to all my professors,
but especially Vishanthie Sewpaul, Elisabeth Enoksen, and Evelyn Khoo thank you for all your
hard work and for the grace you have shown me.
To the 12-year-old Erick, thank you for staying strong and persevering, despite all the ugly
things you had to see. I am only here because of you.
4
Positionality Statement
According to the entry in the SAGE Encyclopaedia of Action Research, positionality refers to
a researcher's positioning or stance about the study's social and political environment (Coghlan
& Brydon-Miller, 2014). Acknowledging one own’s positionality is important because the
research process is not neutral, and the best way of remaining objective is by also recognizing
our biases, our socio-cultural background, and how they influence the way we go about in the
world and how we interpret the social phenomena we are investigating.
For instance, I am Brazilian, and there are several accounts of Brazilians living in Portugal who
are or have been discriminated against because of their nationality and often race as well
(Santos, 2013). In recent years, reports of xenophobic and racist acts against Brazilians in
Portugal have considerably increased (Miranda, 2019), see Figure 1, for instance. At the end of
this study, I will have lived in Portugal for a little over a year, and I have experienced
xenophobic and microaggressive comments from Portuguese people in public and private
spaces including the airport, at university, and more often than not at local bakeries. Therefore,
these lived experiences helped me form a vision or impression of Portuguese society that will
likely influence the research process. My strategy to overcome eventual biases will include (but
will not be limited to): designing a rigorous study that follows previously established
methodology and theoretical frameworks; comparing my findings to previously available
scientific literature; and journaling about my feelings throughout the research process (Pannucci
& Wilkins, 2010).
Figure 1. A banner
attached to a box with
rocks inside that reads
“Free if you’re gonna
throw it at a Zuca”. Zuca
is a derogatory term used
to refer to Brazilians in
Portugal. This so-called
“joke” was made by
Portuguese Law students
at the University of
Lisbon in 2019. Source:
Estadão Conteúdo
(2019).
5
As I am writing about issues of race, ethnicity, and diversity, it is equally important to take note
of my own identities as a person. For that, I would like to borrow a concept proposed or
popularized by Black Brazilian feminist philosopher Djamila Ribeiro called lugar de fala, or
‘place of speech’ (Ribeiro, 2017). According to her, knowing where we are speaking/writing
from is important because our social locus will often determine our ability to be actually heard
or be taken seriously (Ribeiro, 2017), especially in male or White dominated spaces such as the
academe. As a man in research and academia, I am likely to reap the benefits of male privilege
for example (Dancy et al., 2020), even if unintendedly. Yet, as a queer, gay person, I am more
prone to being discriminated against than my heterosexual and gender-conforming
counterparts. Although being mixed-race and holding tight to my Latino identity, I am visually
perceived as White by others, and I never experienced blatant racism. Therefore, I can only
speak/write from my own experience, and I do not mean to speak on behalf of anyone else’s
experiences of racism and discrimination. My goal is not to silence those groups who have
historically been in subaltern positions, on the contrary, I aim to question dominant
epistemologies that so that we all have a chance to speak and to be heard.
When we, subalternized subjects in the academe, decide to speak about questions of racism or
the ongoing legacies of colonialism and discrimination, we are not always taken seriously by
our peers. They accuse us of not being “scientific enough” or try to dismiss our claims by saying
that academia is not the place for activism. Suddenly our stories, our knowledge, and our lived
experiences are reduced to mere political militancy. This is the result, among other things, of
what Boaventura de Sousa Santos has called “abyssal thinking” in western societies. He argued
that the modern western way of thinking is marked by a dichotomous perception that divides
the world into two sides: this side of the line, and the other side of the line (de Sousa Santos,
2007). While this side of the line gets to decide what is ‘valid’ scientific knowledge, knowledge
from the other side of the line is often deemed unacceptable or unapplicable (de Sousa Santos,
2007). This has been characterized by other authors as epistemic violence (Spivak, 1988) or
epistemicide (de Sousa Santos, 2014). Thankfully there are ways to escape this conundrum:
through pluralism of knowledge and subjectivities, and epistemic healing (Novis-Deutsch,
2020; Khan & Naguib, 2019).
6
Chapter 1. Introduction and Background
The main objectives of this chapter are to introduce the theme of the research and to
contextualize its relevance in line with the goals of the social work profession. Questions of
race, ethnicity, and diversity are briefly introduced and discussed, more generally, as they relate
to social work as a field of knowledge, and more specifically, regarding their implications in
Portugal. Both general and specific objectives of the research are also presented, in addition to
its relevance for social work practice with families and children.
1.1. Research background
The history of social work education in the Euro-American context has been, in recent years,
highly criticized for its lack of acknowledgment of the historical contributions made by racially
diverse groups to the development of social work as a field of knowledge and practice (Wright
et al., 2021). There is an emerging body of literature arguing that, historically, social work
education has gravitated towards whitewashed narratives and colorblind ideologies (Constance-
Huggins et al., 2020; Wright et al., 2021), which has been particularly harmful to racial and
ethnic minorities. It is in the wake of these intellectual contributions related to ethnic and racial
diversity in social work education and training that this work has emerged.
As stated in the Global Social Work Statement of Ethical Principles, social workers have a
responsibility towards the promotion of social justice (see Principle 3), which includes
challenging systems of discrimination and institutional oppression that often perpetuate racism
and other forms of discrimination (International Federation of Social Workers, 2018). It is
precisely because the classroom is where social work students will form the knowledge basis
for their future practice, that the curriculum should encourage discussions concerning race,
ethnicity, and diversity. If we look at the latest statement on Global Standards for Social Work
Education and Training, “[…] knowledge of - human rights, social movements and their
interconnectedness with class, gender and ethnic/race-related issues” is cited as a crucial
component of social work educational programs (International Association of Schools of Social
Work & International Federation of Social Workers, 2020, p. 12). Therefore, knowledge of
racial and ethnic issues and dynamics has recently been acknowledged as integral to social work
education, research, and practice.
7
Studying and researching the social work curriculum is an important task because the
curriculum, as a formal instrument, is responsible for setting educational goals and teachers’
priorities in the classroom (Levin, 2008). Moreover, the choice of the contents that will integrate
the curriculum, and what is purposefully left out of it, has profound ethical and political
implications that should not be ignored by educators in general (Levin, 2008), let alone social
work educators - given the social justice-oriented nature of our profession. According to Lee et
al. (2022, p. 762) “social justice is a foundational social work value […]”, however, “social
work education continues to experience ongoing challenges with how to teach students to
embody social justice values”. Thus, it is clear that for social work curricula and education to
be truly reflective of social justice values, efforts should be made to embrace - among other
things - antiracism, respect for diversity, and anti-oppressive principles for practice, in line with
the Global Definition of the Social Work Profession (International Federation of Social
Workers, 2014), see Figure 2.
Figure 2.
Global
Definition of
the Social
Work
Profession.
Source:
Elaborated by
the author
based on the
International
Federation of
Social
Workers
(2014).
In Portugal,
the focal point of this study, there seems to be a widespread lack of recognition of racism as a
social problem (Casquilho-Martins et al., 2022), even though a recent statement released by the
United Nations Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent has confirmed the
“prevalence of systemic racism and racially motivated violence and ill-treatment, racial
profiling, abuse of authority, [and] frequent police brutality towards people of African descent”
in Portuguese society (United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights,
2021a, para. 8). The statement also mentions that the school curricula and textbooks in Portugal
8
fail to properly address the country’s history of colonial violence, enslavement, and
involvement in the transatlantic slave trade (United Nations Office of the High Commissioner
for Human Rights, 2021b). Another report, issued by the Commissioner for Human Rights for
the Council of Europe in 2021, has also noted increasing levels of racism and the perseverance
of related discrimination in the country:
During 2020, the Commissioner noted a number of assaults on people of African
descent and other persons perceived as foreigners, as well as against anti-racist and
other civil society activists in Portugal. The incidents reported culminated in July
2020 with the murder of Bruno Candê, a Portuguese citizen of African descent, who
was shot dead on the streets of Lisbon. His aggressor reportedly shouted racist slurs
before killing him. […] In the same period, racist slurs and swastikas appeared on
the walls of several public buildings, including schools, and on the walls of
premises of certain NGOs, in particular SOS Racismo (Council of Europe
Commissioner for Human Rights, 2021, p. 1).
Therefore, despite the well-documented accounts of racism (Vala et al., 2015), xenophobia, and
other forms of discrimination against people of color, ethnic minorities, or those with a
migration background in Portugal (Marques, 2012), there is a general misconception in society,
politics, and the media that Portuguese people cannot be racist or that they are “less” racist than
in other European countries (Araújo, 2006; 2007), see Figure 3. This myth of Portuguese non-
racism is deeply rooted in the country’s colonial past and its lusotropicalist assumptions, that
is, an “[…] idea of a special skill that Portuguese people have for harmonious relations with
other peoples, their adaptability to the tropics and their inherent lack of prejudice” (Valentim
& Heleno, 2018, p. 34). For decades, this rhetoric has prevailed in Portuguese academia and
society, leading to the prevalence of racial colorblindness or colorblind ideologies – i.e. the
intent not to ‘see color’ or to avoid using the term race (Lundström, 2021) – which makes it
very difficult to have open discussions on race and ethnicity.
This scenario has started to change, although at a slow pace, and one major development toward
antiracist public policies in Portugal was the adoption of the first-ever National Plan to Combat
Racism and Discrimination (Plano Nacional de Combate ao Racismo e à Discriminação), in
2021. The Plan has the ambitious goal of promoting equality and fighting racism and related
discrimination, through concrete actions and strategies coordinated by interministerial task
9
forces, committees, and other relevant stakeholders (Conselho de Ministros, 2021). Different
provisions in the Plan allow (or actually demand) the introduction of curricular units and
discussions around racism and racially-motivated violence, ethnicity, and diversity, as well
other themes such as the history of colonialism and slavery as part of the education and training
of professionals in Higher Education Institutions across the country (Conselho de Ministros,
2021).
Figure 3.
André Ventura,
leader of the
Portuguese far-
right extremist
party Chega,
and his
followers hold
a banner that
reads “Portugal
is not racist”
on a street
demonstration.
Source:
Correio da
Manhã (2020).
With that said,
despite the more recent shifts in narratives towards an acknowledgment of systemic or structural
racism in Portugal and its pervasive effects on racialized groups (Araújo & Rodrigues, 2018;
Castelo, 2021), the organization of the Portuguese educational system is still pretty much
centered around nationalist ideologies and the notion of European identity (Pereira & Araújo,
2017), stepping away from multicultural education, and, as expected, essentially lacking
educational guidelines that address issues of race, ethnicity, and diversity. Taking this context
into consideration, this investigation is particularly concerned with the extent to which
colorblind ideologies might still inform social work education in Portugal. The argument here
is that a colorblind social work curriculum may contribute to these normative discourses and
possibly to the reproduction of systemic oppression (Choi, 2008).
The research also addresses the importance of diversity in social work education in Portugal
and elsewhere, and how it intersects with the question of racial and ethnic identities. While race
and ethnicity account for an important aspect of lived experiences of discrimination and
10
oppression, these ‘identity markers’ do not totalize the human experience. This is why they are
discussed in connection with diversity. Because this study takes an intersectional approach
(which is presented and discussed at a later time), it looks beyond the question of racial and
ethnic identity, to examine how these intersect with other identity markers including (but not
limited to) class, gender, immigration status, and age, among others.
It might be worth noting that, after having performed a preliminary analysis of two of the most
prestigious BSW programs in Portugal, I have not found any reference to race and ethnicity in
their major curricular components, and only a few explicit references to diversity, which is one
of the reasons why I chose this topic and that led me to design this study. According to Sousa
and Almeida (2016, p. 546), “[…] ethnicity and racism do not appear to be very important
issues in public debates or as a priority of social intervention” in Portuguese society. And after
analyzing the social work curricula of all higher education institutions in Portugal, they
concluded that “of these 19 social work courses, more than half (12), did not include any
curricular units with denomination alluding to diversity, cultural sensitivity or cultural
competence” (Sousa & Almeida, 2016, p. 548). Bearing in mind that these themes could be
implicitly incorporated into the curriculum, an online survey and five interviews were
conducted to fill possible gaps in the analysis and to further characterize the themes explored
in the study.
Notwithstanding, the importance of race, ethnicity, and diversity in social work education
cannot be overstated. Social workers are responsible for providing services to people from
diverse backgrounds, and therefore, they must have a deep understanding of the complexities
and nuances of various cultures, identities, and experiences. To effectively work with and
advocate for clients or service users, social workers must be equipped with the knowledge,
skills, and values necessary to address issues related to social and economic justice, oppression,
and discrimination. Race, ethnicity, and diversity are critical components of social work
education because they help students develop cultural humility, empathy, and an appreciation
for the strengths and resilience of diverse populations. Ultimately, a commitment to promoting
equity and social justice requires an understanding of the intersectionalities of race, ethnicity,
and diversity, and their impact on the lives of individuals and communities.
11
1.2. Research objectives
Taking the previously described context into account, the general goal or objective of this
research is to analyze if and how questions of race, ethnicity, and diversity are addressed in the
social work curriculum in Portugal. The secondary or specific objectives are:
(i) To discuss the relevance of race, ethnicity, and diversity in education.
(ii) To define the terms “race”, “ethnicity”, and "diversity", their correlation, and implications
for social work education and practice.
(iii) To describe the integration of these themes in the curricula of all Higher Education
Institutions (HEIs) offering social work programs in Portugal (15 in total).
(iv) To draw a connection between public policy in Portugal and questions of race, ethnicity,
and diversity.
(v) To investigate the opinion of BSW Professors and/or Program Coordinators in Portugal
regarding the presence and relevance of these themes.
Because a Bachelor of Social Work (BSW) degree is the qualifying degree required to
enter/exercise the social work profession in Portugal according to Law no. 121/2019
(Assembleia da República, 2019), this study focused primarily on BSW curricula from different
Portuguese HEIs. Therefore, in line with the Global Standards for Social Work Education and
Training, this research contests the lack of a more intentional approach to culturally sensitive
practice and ethnoracial issues in Social Work education and training in Portugal and, in the
end, it makes suggestions on how to possibly improve this.
1.3. Implications for Social Work Practice with Families and Children
Social work education is supposed to prepare students for social work practice with diverse
populations, as that is a major component of the global standards for the social work profession.
In recent years, Portugal has witnessed an increase in immigration, and the ethnic composition
of Portuguese society has been considerably diversified. Therefore, now, perhaps more than
ever before, the training and education of social workers need to seriously encompass, among
other things, questions of race, ethnicity, and diversity.
12
One of the major goals of the MFAMILY Master’s Program is to prepare students with the
knowledge and skills necessary for working internationally with vulnerable children and
marginalized families. Thus, to provide adequate interventions to historically marginalized
groups, MFAMILY students (and other social work graduates alike) need to develop an array
of personal and professional competencies that include (but are not limited to) cultural
sensitivity/humility, respect for diversity, and antiracist and anti-discriminatory practice.
Otherwise, we run the risk of engaging, even if unintendedly, in the reproduction of oppressive
and discriminatory practices (Choi, 2008) in welfare provision and administration.
Learning about race, ethnicity, and diversity is essential for social work practice with families
and children because it allows social workers to understand the unique experiences and
challenges faced by individuals from diverse backgrounds. By gaining knowledge of these
topics, social workers can develop culturally sensitive and responsive approaches to engage and
support diverse families and children. This includes recognizing and addressing systemic
inequalities, biases, and discrimination that may impact people’s lives and accessing
appropriate resources and support systems to meet their needs. Ultimately, learning about race,
ethnicity, and diversity helps social workers provide more effective and equitable services to
families and children from diverse backgrounds and this is why this investigation is intimately
connected to the goals of the Erasmus Mundus MFAMILY Program.
1.4. Methods and materials
This research adopts a mixed-methods approach in the form of a mix between qualitative
content analysis and document analysis, surveys, and interviews.
As stated by Padgett (2017, p. 28): “Qualitative studies […] emphasize subjective meanings
and question the existence of a single objective reality”. Concepts such as race, ethnicity, and
diversity are social constructs, therefore, from an epistemological viewpoint, it makes sense to
employ this type of approach (i.e., qualitative) given its focus on the socially constructed
notions of reality (Bryman, 2016).
Yet, I also wanted to measure the frequency in which the themes appear in the curriculum, as
well as the perceptions of Social Work faculty over the topics explored in this thesis. The
primary questions posed by this research are the following:
13
1) Are issues of race, ethnicity, and diversity addressed in the social work undergraduate
curriculum in Portugal?
2) If so, how? These questions are intimately linked to the research purposes and aim
discussed previously.
To identify if and how questions of race/ethnicity and diversity are introduced in the social
work curricula of various BSW programs in Portugal, this research will adopt three distinct yet
complementary techniques, i.e., (i) Qualitative and quantitative content/document analysis; (iii)
Online survey; and (iv) 5 Semi-structured interviews, see Figure 4 for a visual representation
of the research process.
Document analysis can be understood as a “systematic procedure for reviewing or evaluating
documents—both printed and electronic” (Bowen, 2009, p. 27). Document analysis calls for
data to be studied and interpreted to extract meaning, gain insight, and create empirical
knowledge, similar to other analytical techniques in qualitative research (Bowen, 2009). As
priorly defined by Hsieh and Shannon (2005, p. 1278), “research using qualitative content
analysis focuses on the characteristics of language as communication with attention to the
content or contextual meaning of the text […]”. Therefore, the task goes beyond simply
counting words, it requires understanding how language is used to describe certain phenomena,
in addition to coding and identifying themes or patterns that emerge from the textual data (Hsieh
and Shannon, 2005).
14
Figure 4. Visual description of the research process. Source: Elaborated by the author.
Why is looking at documents important at all? As argued by Delanty (2005), the social sciences
– which includes social work - are becoming increasingly viewed as a communicative system
that interacts with society from a reflexive standpoint. That entails that social scientists, and
social work researchers, are constantly engaged in discursive practices that help shape the social
world (Delanty, 2005), and our professions. Documents, including (but not limited to) Codes
of Ethics, Statutes, Regulations, and Curricular Guides, play a very similar role. They often
encode or shape the legal and axiological basis of the social work profession in different
contexts. It is important to note that the intent is not to interpret these documents as complete
or definitive representations of reality, however, we shall acknowledge “[…] how documents
as vital objects can drive and shape political, economic, medical and scientific activities just as
much as do humans” (Prior, 2008, p. 833). Documents analyzed included: institutional landing
pages, syllabi (Planos de Estudos), and curricular guidelines, that is, mostly materials easily
accessible online. The results and discussion are presented in a standalone chapter.
Furthermore, as part of the research process, a literature review was also performed, in
connection with the specific objectives of the investigation, aiming to establish the bulk of
knowledge that is available regarding race, ethnicity, and diversity in social work education. I
also introduced the theoretical frameworks that guided the development of this work and that
were used to interpret the findings.
To complement the analysis and make it more complex or nuanced, an online
survey/questionnaire was also conducted with Social Work Professors and/or Program
Directors from Portuguese Higher Education Institutions, in addition to one-on-one semi-
structured interviews. The survey was sent by email to different Faculty members across all
BSW programs in Portugal and was part of the data collection process and methodology (see
Appendix I). Semi-structured interviews were conducted as well (see Appendix II for the
interview guide). This three-way process has allowed for a better understanding of both formal
and informal curricula, as well as for data triangulation.
1.5. Ethical considerations
Regarding ethical considerations related to the research process, some points are worth
highlighting. Even though an electronic survey and interviews were conducted, it was not
15
necessary to gain ethical clearance or approval from a designated Institutional Review Board.
The respondents were not considered to be vulnerable subjects in light of international ethics
guidelines, and the risk to harm was low. Nonetheless, this research did abide by certain ethical
principles and standards of conduct.
Firstly, attention was given to the European Code of Conduct for Research Integrity, published
by the European Federation of Academies of Sciences and Humanities (2017). Principles and
good practices brought forward by the Code were taken into consideration concerning every
stage of the research process, from initial design to publication/dissemination. Other legislation
and guidelines related to ethics in research will also be consulted at the supranational level of
the European Union (see, for example, European Commission Directorate-General for
Research and Innovation, 2013), and at the national level, including the Code of Ethical
Conduct in Research published by the University Institute of Lisbon-ISCTE (ISCTE, 2022).
Writing about and discussing sensitive topics such as racism and discrimination can unveil
negative feelings for both reader and writer (Sanjari et al., 2014), alongside other unintended
harms. Thus, ethical principles need to be considered with the goal to minimize harm as much
as possible (Homan, 1992), even though it might never cease to exist. Questions of privacy,
consent, and anonymity are relevant principles and were respected during the research process
(Bryman, 2016; Sixsmith & Murray, 2001). Ethical considerations were noted concerning data
collection, research writing, and the publication process (Sixsmith & Murray, 2001).
From the viewpoint of the researcher, strategies applied to this study to minimize harm included
emotional distancing and self-reflection (Sanjari et al., 2014), journaling, and most importantly
conducting the research in line with pre-established ethical protocols, guidelines, and codes,
such as the ones already mentioned here.
16
Chapter 2. Race, Ethnicity, and Diversity in the
Portuguese Context: The View of Public Policy
Although the perception of racism and related discrimination has for many years in Portugal
been guided by notions of colorblindness and rooted in lusotropicalist assumptions (Araújo,
2006; 2007; 2013; Valentim & Heleno, 2018), the so-called ‘management of difference’ in the
context of Portuguese society is not so straightforward. Therefore, the main goal of this chapter
is to identify and describe the main initiatives and strategies - especially in the public policy
arena - that aim to respond to the ‘complexification’ (Scholten, 2020) of diversity in Portugal.
The main areas of concern for policymakers, in that sense, seemed to be: (i) racism, xenophobia,
and related discrimination; (ii) the treatment of Roma populations; and (iii) and the management
of migration. In the debate between the so-called ‘problem alienation’ and ‘mainstreaming’ in
policymaking (Scholten, 2020), Portugal seems to follow the latter, with a focus on ‘transversal’
strategies. Social work and public policy are intimately linked, as social workers often work
within the framework of public policy to help service users and even entire communities. All
over the world, social workers not only can be but often are involved in the process of creation,
implementation, and evaluation of public policies. This is one of the reasons why social work
education needs to provide students with a sound understanding of public policy creation,
implementation, and analysis/evaluation.
2.1. Race, ethnicity, diversity, and the management of difference
The history of racial/ethnic relations and diversity in Portugal cannot be fully understood
without looking back at the history (and ongoing legacies) of racism and colonialism. While
modern colonialism in the early twentieth century was built on racist assumptions (Go, 2004) -
i.e. the idea that colonized groups were in essence racially inferior - Portugal has for decades
been regarded as a “benevolent” colonizer, therefore avoiding claims of racism (Araújo, 2013).
The historical portrait of Portugal as a good colonizer was drawn from Gilberto Freyre’s idea
of lusotropicalismo, the notion that the Portuguese were better colonizers than other Europeans
and that race relations were remarkably peaceful and friendly under Portuguese rule (Araújo,
2013; Valentim & Heleno, 2018). According to Vale de Almeida (2005, p. 79, my italics):
Issues such as Luso-Tropical specificity, historical miscegenation, racial
democracy, or the nonracism of the Portuguese and the Brazilians have been faced
17
in diverse ways: as ideologies that mask a harsher reality; as an outcome of racial
hegemony; as a form of naive wishful thinking, compensating for the structural
weaknesses of both countries; or as having some validity and an unaccomplished
potential that can become a political project for the future. Miscegenation,
mestiçagem, and hybridism remain discursive knots that contaminate emancipatory
practices with ambiguity.
These historical constructs, although often built on misguided assumptions, have managed to
become social facts (Vale de Almeida, 2005), to the extent that ethnoracial discrimination has
been institutionalized in many instances, not requiring any specific legislation targeting
racialized and minoritized individuals but merely by failing to address existing hierarchies of
power and privilege within Portuguese society (Araújo, 2016). Moreover, Araújo (2006; 2013)
argues that the myth of Portuguese non-racism during and after colonial times contributes to
the depoliticization of the debate on colonialism and racism, which, until today, fuel common
narratives that portray Portugal as a country “at ease” with diversity (Araújo, 2013, p. 29).
Therefore, there is a strong argument that the socio-political-historical background of
colonialism and race relations largely influences the so-called ‘management of difference’ in
Portugal even in contemporary times.
This idea of a “natural” inclination toward tolerance and acceptance of difference in Portuguese
society (Vala et al., 2002) – may it be differences in national origin, race, ethnicity, gender
identity, or others – makes it hard to have public discussions on the meanings and ongoing
impacts of racism, xenophobia, and discrimination. In the contemporary public policy arena,
two sorts of general trends persist according to Araújo (2013, p. 30, my italics): “[…] 1) a
national identity strongly anchored in Portugal’s imperial past and the supposed exceptionality
of its history of ‘expansion’; and 2) the universalistic values of Portuguese society, seen as less
racist than other European societies”.
Nonetheless, the management of racial, ethnic, and cultural diversity at the public policy level
in Portugal has not received enough attention, not only in politics but also in the academic
literature published in English. While Portuguese society has experienced profound
transformations since the late 1960s due to urbanization, demographic shifts, globalization, and
immigration (Marques, 2003), in terms of managing difference and diversity there seems to be
a lot left to be accomplished. Portugal cannot tackle new (and old) challenges concerning
18
diversity, immigration, and minority populations by using assimilationist or “one size fits all”
strategies (Barbosa & Cabral-Cardoso, 2010), nor should it ignore the pervasive and long-
lasting impacts of racism, slavery, and colonialism.
Notwithstanding, t is worth noticing that important initiatives targeting diverse populations in
the public policy sphere have been launched over the years, including the creation of the
Portuguese High Commissioner for Immigration and Ethnic Minorities in 1996 (renamed to
High Commissioner for Immigration and Intercultural Dialogue in 2003 and now called the
High Commissioner for Migration), The Commission for Equality and against Racial
Discrimination (CICDR) in 1999 (Law no. 134/99), and the adoption of significant anti-
discrimination laws and regulations in 2017 (mainly Law no. 93/2017), among other initiatives.
However, despite these efforts, complaints of discrimination - especially racial discrimination
- have increased over the last few years. See Figure 5.
Figure 5. Formalized complaints of
racial discrimination in Portugal (2014-
2019), as registered by the CICDR.
Source: European Commission (2020).
Therefore, we can see that Portuguese
society has not entirely come to terms
with diversity, despite the sociopolitical
transformations brought about by
immigration, globalization, and other
social phenomena. Going forward, some
key public policy initiatives in the realm
of diversity are briefly explored and
discussed, about Roma populations in
Portugal, migrants and refugees, and the
question of racial and ethnic
discrimination. It is important to
remember that public and social policy directly affect the work of social work professionals in
the field. For instance, policies may limit or expand the resources that social workers have to
address the issues their clients are confronted with. Therefore, social work students need to be
aware of key policies that will likely influence their practice in the future.
19
2.2. The National Strategy for Roma Populations/Communities
The Roma, or the Romani, is a heterogeneous cultural and ethnic group of people who are
believed to have migrated from northern India to Europe and settled across the continent from
the 9th century onwards (Amnesty International, 2015). While the Romani identity is
intrinsically diverse, depending on history, language, and profession, among other
characteristics, a lot is shared between these different groups, including the Romani language
and its many dialects (Amnesty International, 2015). Although they were quite known in the
past for their nomadic or semi-nomadic lifestyle, Roma populations are now usually settled in
one place, in different locations worldwide. According to Matache et al (2020, p. 9): “the
Romani diaspora today consists of approximately 15 million people dispersed across the globe.
It has a rich and diverse history and is characterized by fluid local identities that defy a simple,
uniform characterization”.
In Europe, Roma and Traveller communities are among the ones who suffer the most from
discrimination and economic and social deprivation (Council of Europe, 2023). This situation
builds upon centuries of oppression and persecution against Romani people in the European
continent. Roma populations have been persecuted since the Middle Ages; they were enslaved
in several countries (especially in Romania) and subjected to expulsion and laws seeking to
annihilate their culture (The Open University, 2020; Amnesty International, 2015). During
World War II, they were also targeted by the Nazi regime: “During the Holocaust, 70 percent
of the Romani population in Nazi-occupied Europe was exterminated. Persistent racism in
Europe following the Second World War has worsened in the past decades” (Matache et al.,
2020, p. 9, my italics). Since then, Anti-Roma racism and prejudice have been on the rise.
Currently, there are many issues affecting Roma communities in Europe which are usually a
result of systemic racism and discrimination:
Roma and Traveller communities are one of the most discriminated and
disadvantaged groups in Europe, facing hatred and human rights abuses every day.
Roma are refused access to decent housing, evicted without notice and left open to
attack by prejudiced neighbours. They are blocked from the jobs market and from
opportunities to get better education and vocational training. Roma children are
bullied at school, or sent to schools meant for people with learning difficulties.
20
Roma women have been sterilised against their will (Council of Europe, 2023, para.
2).
Although many of them refuse to only be seen only as ‘victims’, Romani populations are indeed
at a particular disadvantage as an ethnic minority group in Europe and are more vulnerable to
prejudice and human rights abuses. Their situation and social status are not any different in
Portugal. Widely known across the country as Ciganos (the Portuguese term for Gypsies, which
is considered a racial slur by many Romani people and organizations), Roma individuals and
communities “[…] are particularly vulnerable to poverty and social exclusion” in Portugal
(Calado et al., 2020, p. 119), as they often encounter “[…] poor housing conditions, low levels
of schooling, and discriminatory situations, practices and behaviours” (Calado et al., 2020, p.
119). To address this and other issues, the Portuguese Government launched the Estratégia
Nacional para a Integração das Comunidades Ciganas 2013-2022 (ENICC) (National Strategy
for the Integration of Roma Communities, which is briefly discussed hereinafter.
As the Portuguese Government does not collect demographic or statistical data that considers
race or ethnicity, it makes it quite hard to know exactly how many people in Portugal identify
as Roma/Romani. However, the last data collected by the High Commissioner for Migration in
2016 suggests that there were at least 37,000 Portuguese Roma men and women living in
Portugal at the time (Calado et al., 2020). While Roma communities in Portugal in the past
could benefit from “transversal” public policies
1
, the National Strategy was the first specialized
initiative at a national level aiming to “integrate” these populations into Portuguese society
(Pinheiro, 2013). Despite concerted actions brought forward by the National Strategy, in
addition to other programs and policies, “[…] vulnerabilities remain at different levels, such as
the lack of literacy, education and qualification, the existence of poor housing conditions, and
inequalities in access (and success) to education, training and employment offers” (Calado et
al., 2020, p. 135). It is also important to note that the National Strategy has expired, and so far
no other policy was developed to replace it (Pereira, 2023).
Ethnic discrimination remains a huge barrier to Roma people’s full participation in Portuguese
society. According to the Advisory Committee on the Framework Convention for the Protection
of National Minorities (ACFC) (2019, p. 1), “[…] many persons belonging to the Roma
1
Transversal is a popular term in Portugal used to describe overarching policies or initiatives that are
comprehensive in nature and are not designed for a particular group and that cut through different
stakeholders and levels of society. The term is also used in Education.
21
communities continue to be subjected to direct and indirect discrimination and continue to live
on the margins of society”. Another barrier - which has been described before Araújo (2013)
and (Marques, 2003) - is Portugal’s tendency towards homogenization and assimilationist
policies. Portuguese authorities insist that the country does not have any national minorities
(ACFC, 2019), and on top of that, there is a widespread lack of knowledge about Romani
culture, language, and history among the majority population, which leads to the reproduction
of biased views and negative stereotypes (ACFC, 2019).
2.3. The Adoption of the UN Global Compact for Migration
While many international instruments address the situation of refugees and migrants
worldwide, including the 1951 UN Refugee Convention, its 1967 protocol, and several ILO
Conventions, among others, the United Nations Global Compact for Migration is “[…] the first-
ever UN global agreement on a common approach to international migration in all its
dimensions” (United Nations, 2023, para. 6). Therefore, it is a relevant instrument at the UN-
level, at least from a symbolic viewpoint, as it is not a legally binding document. Portugal
however was the first UN member state to draft a National Plan for the Implementation of the
Global Compact, as stated in the Resolution of the Council of Ministers no. 141 of 2019 (ACM,
n.d.).
According to the Portuguese National Institute of Statistics (INE) (2021), Portugal has around
542,165 people of foreign nationality, representing 5.2% of the total population. Among them,
Brazilians are the most representative nationality, making up 36,9% percent of the foreign-born
population in the country (INE, 2021). In terms of geographical distribution, the metropolitan
areas of Lisbon and Algarve concentrated the majority of the foreign community in Portugal
(INE, 2021). In terms of the reception and integration of migrants and refugees in Portuguese
society, there are different public policy initiatives at national, regional, and local levels,
following a model of ‘shared responsibility’. Of all initiatives, perhaps the most robust one
would be the High Commissioner for Migration (Alto Comissariado para as Migrações), or
ACM.
22
The main goals of the ACM are to promote the integration of immigrants and defend public
policies for their reception
2
in Portuguese society (Drechsler, 2019). Despite its relevant
contributions, Góis et al (2019) argue that, on the other hand, the ACM via its National Centers
of Support to the Integration of Immigrants (Centros Nacionais de Apoio à Integração de
Imigrantes) privileges migrants living in the regions of Lisbon, Algarve, and Porto, leaving
many others across the country without access to their services. That is why they call for the
decentralization of services and policies concerning migration, with greater involvement of
local authorities (Góis et al., 2019). The authors also highlight that, despite the progressive
legislation that Portugal has concerning migrants and refugees, there is a stark difference
between the law and actual practices (Góis et al., 2019). In Portugal, there are several
constraints concerning services and institutions designed to serve migrant populations,
including a lack of capacity to provide services, lack of specific training, outdated procedures,
unnecessary bureaucracy, and poor communication between service providers, in addition to
language barriers (Góis et al., 2019).
With that said, we can infer that the adoption of the Global Compact into Portuguese legislation
does necessarily mean an automatic improvement in the living situation and well-being of
migrants and refugees in the country. Recently, the International Organization for Migration
(IOM) has conducted a study with local civil society organizations in Portugal providing
services for people with a migration background about their perceptions of the National Plan
for the Implementation of the Global Compact and its findings are quite interesting (IOM,
2022). The positive aspects of the Plan highlighted by the NGOs and charity organizations
were: the reinforcement of a common vision regarding migration, especially in the sharing of
objectives, ii) the transversality and systemic perspective associated with the Plan, highlighting
the coordination of efforts and the standardization of processes, iii) the promotion of the rights
and quality of life for migrants; iv) the promotion of the integration, and v) the visibility of the
question of immigration (IOM, 2022). Nonetheless, shortcomings or negative aspects were also
mentioned: for example, i) bureaucracy related to assistance services for the migrant population,
especially the malfunctioning of the Foreigners and Borders Services (SEF) agency, ii) the
format, content, and applicability of the Plan, including issues related to the long length of the
document and absence of monitoring in connection to its execution and a discrepancy with
2
For the lack of a better translation for the word acolhimento.
23
reality; iii) the lack of binding force of the Pact, and iv) the need to bring forward improvements
in specific measures to support the integration of migrant communities.
In sum, many barriers still prevent the full integration of migrants and refugees in Portuguese
society, including, but not limited to, huge bureaucratic hurdles, unequal distribution of
resources across the country, lack of interagency cooperation across a wide range of services
and stakeholders (Góis et al., 2019), language barriers, and of course, discrimination based on
nationality, race, ethnicity, and other identity markers (Casa do Brasil de Lisboa, 2020).
2.4. The National Plan to Combat Racism and Discrimination
A child of immigrants from Guiné-Bissau (a former Portuguese colony), Bruno Candé Marques
was born in Portugal, in 1980 (“Bruno Candé,” 2022). He grew up to be an actor with the theater
company Casa Conveniente, portraying roles in TV and theater stages; he was also a father to
three children (“Bruno Candé,” 2022). On July 25th, 2020, Bruno Candé was sitting on a bench
in Avenida de Moscavide (located in Lisbon Greater Metropolitan area), accompanied by his
dog Pepa and a radio player, when Evaristo Marinho, a White male in his 70s shot him four
times (“Bruno Candé,” 2022). Three days before his tragic death, the same man had shouted
several racial slurs at Bruno because his dog allegedly barked at him: “‘Go back to your land,
you n(-word)! You have your whole family in the slave house and you should be there too”;
“‘F****ng n(-word), I’ll kill you” (Marcelino & Câncio, 2021, para. 2-3), and he did. Yet,
according to Police reports, no racial motivation was found in connection to this crime
(Marcelino & Câncio, 2021).
Despite these colorblind views reproduced by many Portuguese public authorities, Bruno’s
assassination had a clear racial motive. The truth is that his killer had already threatened him
with death three days before the incident after repeatedly shouting racist insults against him,
therefore, the premeditated nature of the murder leaves no room for doubt that this was a racially
motivated crime. Following his death, even in the middle of the pandemic, several
demonstrators took to the street across Portugal to show support and demand justice for Bruno
and other victims of racism in the country (see Figure 6).
24
Figure 6. Street
protest in Lisbon
following the
assassination of Bruno
Candé, a 40-year-old
Black Portuguese
actor. Source:
Henriques (2020),
photo credit
LUSA/MIGUEL A.
LOPES.
Bruno Candé’s death is
not an isolated event,
racism in Portugal is
both systemic and structural (Araújo, 2008; Roldão, 2022). Discrimination and violence based
on race or ethnicity, or both, are not uncommon, despite the huge under-reporting of racially-
motivated violence in the country (Roldão, 2022). Therefore, the is an urgent need to face
racism as a real element built into the daily life of Portuguese social relations (Santos &
Vasconcelos, 2019), something that has been avoided over several decades (Matias & Pinto,
2020). With the ambitious goal of facing the ongoing legacies of Portuguese racism,
colonialism, and slavery, in 2021 the Government approved the National Plan to Combat
Racism and Discrimination, through Resolution No. 101/2021 of the Council of Ministers.
The Plan employs a human rights-based approach and argues that racism and racial/ethnic
discrimination violate several rights enshrined in international legal instruments, including, but
not limited to, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the European Convention on Human
Rights, the Portuguese Constitution, and the International Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Racial Discrimination, among others (Conselho de Ministros, 2021). It is anchored in
four main principles: (i) deconstruction of stereotypes; b) coordination, integrated governance,
and territorialization; c) integrated interventions in the fight against inequalities; and d)
intersectionality (Conselho de Ministros, 2021). In its goal to promote anti-racist and anti-
discriminatory policies in Portugal, the Plan addresses ten main areas of intervention, see Figure
7.
25
Figure 7. Areas of intervention of the National Plan to Combat Racism and Discrimination.
Source: Elaborated by the author based on the Resolution of the Council of Ministers no. 101
of 2021 (Conselho de Ministros, 2021).
In the Plan, we can find many provisions that support the integration of race, ethnicity, and
diversity in education. For instance, in Area No. 2, Education and Culture, one of the proposed
goals is to provide pedagogical resources that promote education for equality and non-
discrimination, including the communication of historical facts and their impact on racism in
contemporary times (Conselho de Ministros, 2021, Objective 2.2). In Area no. 3, the Plan
incentivizes the elaboration, in partnership with HEIs, of recommendations to promote the
inclusion in curricular plans of education against racism, diversity, and the history and societal
contributions of people of African descent and Roma populations in Portugal, in particular
(Conselho de Ministros, 2021, Objective 3.2). Nonetheless, despite its robustness and wide
scope/reach, it is not entirely clear how Portugal will implement all of its provisions in a time
frame of five years. The final text approved by the Council of Ministers does not mention
concrete strategies to evaluate the Plan or its implementation. While recognizing its historical
importance, Bruno (2022) argues that it has gaps and problematic absences that greatly
compromise its effectiveness in meeting the objectives proposed.
1. Governance, information and knowledge
2. Education and culture
3. Higher Education
4. Employment
5. Housing
6. Health and social action
7. Justice, security and rights
8. Participation and representation
9. Sports
10. Media and Digital Communications
26
2.6. Preliminary conclusions of this chapter
In conclusion, the historical legacy of colonialism and ethno-racial discrimination has had a
significant impact on contemporary Portugal's management of difference, which often fails to
address existing hierarchies of power and privilege. The myth of Portuguese non-racism has
depoliticized the debate on colonialism and racism, making it difficult to discuss ongoing issues
of racism, xenophobia, and discrimination. For instance, ethnic discrimination continues to be
a significant barrier to Roma people's full participation in Portuguese society, and
assimilationist policies hinder the integration of migrants and refugees. Although the
Portuguese government has recently adopted a National Action Plan Against Racism, it remains
to be seen how effective it will be in addressing the gaps and problematic absences that
compromise its implementation.
Essentially, the notion of a "natural" inclination towards tolerance and acceptance of difference
in Portuguese society has made it challenging to have public discussions on ongoing issues of
racism, xenophobia, and discrimination. Furthermore, two general trends persist in the
contemporary public policy arena: a national identity anchored in Portugal's imperial past and
the supposed exceptionality of its history of "expansion", and the universalistic values of
Portuguese society, seen as less racist than other European societies. However, managing racial,
ethnic, and cultural diversity in Portugal still needs attention, and assimilationist or "one size
fits all" strategies cannot address new and old challenges concerning diversity, immigration,
and minority populations. It is also crucial not to ignore the pervasive and long-lasting impacts
of racism, slavery, and colonialism, which require a dramatic shift in institutional arrangements
and public policy priorities.
27
Chapter 3. Literature Review
This chapter aims to review the existing literature in the areas that inform this research. The
main goal of a review of the literature is to determine the existing body of knowledge on a
certain subject and to structure the review such that it may serve as a context and rationale for
your inquiry (Bryman, 2016). In addition, reviewing the literature helps the researcher identify
possible gaps in their area of study. Building on prior work also sets the path for more detailed
description, conceptual expansion, and refinement of ideas related to the topic under
investigation (Padgett, 2017). As well described by Riessman (2008), every study is positioned
in given a context, therefore, summarizing and analyzing the literature helps position the
research in a wider net of existing knowledge.
It is worth noticing that the topics chosen for this Master’s thesis were only partially addressed
in one other study in Portugal (Sousa and Almeida 2016), at least considering the literature
published in English and written for an international audience. Most studies in this field, as the
Literature Review reveals, were developed in the North American context, so this current study
proves to be innovative, and it brings forward a very important yet largely understudied topic
in social work education, research, and practice in the Portuguese context.
The preliminary keywords used for the literature search were: “race”, “ethnicity”, “diversity”,
“social work”, “education”, and “curriculum”. “Portugal” was also added as a keyword in a
second search. The aim is to first retrieve all relevant works that address race /ethnicity and
diversity in social work education, independent of context, to form the knowledge base of the
study. Then, the review should focus on works conducted specifically about Portugal. All
searches will be performed using adequate Boolean Operators. The databases initially selected
for the review are the following: (i) Google Scholar (GS); (ii) Scopus; and WEB OF SCIENCE
(Clarivate Analytics).
A narrative review of the literature was conducted (Bryman, 2016), based on relevant peer-
reviewed articles and book chapters selected from a larger pool of sources retrieved from the
databases mentioned earlier. The criteria used for inclusion were: (1) preferably works
published in English; (2) published between the year 2000 and 2023, with priority for those
published after 2010; (3) preference for peer-reviewed articles in major social work journals;
and (4) works that fit within the scope of the review. The review was divided into two parts.
The first part addresses the place of race, ethnicity, and diversity in social work education in
28
general, and the second one explores the history of social work education in Portugal, also in
connection with those themes.
This Literature Review was developed in connection with the research goals and objectives,
which includes assessing if and how questions of race, ethnicity, and diversity are addressed in
the social work curriculum in Portugal. However, as there is a huge gap in the literature
pertaining to this topic, the focus was on discussing the relevance of the themes for social work
education (in connection with the specific objective I), as well as how other scholars have
approached these themes in the past.
3.1. Race, Ethnicity, and Diversity in Social Work Education and Practice
Historically, social work professionals around the world have engaged considerably with so-
called ‘vulnerable groups’ and diverse populations (Gitterman, 2014). Given the rights-based
nature and the social justice focus of their profession, social workers have delivered
interventions to individuals and entire communities intending to facilitate sociopolitical change
and to provide service users with the resources they need to thrive (Pawar, 2014). This is the
‘good side’ of the history of social work as a profession.
Yet, social workers have also been accused of perpetuating harm and reproducing the same
inequalities they once swore to combat (Asher BlackDeer & Gandarilla Ocampo, 2022). For
instance, Calvo and Bradley (2021) argue that social work as a discipline and profession is
highly influenced by notions of White supremacy and that this manifests in different ways in
teaching, research, and practice. According to them, “higher education institutions sustain and
reproduce this approach to the profession by normalizing the knowledge, experiences, and
values associated with whiteness” (Calvo & Bradley, 2021, p. 920). Therefore, there is a
growing body of literature in the field of education more generally speaking, and social work
more specifically, demanding that we decolonize, diversify, and deconstruct the curriculum
(Housee, 2022; Ranta-Tyrkkö, 2011; Asher BlackDeer & Gandarilla Ocampo, 2022), so that
social work training and education is capable of living up to its promises of social justice,
equity, diversity, and inclusivity.
With that said, there is an array of knowledge already produced and available about this topic,
especially in the United States (US), that emphasizes the importance of integrating these themes
into the social work curriculum. Carrillo et al (1993) explore the mandate of the Council on
29
Social Work Education (CSWE) concerning the teaching of race, ethnicity, and diversity.
According to them, social work educators must help students become more aware of their own
biases and monitor how their attitudes change after being exposed to information about diverse
populations (Carrillo et al., 1993). This commitment to cultural and social diversity has been
part of the CSWE since the 1980s. The authors argue that “many students are unaware of their
biases or are unaware that they may hold firm beliefs that may be discriminatory to others”
(Carrillo et al., 1993, p. 264), which is why social work education and training needs to
encompass questions of race, ethnicity, gender identity, sexual orientation, religion, age, and
disabilities, among other components of human diversity (Carrillo et al., 1993).
Roberts and Smith (2002), on the other hand, seem to be a little more skeptical about how
diversity is taught within predominantly White Schools of Social Work.
3
They argue that
“CSWE standards pertaining to diversity have been criticized for being vague and impotent”
(Roberts & Smith, 2002, p. 189). Yet, they still agree that “social work education has a clear
mandate to prepare graduates for competent practice with diverse groups and to work toward
the empowerment of those who are marginalized and discriminated against” (Roberts & Smith,
2002, p. 190, my italics). They are critical of how Social Work programs have tried to
demonstrate their commitment to diversity throughout the foundation curriculum, syllabi,
course titles, or other course content, which may create a mere “illusion of inclusion” (Roberts
& Smith, 2002). Thus, they argue that to challenge racism, discrimination, and oppression in
social work education, a significant change in the organizational climate of HEIs needs to
happen, through a movement toward the transformation of the organizational environment and
of oneself (Roberts & Smith, 2002).
Jong Won Min (2005) discusses the role of cultural competency as key to effective social work
practice with racially and ethnically diverse populations, with a focus on minority elders.
According to the author, several factors prevent or discourage racially and ethnically diverse
elders from accessing health and social care services: these factors can be “[…] attributed to
barriers to access the services in terms of language, lack of economic resources, cultural
reasons, discrimination, and insensitivity of institutions toward minority elders” (Min, 2005, p.
3
In the United States, predominantly white institution (PWI) is a term usually used to describe Higher
Education Institutions where at least half or more of the student population is White (Lomotey, 2010).
It also refers to Faculty members and instructors, who are also predominantly White. Predominantly
white Schools of Social Work fall within this definition if they historically and presently lack racial and
ethnic diversity among students, professors, and other staff members.
30
349). Min (2005) argues that, while social work is in principle well equipped to address the
different needs of diverse/minority populations due to its commitment to fighting oppression,
marginalization, and social isolation, a better understanding of culturally competent practice is
needed to meet the complex needs of minority populations. According to him, for effective
social work interventions with racial/ethnically diverse clients to occur, social workers need to
acknowledge how language barriers may affect their work while aiming to build cross-cultural
understanding and communication (Min, 2005). That also requires social work education and
training to focus on cultural sensitivity and the facilitation of culturally competent skills as a
part of the core curriculum (Min, 2005).
As part of the larger mandate to teach about diversity and cultural competence/sensitivity,
Johnston (2009) describes the experience of a specific Social Work Diversity Course as part of
the ‘Human Behavior and the Social Environment’ curriculum. The author argues that social
work students need to develop critical thinking skills and engage in self-reflexivity while in
contact with issues of race and ethnicity, gender, disability, and sexual orientation (Johnston,
2009). Strategies employed in this diversity course involved creative expression exercises and
out–of-comfort-zone incidents, among other pedagogical tools which instigated students to
utilize self-reflection and to ‘think outside of the box’ concerning the content debated in the
classroom (Johnston, 2009). Adopting and adapting the methodologies suggested by Johnston
(2009) in the social work classroom can be one of many ways through which social work
educators will introduce issues connected to race, ethnicity, and diversity to social work
students.
Bowie et al (2011) investigate the integration of diversity into social work education at the
graduate level through the view of African American social work graduates over a 30-year.
Essentially, their study was developed based on “a sample of African American respondents
[that] were surveyed to assess their perceptions of diversity and multiculturalism content […]
[in connection with] courses they took while matriculated at their respective master of social
work (MSW) degree programs” (Bowie et al, 2011, p. 1082). Among other results, their
findings suggest that social work graduates from Historically Black Colleges and Universities
consistently received higher diversity content in comparison to those who attended
Predominantly White Institutions (Bowie et al, 2011), which means that “[…] unless there are
substantial numbers of African American faculty and other faculty of color present at an
31
institution, diversity and multiculturalism content may simply receive cursory coverage, as
opposed to meaningful curricular integration” (Bowie et al, 2011, p. 1090).
Similarly, Jani et al (2011) discuss the access to intersectionality content and competence in
light of social work education diversity standards. They describe how, over the years, diversity
standards in social work education in the US have shifted from the idea of non-discrimination
to the emergence of cultural competence in an increasingly multicultural environment (Jani et
al., 2011). Yet, they challenge what they consider positivist/modernist views of culturally
competent practice and suggest a shift to intersectionality as a way to “[…] help create
innovative methods of community organizing, advocacy, and resistance that promote greater
civic participation among traditionally marginalized populations” (Jani et al., 2011, p. 296). A
theoretical discussion regarding the concepts of intersectionality and cultural competence can
be found in Chapter 4 of this thesis.
Teasley and Archuleta (2015) have reviewed social justice and diversity content in diversity
courses intending to measure the extent to which these themes are incorporated into social work
course syllabi in the US. The aims and methods of their research are quite similar to those of
this study, which shows that the assessment and evaluation of social work curricula still is a
relevant method. Their analysis encompassed, in general, course titles, syllabi content, and
course objectives (Teasley and Archuleta, 2015). Their findings suggest that in the US at least,
“a substantial number of diversity courses incorporate race, culture, ethnicity, gender and
oppression into their syllabi” (Teasley and Archuleta, 2015, p. 618). They recognize that social
work education and training programs have not yet found a coherent and effective method to
teach about diversity, however, that is not an excuse for the curriculum to lack these core
competencies: “when developing diversity course syllabi, instructors should explicitly state the
content to be covered with specific attention to the issue (e.g. sexism, racism, and ageism) or
group (e.g. women, minorities, and the disabled) to be covered by course materials” (Teasley
and Archuleta, 2015, p. 620).
While also looking at social justice and diversity content, Deepak et al (2015) analyze the
delivery of these themes in social work education with a focus on the implicit curriculum.
According to them, social work education and practice indeed demonstrate a longstanding
commitment to social justice and cultural competency/sensitivity, nonetheless, this is
repeatedly “shadowed by the profession’s complicity in historical injustices, often affecting
poor people and families of color” (Deepak et al, 2015, p. 107). This is why it is so important
32
to revisit, time and again, how issues of racism, discrimination, and oppression are dealt with
in the social work classroom. The results of their study shed light on the elements that facilitate
or pose obstacles to the effective delivery of diversity and social justice content (Deepak et al.,
2015). As for the barriers, they mention several factors including (but not limited to) the lack
of faculty and student racial diversity and also “[…] Faculty discomfort in addressing issues of
race and other forms of social oppression in social work education” (Deepak et al, 2015, p.
121).
Rosen et al (2017), on the other hand, focus on the teaching of diversity through the lens of
cultural humility, which essentially means that social work students need to be encouraged to
engage in self-reflection and cultivate “[…] respect for and a lack of superiority toward a client
or community’s cultural background and experience” (Rosen et al., 2017, p. ), considering that
as professionals they will frequently engage with individuals and communities that are amongst
the most marginalized in society (Rosen et al., 2017). Therefore, to the authors, critical self-
reflection and cultural humility are core competencies to be developed through diversity
coursework (Rosen et al., 2017).
To finish, Olcoń et al (2020) have performed a systematic review of teaching about racial and
ethnic diversity in social work education. They have identified and analyzed twenty-five studies
published between 2007 and 2016, in search of the “best teaching practices for preparing social
work students to work with clients from historically excluded racial and ethnic groups” (Olcoń
et al., 2020, p. 215). Their findings suggest that in more than half, 56% of the studies to be
specific, “pedagogical interventions had a positive effect on student learning about racial and
ethnic diversity and cultural competence or related outcomes” (Olcoń et al., 2020, p. 229),
while in 40% of the studies, the results were mixed. Despite that, the authors conclude that
“social work education [in the US] lacks an intentional and systematic approach to teaching
about racial and ethnic diversity and to evaluating student learning outcomes related to these
concepts” (Olcoń et al., 2020, p. 231).
In sum, it seems that there is not one single approach to how to incorporate issues of race,
ethnicity, and sociocultural diversity in the social work curriculum or how to deliver diversity
content through social work teaching. Nonetheless, it is still important that social work
education encourages students to exercise self-reflection and cultural sensitivity in their
practice, especially with historically marginalized groups. Teaching about racism,
discrimination, and diversity of lived experiences is a crucial task for social work educators.
33
When it comes to this educational goal, both the implicit and explicit curriculum matter
(Teasley and Archuleta, 2015; Deepak et al, 2015), which is why is so important to revisit, time
and again, how these issues are dealt with in the social work classroom. A major limitation is
that the majority of the studies available about this topic are from the United States, which
means that their findings are necessarily representative of other experiences with teaching about
race, ethnicity, and diversity in other parts of the world. For a summary of this literature review,
please see Table 1.
34
Author(s) / Year
Title
Journal
Main topics
Carrillo et al (1993)
Assessing social work students'
attitudes related to cultural
diversity: a review of selected
measures
Journal of Social Work Education
The education of social work
students concerning issues of
social and cultural diversity;
CSWE curriculum policy;
outcomes of students' exposure to
the curriculum on diversity.
Roberts & Smith (2002)
The Illusion of Inclusion: An
Analysis of Approaches to
Diversity Within Predominantly
White Schools of Social Work
Journal of Teaching in Social
Work
Approaches to diversity within
predominantly white Schools of
Social Work; school’s culture;
organizational transformation;
racism and higher education.
Min (2005)
Cultural Competency: A Key to
Effective Future Social Work
With Racially and Ethnically
Diverse Elders
Families in Society: The Journal
of Contemporary Social Services
Racial/ethnic diversity among the
older population; social work
practice with minority elders;
gerontological social work and
cultural competence.
Johnston (2009)
Critical Thinking and Creativity
in a Social Work Diversity
Course: Challenging Students to
“Think Outside the Box”
Journal of Human Behavior in
the Social Environment
Creativity and critical thinking
skills in social work diversity
courses; race and ethnicity,
gender, disability, and sexual
orientation.
Bowie et al (2011)
Integrating Diversity Into
Graduate Social Work Education:
A 30-Year Retrospective View by
MSW-Level African American
Social Workers
Journal of Black Studies
Integration of diversity into
graduate Social Work education;
Social work and Afrocentric
theory; race/ethnicity, diversity,
and multiculturalism.
Jani et al (2011)
Access to intersectionality,
content to competence:
deconstructing social work
education diversity standards
Journal of Social Work Education
Social work education and
diversity standards; critique of
cultural competence;
intersectionality as a pedagogical
tool in diversity coursework.
35
Teasley & Archuleta (2015)
A Review of Social Justice and
Diversity Content in Diversity
Course Syllabi
Social Work Education: The
International Journal
Standards of practice for diversity
in social work education in the
United States.
Deepak et al (2015)
Delivering Diversity and Social
Justice in Social Work Education:
The Power of Context
Journal of Progressive Human
Services
Critical race theory; the implicit
curriculum; barriers to the
delivery of diversity and social
justice content.
Rosen et al (2017)
Teaching critical self-reflection
through the lens of cultural
humility: an assignment in a
social work diversity course
Social Work Education: The
International Journal
Teaching diversity through the
lens of cultural humility; self-
reflexivity; pedagogies to
promote culturally competent
social work practice.
Olcoń et al (2020)
Teaching About Racial and
Ethnic Diversity in Social Work
Education: A Systematic Review
Journal of Social Work Education
A systematic review of teaching
strategies pertaining to racial and
ethnic diversity in the US.
Table 1. Summary of literature review, Part I. Source: Elaborated by the author.
36
3.2. Social Work Education and Practice in Portugal: History and Challenges
The objective of this second part of the literature review is to shortly describe the core
characteristics of social work education in Portugal, its history, and further particularities. At
some level, the integration of race, ethnicity, and diversity is also discussed, although not the
focal point, as there are only a few academic texts published on how Portuguese Schools of
Social Work deal with these specific questions.
The history of the social work profession in Portugal is very distinct and it accompanied the
country’s social and political transformations over the years. Carvalho (2010) analyzes the
emergence of social work education and training in Portugal by reviewing textbooks, research
articles, and her work teaching in Portuguese Higher Education Institutions. She divides the
history of the profession into four eras: the first would be marked by the institutionalization of
social work as a profession and field of training, which happened between the 1930s and 1940s
(Carvalho, 2010); the second took place in the 1950s, 60s, and mid-70s, and refers to social
changes and “professional discontinuities” which took place across these three decades
(Carvalho, 2010); the third one spans a period that encompasses the April Revolution of 1974
(popularly known as the Carnation Revolution), until the 1990s, and is marked by a
reaffirmation of the profession (Carvalho, 2010); the fourth époque is situated between the
1990s and 2004, and is characterized by a strong consolidation of the social work profession in
the country (Carvalho, 2010). Ultimately, according to her, the contemporary portrait of the
profession is defined, among other things, by the period of education reform following the
Bologna process,
4
neoliberalism, and the global financial crisis, as well as ongoing struggles
for recognition and professionalization (Carvalho, 2010).
Ferreira and Pena (2014) also provide a historical overview of social work education and
practice in Portugal in their book chapter. According to them, the history of social work
education in Portugal started with the creation of the first Portuguese School of Social Work,
the ‘Lisbon Superior Institute of Social Work’, in 1935, followed by the creation of the Coimbra
Social School in 1937 (Escola Normal Social de Coimbra). At its birth, social work education
in the country was oriented toward social intervention of different kinds (Ferreira & Pena,
2014). Carvalho (2010) also notes that social work practice in Portugal during its ‘first era’, as
4
As an initiative established at the EU-level, “under the Bologna Process, European governments
engage in discussions regarding higher education policy reforms and strive to overcome obstacles to
create a European Higher Education Area” (European Commission, n.d., para. 7).
37
aforementioned, was strongly marked by ideals of social control, especially over poor and
marginalized populations in favor of dominant political ideologies. Nonetheless, over the years,
both social work education and practice in Portugal have transformed considerably to respond
to challenges brought about by European integration, globalization, and other factors, for
example:
Postgraduate education was developed in different fields of training: Postgraduate
courses, Social Work Masters courses and Social Work PhD courses. There was
investment in training the teaching staff, qualifying it according with the university
system demands. Scientific cooperation agreements were established with foreign
universities in Europe and outside Europe, in order to qualify the Social Work
education to respond timely and effectively to the emerging social problems in a
democratic, participatory and globalized society, whose theoretical-scientific
framing passes through grounded theories based in the context of social theories
(Ferreira & Pena, 2014, p. 160).
Similarly, Carvalho and Pinto (2015) offer a historical overview of the social work profession
in Portugal, while highlighting the current challenges it faces as well. They argue that, even
though social work education and practice in Portugal emerged in a dictatorial context (under
the Estado Novo
5
), social work knew how to reinvent itself and face the oppressive regime by
integrating democratic principles and values associated with civic, political and social rights
(Carvalho & Pinto, 2015). It also transformed its nature from voluntarism/assistentialism to
professionalization built on theoretical and practical evidence, forming a journey of autonomy
and scientificization (Carvalho & Pinto, 2015).
Nonetheless, albeit these transformations, it is important to highlight that the emergence and
the institutionalization of the social work profession in Portugal were characterized by ideas of
racial superiority and repressive morality (Carvalho, 2010; Carvalho & Pinto, 2015). It was also
dominated by women of the bourgeois classes and highly influenced by reformist ideas linked
to the national education political project, which carried the motto “God, nation, and family”
(Deus, pátria e família in Portuguese) (Carvalho & Pinto, 2015).
5
Estado Novo (or “The New State” in English) was an authoritarian regime that took place in Portugal
from 1933 to 1974, established and initially led by António de Oliveira Salazar. The regime was
generally marked by authoritarianism, political conservatism, with nationalist and fascist inspirations.
38
In the years following democratization, especially in the early and mid-1970s, Portuguese social
work practice and education took a turn toward what Santos and Martins (2016) called critical
trend(s). From 1973 onwards, Portuguese social work grew closer to the class struggle and
union movements, also advocating for the end of the salazarista dictatorship (Santos & Martins,
2016). Therefore, it started to question the supposed neutrality of Social Work and its positivist
nature, aiming to conceive the profession in light of current developments (at the time) of
critical thinking, either through the dialogue between Christianity and Marxism, or through the
pedagogy of Paulo Freire (Santos & Martins, 2016). Also noteworthy, during this period, was
the great influence of the Reconceptualization movement within Latin American Social Work
(Santos & Martins, 2016). Between the 1980s and early 2000s, several other important
transformations took place as well regarding social work education in Portugal, especially after
the country joined the former European Economic Community in 1986 and after adhering to
the Bologna Declaration in 1999 (Santos & Martins, 2016).
Apart from that historical account, Santos and Martins (2016) have also looked at curriculum
plans or units (Planos de Estudo) of different Schools of Social Work in Portugal, and they also
conducted interviews with professors and course coordinators/directors, to investigate the role
of critical thought in social work education, especially related to the theoretical traditions of
Critical and Radical Social Work practice (Santos & Martins, 2016). Their findings indicate
that within those frameworks, different traditions are discussed during the education of social
workers in Portugal: from Feminist theories/interventions to Critical/dialectical Social Work
and Anti-discriminatory, Anti-oppressive, and Empowerment practices (Santos & Martins,
2016). However, in their work, it is not very clear how Schools of Social Work in Portugal
implement Antiracist Pedagogies or diversity-related content. Furthermore, after reading their
research findings (Santos & Martins, 2016), one can think that there seems to be an ongoing
struggle between two forces within social work education in Portugal: one that is oriented
toward homogeneity/order/regulation within the profession, and another one that privileges
critical traditions, including anti-discriminatory and anti-oppressive frameworks.
Sousa and Almeida (2016), on the other hand, decided to look specifically at the place of
diversity and culturally sensitive practices in social work education in Europe, with a focus on
Portugal and Portuguese universities and institutes. Their article is based on research that aimed
at finding out if there are mandatory curricular units within Social Work programs that
explicitly address culturally sensitive social work, cultural competencies, and diversity content
39
(Sousa & Almeida, 2016). They performed an online survey and a document analysis of the
curricula of all Portuguese courses in Social Work (Sousa & Almeida, 2016). First of all,
according to them, social work courses and programs in Portugal have different curriculum
programs, as the country lacks National Standards of Education in relation to social work
education (Sousa & Almeida, 2016). This is why looking at different curricula and syllabi is an
important task, given that social work education in Portugal does not have a common
curriculum based on national educational policy or accreditation standards (Sousa & Almeida,
2016). Their findings suggest that “in general, from the main outcome of the study, it may be
concluded that the courses of social work do not have a curriculum offer that addresses
diversity/cultural sensitivity/cultural competence as compulsory” (Sousa & Almeida, 2016, p.
14). Moreover, they argue that “the absence of well-developed cultural competences can lead
to a color-blind view of reality and to a certain cultural daltonism” (Sousa & Almeida, 2016, p.
14). Their findings have contributed significantly to my choice of pursuing this theme for the
Master’s thesis, in hopes of challenging colorblind ideologies that can eventually be reproduced
in social work education in Europe in general and in Portugal more specifically.
Carvalho et al (2019) explore recent shifts in social work education in Portugal, from what they
characterize as ‘exclusivity’ to a ‘massification’ process. They employ a critical understanding
of higher education and argue that although Education is a right, “[…] it has become a
commodity as a result of the Bologna process” (Carvalho et al, 2019, p. 690). Many challenges
have arisen in recent years according to them, including a “[…] dispersion of an educational
project theoretically, methodologically, and ethically consistent in our country, defined by
social workers and trained by them (in schools) to a mass model where any teacher from these
universities and institutes could also teach social work” (Carvalho et al, 2019, p. 702). They
also blame the reduction of years required to graduate with a social work degree and the lack
of teaching guidelines for the scientific areas of social work and related fields (Carvalho et al,
2019) for the reduction in quality and the massification of social work education in the country,
among other things.
Sousa and Almeida (2021) reiterate the problem regarding a lack of standards and guidelines
for accreditation of social work education in Portugal, therefore, they argue that “standards in
social work education should set out what students need to learn to do, what they need to be
able to understand, and the competences they must have when they complete their training to
be prepared for the labor market” (Sousa and Almeida, 2021, p. 202). Menezes (2021) also
40
mentions the role of academic training in social work in Portugal as a structuring and identity
element; she argues that initial training in social work should encompass reflective teaching,
based on the consolidation and internalization of new forms of social work research, practice,
and education (Menezes, 2021). For a summary of this literature review, please see Table 2.
3.3. Preliminary conclusions of this chapter
In sum, incorporating issues of race, ethnicity, and sociocultural diversity in social work
education remains a challenging task, with no single approach or consensus on how to deliver
diversity content through teaching. However, it is crucial for social work educators to teach
about racism, discrimination, and diversity of lived experiences, encouraging self-reflection
and cultural sensitivity in practice, particularly with historically marginalized groups.
Although the majority of the studies on this topic are from the United States, Sousa and Almeida
(2016) shed light on the place of diversity and culturally sensitive practices in social work
education in Europe, specifically in Portugal. Their research findings suggest that social work
courses and programs in Portugal lack compulsory curriculum units that address
diversity/cultural sensitivity/cultural competence, which can lead to a color-blind view of
reality and cultural daltonism. The absence of well-developed cultural competencies highlights
the need for standards and guidelines for the accreditation of social work education in Portugal.
As Menezes (2021) argues, academic training in social work should encompass reflective
teaching based on new forms of social work research, practice, and education.
This literature review underscores the importance of continuously revisiting how diversity and
culturally sensitive practices are dealt with in the social work classroom to improve the
education of future social workers.
41
Author(s) / Year
Title
Journal / Book
Main topics
Carvalho (2010)
Serviço social em Portugal:
percurso cruzado entre a
assistência e os direitos
[Social Work in Portugal:
Crossroads Between Assistance
and Rights]
Revista Serviço Social & Saúde
[Journal Social Work & Health]
Social work in Portugal;
education and practice; historical
overlook of the social work
profession in Portugal, its roots
and developments.
Ferreira and Pena (2014)
Research in Social Work:
Education, Process, and Practice
in Portugal
Social Work Research Across
Europe: Methodological
Positions and Research Practice
[edited collection]
Social work education in
Portugal; history of social work
education, research, and practice;
academicization of social work.
Carvalho & Pinto (2015)
Desafios do Serviço Social na
atualidade em Portugal
[Challenges faced by Social
Work in Portugal nowadays]
Serviço Social & Sociedade
[Social Work & Society]
Historical and ongoing challenges
affecting social work education
and practice in Portugal.
Santos & Martins (2016)
A formação do assistente social
em Portugal: tendências críticas
em questão
[The training of social workers in
Portugal: critical trends in
question]
Revista Katálysis
[Katálysis Journal]
Social work education in
Portugal; critical trends and
competencies; critical and radical
social work.
Sousa & Almeida (2016)
Culturally sensitive social work:
promoting cultural competence
European Journal of Social Work
Social work education in
Portugal; diversity and cultural
competence; cultural sensitivity;
Portuguese social work curricula.
Carvalho et al (2019)
From exclusivity to massification
of social work education in
Portugal. Limits, potentialities,
and challenges
Social Work Education: The
International Journal
Standards on social work
education in Portugal;
proliferation of Schools of Social
Work in the country; quality of
education and job prospects.
42
Sousa & Almeida (2021)
Social Work Education in
Portugal
The Palgrave Handbook of
Global Social Work Education
[edited collection]
Historical analysis of social work
education in Portugal; Portuguese
higher education system and
structure; the impact of the
Bologna Process on social work
education in Portugal.
Menezes (2021)
Ser assistente social: A formação
académica em serviço social
(Portugal) enquanto elemento
estruturante e identitário
[Being a social worker: Academic
training in social work (Portugal)
as a structuring and identity
element]
Revista Temas Sociais
[Journal Social Themes]
Social work education and
training in Portugal; professional
and personal identities of
Portuguese social workers.
Table 2. Summary of literature review, Part II. Source: Elaborated by the author.
43
Chapter 4. Theoretical Frameworks
This study takes an interdisciplinary stance and therefore relies on a multitude of theoretical
frameworks from within and outside the discipline of Social Work. Because this research is
concerned with social work education and training, it employs theories and methods from the
field of Pedagogy and Education Sciences as well. At a glance, the theories employed are the
following: Critical Curriculum Studies, Critical Race Theory and Anti-racist Pedagogy, Anti-
racist and Anti-oppressive Social Work Practice (Dominelli, 1997; 2002), Culturally Sensitive
Practice and Cultural Humility (Gottlieb, 2021), and the Intersectionality
Framework/Approach.
First and foremost, it is important to state that race and ethnicity as concepts are the cornerstones
of this investigation. It is important to notice though, that there is not a single universally
accepted definition for either of them. Race and ethnicity are two different, distinct, and often
contested categories. However, they are interdependent (Dominelli & Lorenz, 2001), and it
would not make sense, in the context of this research, to address only one or the other. While
race as a scientific/biological category has been largely rejected by the international scientific
community (Rastas, 2019), race as a social construct or social category still is pretty much valid
as a conceptual-analytical tool to explain the lived experiences of racialized groups in society
concerning racism and discrimination (Rastas, 2019).
Therefore, in the context of this study, race will be understood not as a natural or biological
marker but as a social, pattern-based concept that reveals how humans are still hierarchically
organized based on racialization processes (Gonzalez-Sobrino & Goss, 2019; Yudell et al.,
2016). Ethnicity, on the other hand, is generally understood as a term for an identity “[…]
bestowed on groups or categories defined by their distinctive cultural attributes such as
language and religion” (Berreman, 2001, p. 7380). Differently from racial categorizations,
“[…] ethnic classification is normally more accurate of a cultural group because it is defined
by the group itself” (Baumann, 2004, p. 12). However, none of these categories are static; given
their socially constructed characteristics, they often change across contexts and time.
As important as they are though, race and ethnicity are only one aspect of a person’s identity.
Humans are cultural and social beings; therefore, race and ethnicity alone cannot describe the
complexity of the human condition despite their importance as ‘identity markers’. Thus, more
44
recently, social researchers have also drawn attention to the notion of intersecting identities,
that is, “[…] the reality that we simultaneously occupy multiple groups - both oppressed and
privileged positions - and that these positions intersect in complex ways” (DiAngelo, 2012, p.
191). This is why this research is also preoccupied with diversity in social work education and
training, which was used as an umbrella term to refer to multiple, often intersecting factors,
including but not limited to gender identity, class, race and ethnicity religious beliefs, and
sexual identity and orientation (Bolding, 2020).
4.1. Critical Curriculum Studies
Critical Curriculum Studies is not a theory per se, it rather is an intellectual movement, which
this thesis draws inspiration from. While many academics and educators may take the
curriculum for granted, there is a growing movement in and outside academia that views “[…]
course syllabi as a generator of inequality” (Murphy, 2021, p. 169). According to Murphy
(2021, p. 169): “course syllabi, those seemingly mundane and functional institutional artefacts,
have come under increased scrutiny for their valued-laden, ideologically biased forms of
knowledge construction […]”. Therefore, critical curriculum scholars tell us that the curriculum
or course syllabi are not neutral, on the contrary, they are the result of power struggles over
what is or is not valid knowledge (Apple, 2018).
Thus, because social work is a profession guided by principles of social justice, the social work
curriculum needs to reflect the lived experiences of diverse populations, especially those who
have been historically minoritized and marginalized. To interrogate the role of the curriculum
in (re)producing unequal power relations, Professor Michael W. Apple poses a series of
questions that might illustrate what being critical about the curriculum may look like:
Whose knowledge is this? How did it become ‘official’? What is the relationship
between this knowledge and how it is organized and taught and who has cultural,
social and economic capital in this society? Who benefits from these definitions of
legitimate knowledge and who does not? What are the overt and hidden effects of
educational reforms on real people and real communities? What can we do as
critical educators and activists to challenge existing educational and social
inequalities and to create curricula and teaching that are more socially just? (Apple,
2018, p. 2).
45
Movements toward contesting the curriculum in higher education have taken place in the United
States, United Kingdom, and France since the 1960s (Murphy, 2021). Notwithstanding, recent
mobilizations such as the Why is My Curriculum White movement in England have gained
notoriety as they highlight a lack of awareness that the curriculum often reflects ‘White ideas’
written by ‘White authors’, as a result of colonialism, epistemic violence, and the naturalization
of whiteness in educational settings (Peters, 2015). Historically, and across different contexts,
“[…] higher education has taken on a significant role in furthering white supremacist
philosophies, in theory, policy, and with the abuse and dehumanization of black and brown
racially identified individuals” (Sawyer & Waite, 2021, p. 3).
However, many White educators are still resistant to recognizing the harmful, ongoing legacies
of racism and colonialism in the curriculum of different higher education institutions (Picower,
2009), especially in previous white-settler colonialist societies. In Portugal, this historical
amnesia has been frequently reproduced in education, politics, and society. Marta Araújo
(2013) argues that education, most notably in the Portuguese history curriculum and textbooks,
imposes or reinforces an anachronical image of a homogeneous nation, marked by a White,
Christian, national identity while downplaying colonialism and inequalities tied to the
race/power binary (Araújo, 2013).
The result is an education that is frequently disconnected from the mental and material aspects
of colonialism, institutional racism, and related discrimination (Araújo, 2013; 2018). If left
unchallenged, the reproduction of this mentality in social work education can have several
negative implications on social work students (Abrams et al., 2021), especially minoritized
ones, and for the present and future of the social work profession. Teaching about race,
ethnicity, and diversity is a crucial task in the larger strategy which is to decolonize and
diversify the curriculum (Housee, 2021). Efforts are needed to address discrimination and
personal biases in social work education programs, especially in the Portuguese context.
Moving forward, these themes are debated in connection to social work theories and
frameworks for practice.
4.2. Critical Race Theory and Anti-racist Pedagogy
46
Since the 1980s, in the field of education research more specifically, and social research more
broadly, there has been a growing body of literature that has positioned racial issues as central
to the discussion of research methods and epistemology (Pillow, 2003); authors writing from
different fields have challenged Eurocentrism and racism in existing frameworks and
epistemologies and have argued for race-based methodologies to be taken seriously by
educational researchers (Pillow, 2003). Within this intellectual tradition lies Critical Race
Theory (CRT), and more recently, theories for Anti-racist Education. According to Delgado et
al. (2012, p. 1):
The critical race theory (CRT) movement is a collection of activists and scholars
interested in studying and transforming the relationship among race, racism, and
power. The movement considers many of the same issues that conventional civil
rights and ethnic studies discourses take up, but places them in a broader perspective
that includes economics, history, context, group- and self-interest, and even feelings
and the unconscious.
CRT as a theoretical framework is relevant to this study because it allows us to recognize and
challenge structural/systemic racism and intersectional forms of oppression and discrimination
in and outside of the classroom (Morton, 2022). It may help reconcile the curriculum with the
lived experiences of people of color (Morton, 2022), something that liberal theories of
education are not equipped to do. At the same time, theories of Anti-racist Education or Anti-
racist Pedagogy are often utilized to explain and combat racism's enduring effects, focusing on
praxis to advance social justice and the establishment of a fully democratic society (Blakeney,
2005). Anti-racist Pedagogy tells us that is not enough for education to not be
racist/discriminatory, it needs to actively question racism and other systems of oppression
(Blakeney, 2005).
Both CRT and Anti-racist Pedagogy have been adopted in the field of social work education,
training, and practice. On one hand, according to Constance-Huggins (2012), when tackling
societal inequities and injustices, fully adopting CRT in social work education can help to
overcome the shortcomings of the multicultural approach which is dominant, especially in
North America. She argues that “despite social work’s concern for racial inequality, this topic
is not always addressed within the multicultural approach used in social work pedagogy”
(Constance-Huggins, 2012, p. 3). On the other hand, an Anti-racist Pedagogy, applied to social
47
work education, aims to develop social work professionals who can effectively challenge
racism and White supremacy at different levels (Copeland & Ross, 2021). Therefore, these
different yet complementary frameworks provide the basis for an anti-racist social work
education and practice, rooted in the activism to fight against racism and related discrimination
and “[…] by recognizing it accurately and thinking critically about White supremacy’s origins,
manifestations, and impact” (Copeland & Ross, 2021, p. 768).
4.3. Social Work Theories and Frameworks for Practice
4.3.1. Anti-racist and anti-oppressive social work practice
Teaching about race, ethnicity, and diversity is not only connected to educational goals in the
social work curriculum but it is also tied to values and principles that guide practices and larger
developments in the field of social work and beyond. Theories or frameworks for anti-racist
and anti-oppressive social work practice highlight the importance of addressing these issues in
social work education, training, and practice. Although different from one another, they are
complementary and can help us back up the argument for a more diverse curriculum.
Anti-oppressive practice is part of a larger theoretical-praxis movement within the modern
critical social work framework, with roots in the United Kingdom in the late 1980s (Healy,
2022). Anti-discriminatory and anti-oppressive practices are based on the acknowledgment of
unequal power relations resulting from structural societal forces and institutions that deem
certain groups of people more vulnerable to oppression and discrimination (Healy, 2022). Healy
(2022, p. 226) points out that “a large and diverse body of education and research articulates
the relevance of anti-oppressive practice in a variety of practice contexts including with children
and families […]”. One of the core assumptions of anti-oppressive practice is that:
[…] social workers should incorporate critical reflection on how they may
inadvertently contribute to ‘oppression and injustice in case of gender, sexuality,
class, and race’ and to seek instead to develop a more collaborative relationship and
critical responses to the social problems impacting service users’ lives (Healy,
2022, p. 227).
How can social work students possibly exercise self-reflexivity in the classroom, concerning
different structures of power and oppression, if the curriculum lacks crucial competencies and
48
skills in that area? Anti-oppressive practice proposers tell us that we need to assess how
personal, cultural, and structural processes influence the problems service users experience
(Burke & Harrison, 2004; Healy, 2022), which is why social work education needs to
encompass a serious discussion of how race, ethnicity, and diversity (of abilities, national
origin, age, and social status) intersect in complex ways to create opportunities and
disadvantages for the diverse populations social workers serve or will serve.
In 1997, critical social work scholar Lena Dominelli launched the book Anti-Racist Social
Work: A Challenge for White Practitioners and Educators. In this groundbreaking volume, she
addresses, among other things, how social work training in Britain (and at some level across
the rest of Europe and North America as well) is embedded in racist beliefs (Dominelli, 1997).
According to her, “social work educators have done little to challenge the racism inherent in
their theories and practice” (Dominelli, 1997, p. 42). She emphasizes how British universities
have essentially failed to adopt anti-racist measures as a compulsory part of the curriculum
(Dominelli, 1997, p. 42). In line with anti-oppressive principles, she argues that social work is
not apolitical and that social workers need to seriously recognize unequal power relations
among different social groups and become aware of how this affects their work with people of
color (Dominelli, 1997). Therefore, if social work education and training do not address racist
assumptions inherent to the profession’s theories and modus operandi, we run the risk of
reproducing racism, and the inequalities tied to it, in social work practice:
The failure of white social workers to take on board the specific conditions affecting
black people has meant that they have colluded with the continued denial of their
access to resources, dignity and justice […] Social work's poor showing on racism
indicates the intractability of the problems confronting anti-racist social workers
and trainers. It also means that to attack racism, white social workers and educators
must adopt political and theoretical perspectives which are more than just ethnically
sensitive. They must produce theories of welfare which acknowledge social work's
social control function, recognise its dual position within state structures - a
controller of substantial resources and the upholder of a caring ideology - and
promote anti-racist social work practice (Dominelli, 1997, p. 36).
Thus, teaching anti-racism and adopting anti-racist pedagogies within social work education
seems to be a crucial step toward challenging oppressive and unequal power structures in
49
society that are a result of institutionalized racism and discrimination. The curriculum bears a
great amount of responsibility for what should or should not be discussed in the classroom. If
social work training and education do not address these issues, they are bound to be
disconnected from the values of the social work profession and its commitment to social justice.
However, because racism is not the only problem affecting minoritized and racialized
individuals and communities, the next section addresses the importance of culturally sensitive
practice and cultural humility in social work interventions with service users from diverse
backgrounds.
4.3.2. Culturally sensitive practice and cultural humility
The notion of culturally sensitive practice in social work was originally brought forward by Mel
Gray and her colleagues in Australia in the early 2000s to address the idea of ‘cultural
competence’ in the social literature at the time (Gray & Allegritti, 2003). Since then, the concept
has considerably evolved and has been regarded as a central aspect of social work practice with
diverse populations. According to Forkuor et al (2019, p. 864), “in order to effectively practice
in a culturally sensitive and competent manner, practitioners must develop the skill and ability
to bridge the gaps between the demands of culture and the values of social work practice”.
Therefore, social work education should encourage discussions around the meaning of culture
for different people, with the freedom to question dominant/normative assumptions around
culture often reproduced in social welfare. The National Association of Social Workers
(NASW) proposes a very interesting definition of culturally sensitive or culturally competent
practice:
Cultural competence requires social workers to examine their own cultural
backgrounds and identities while seeking out the necessary knowledge, skills, and
values that can enhance the delivery of services to people with varying cultural
experiences associated with their race, ethnicity, gender, class, sexual orientation,
religion, age, or disability [or other cultural factors] […] (NASW, 2015, p. 8).
Thus, social work education needs to train social work students to be able to adequately respond
to different cultural identities (Osborn & Karandikar, 2022). This framework is particularly
helpful for working with families and children from minority or immigrant backgrounds, for
instance. However, the notion of cultural competence has been criticized over the years for its
50
unintended consequence of giving practitioners a misguided notion of expertise just because
they read a book or heard a lecture about working with service users from certain racial or
ethnic backgrounds (Fisher, 2021, p. 692). With that in mind, different authors have proposed
the notion of cultural humility in social work practice. This study follows the definition of
cultural humility proposed by Gottlieb (2021, pp. 464-465):
[…] Cultural humility has been distilled to the following three principles, each of
which will be discussed: (1) committing oneself to an ongoing process of
compassionate self-awareness and inquiry, supported by a community of trusted
and cognitively-diverse colleagues; (2) being open and teachable, striving to see
cultures as our clients see them, rather than as we have come to know or define
them; and (3) continually considering the social systems – and their attendant
assignations of power and privilege – that have helped shape reality as both we and
our clients experience it. The use of a cultural humility paradigm also assumes that
the practitioner is aware of their considerable power – both real and perceived –
within the worker/client relationship, and that we have a desire to equalize that
imbalance to the greatest extent possible.
Through the above definition and the definition of the NASW aforementioned, we can see how
these different theories and frameworks for practice are actually in dialogue with each other.
Anti-racist social work, culturally sensitive practice, and anti-racist pedagogy are interrelated
concepts that can form a coherent framework within the social work profession. Each of these
concepts is focused on addressing the systemic and institutional discrimination that exists in
society and the impact it has on individuals and communities. Taken together, they provide a
comprehensive framework for social work education, training, and practice that is grounded in
a commitment to social justice and equity. By actively challenging systemic racism,
understanding and respecting diverse cultural backgrounds, and creating inclusive learning and
practice environments, social workers can help to create positive social change and support the
empowerment of marginalized communities, while challenging multiple systems of oppression.
4.3.3. Intersectionality framework/approach
The term ‘intersectionality’ was originally coined by Law Professor Kimberlé Crenshaw in the
late 1980s (Crenshaw, 1989) referring particularly to how Black women experience racism and
51
sexism through what she called the “intersectional experience”, which is greater than the sum
of those two (Crenshaw, 1989, p. 140). The concept of intersectionality was employed, by her,
at the time, “[…] to denote the various ways in which race and gender interact to shape the
multiple dimensions of Black women's employment experiences” (Crenshaw, 1991, p. 1244).
Since then, the concept has considerably evolved and has been adopted by and adapted to
different fields of knowledge and praxis. Nowadays, intersectionality is frequently used as a
lens to visualize how different identities intersect in complex ways to create both privileges and
disadvantages, see Figure 8, for instance.
In Crenshaw’s words: “intersectionality is a lens through which you can see where power comes
and collides, where it interlocks and intersects […]” (Crenshaw, 2017, para. 3). It is, on some
level, about how people, especially historically marginalized groups, experience oppression at
several fronts. Applying an
intersectional approach to
social work education,
training, and practice, allows
students and practitioners to
understand how service users’
many intersecting identities
are often associated with
uneven and disproportionate
outcomes (Simon et al.,
2022). Simon et al (2022)
argue that understanding
intersectionality is crucial for
delivering effective social
work interventions.
Figure 8. Intersectionality
framework and the relationships of power and privilege. Source: retrieved from Bauer (2021).
The authors also mention that intersectionality highlights the interconnected aspect of an
individual’s multiple identities (e.g., race/ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, and class,),
whose idiosyncratic combination results in an augmentation of barriers (Simon et al., 2022).
52
Therefore, in conjunction with other theoretical frameworks aforementioned, intersectionality
can be used in the classroom as a tool to generate questions and discussions around power
relations, privilege, and oppression and how they impact the lives of the people we serve. It
might be used as a self-reflexivity exercise as well, as students learn to identify their own
experiences of privilege and marginalization and how it may affect their work/practice.
To sum up, intersectionality is crucial for effective social work interventions as it highlights the
interconnected aspect of an individual's multiple identities, which can result in the augmentation
of barriers. By using intersectionality as a tool in the classroom, students can generate
discussions around power relations, privilege, and oppression, and identify their own
experiences of privilege and marginalization.
4.4. Preliminary conclusions of this chapter
Ultimately, there is not a ‘one size fits all’ strategy for addressing racism, discrimination, and
diversity in social work education, as previously demonstrated through the Literature Review
as well. This is why, throughout the curriculum, several frameworks and approaches can be
presented and discussed to introduce and debate these issues. However, regardless of the chosen
lenses, these topics must integrate the social work curriculum, otherwise, students will lack the
skills and competencies necessary to adequately work with diverse populations, especially
those from a minority background. Some roadmaps are given through the theories introduced
in this Chapter. Overall, this work is informed partially by a larger intellectual movement called
Critical Curriculum Studies, which aims to unveil the power struggles over what is supposed to
integrate the curriculum. Ultimately, it is important to acknowledge that social work education
must challenge structural/systemic racism and intersectional forms of oppression and
discrimination in and outside of the classroom.
53
Chapter 5. Results and Discussion
This chapter aims to introduce the data collected for the study and discuss/analyze them in light
of the theories and previous works published about the topics of race, ethnicity, and diversity
in social work education. This portion of the study introduces the results from a keyword search
of curricular plans and syllabi of undergraduate (better known as ‘first cycle’) Social Work
programs in Portugal. It is important to notice that the analysis only accounts for explicit
mentions of words and concepts in the formal curriculum, and not for ‘tacit knowledge’ or the
‘hidden curriculum’. The chapter also presents data collected from social work educators and/or
administrators in Portugal and their views on the proposed themes.
Before starting the description of the findings and their subsequent analysis, I think it is
important to mention a few difficulties I have encountered throughout the research process,
especially when trying to recruit research respondents and participants from HEIs in Portugal.
The online questionnaire was sent to at least 58 professors and/or program directors and
coordinators, and I have tried to contact them several times to ask for their participation in the
study. Yet only 18 of them answered the online survey. I conducted interviews with five BSW
(present or former) program directors from different Schools of Social Work across the country
(you can see the Interview Guide in Appendix II) but also had a hard time recruiting them,
which is why the sample is not larger.
The main research objective was to analyze if and how questions of race, ethnicity, and diversity
are addressed in the social work curriculum in Portugal. The main finding following the
research aim was that these topics are addressed in fundamentally different ways across the
various Portuguese BSW programs analyzed. That is, there is a wide diversity in addressing
diversity: while at some Schools of Social Work, the themes are well developed throughout the
curriculum, others lack a more systematic approach to ethnoracial and diversity issues in social
work education and training.
5.1. Analysis of Portuguese BSW curricula
As part of the research methodology, I have looked through the curricular plans and units of all
active Bachelor of Social Work programs across Portugal and have performed a word search
for the terms race, ethnicity, diversity, and related themes. This type of research with the same
54
methodology has been executed before in different contexts (e.g. Teasley & Archuleta, 2015),
including research about social work education in Portugal (Santos & Martins, 2016; Sousa &
Almeida, 2016). As mentioned before, looking at the curriculum is an important task because
it is not merely a piece of document, quite the contrary, it reflects broader power struggles over
what is considered valid knowledge. It is also important to mention that, in general, when
analyzing any curriculum, they often can be separated into two categories: the explicit
curriculum and the implicit curriculum (Herr et al., 2020). According to Herr et al (2020, p.
1268):
The explicit, or formal, curriculum is the official version that is usually taken as the
one-and-only curriculum and which is detailed in official documentation; however,
an implicit curriculum exists, comprised of subtle messaging about professional
norms, values, and beliefs that are tacitly communicated through both positive and
negative role modeling.
This first part of the results is only concerned with the explicit or formal curriculum and does
not account for the implicit or hidden curriculum. While the review of the literature has revealed
that there is not one single approach on how to incorporate issues of race, ethnicity, and
sociocultural diversity in the social work curriculum or how to deliver this content in the
classroom, perhaps all authors consulted would agree that the incorporation of these themes
into social work education is a crucial task. Social work education needs to encourage students
to exercise self-reflection and cultural sensitivity in their practice, especially with historically
marginalized groups. Therefore, teaching about racism, discrimination and diversity of lived
experiences is a fundamental mandate for social work educators.
In 2020, the Portuguese National Council of Education (Conselho Nacional de Educação)
released a recommendation concerning the role of anti-racist education in the country. The
document mentions the persistence of institutional blindness to racism and discrimination, and
a failed attempt of Portuguese society to implement a “post-racial strategy” as if we simply stop
talking about race/ethnicity it will make racism and related discrimination simply go away
(Menezes et al., 2020). Considering this background of colorblind assumptions in education,
politics, and society, the Council suggested, among other things, the inclusion of anti-racist,
anti-discriminatory, and diversity content in all levels of formal education in Portugal (Menezes
et al., 2020). This goes hand in hand with the provisions established in the National Plan to
55
Combat Racism and Discrimination. Despite these provisions and recommendations, is it not
completely clear how Schools of Social Work across Portugal incorporate (or not) these themes
into the formal curriculum, which is why this investigation was developed in the first place.
After going through every curricular unit of every syllabus available, a few patterns could be
identified. The first one is that the content in the formal curriculum varies greatly among HEIs
in Portugal. As mentioned before in the Literature Review, Social Work education in Portugal
does not follow nationally established guidelines, which means that universities are pretty much
responsible for deciding what is going to integrate the formal curriculum and what is not.
Therefore, one BSW program can look very different from another in terms of core courses and
competencies. Secondly, it was possible to identify that the majority of BSW programs integrate
at least some content about diversity, especially cultural diversity, in the core curriculum.
Thirdly, while some syllabi integrated topics related to discrimination, racial and ethnic
discrimination appeared in way less frequency in comparison to other topics. In Table 3, you
can see the results of the curricular analysis.
One of the key reasons why the social work curriculum should explicitly address questions of
ethnic-racial discrimination and socio-cultural diversity is that social workers are often called
upon to work with individuals, families, and communities from diverse backgrounds. To
provide effective and culturally competent services to these populations, social workers need
to have a deep understanding of how culture, ethnicity, race, and other social factors and identity
markers impact people's experiences and needs. Social workers need to be able to recognize
and address issues of racism and discrimination in their practice, and to work towards creating
more just and equitable systems and policies. Additionally, by viewing this through the lenses
of Critical Curriculum studies and Antiracist Education theory (Blakeney, 2005; Murphy,
2021), education is seen as a powerful tool for social change, and the curriculum becomes an
important site for transformational discussions. Therefore, by explicitly mentioning these
questions in the social work curriculum, social work educators and students can help to
challenge and transform oppressive systems and structures.
56
Table 3. Results from the review of Curricular Units (UCs) and course syllabi of Portuguese BSW programs.
HIGHER
EDUCATION
INSTITUTION
RACE/ETHNICITY,
RACISM, AND RELATED
DISCRIMINATION
DIVERSITY (SOCIAL AND
CULTURAL), AND/OR
INTERSECTIONALITY
MIGRATION-RELATED
CONTENT
“TRANSVERSAL
COMPETENCIES”
(THESE MODULES ARE
AVAILABLE TO ALL
MAJORS)
ISCTE-IUL,
University Institute
of Lisbon
No
Yes
02846 - Laboratory in Social
Work Settings and Fields,
2. Children/young people,
Seniors, Gender, Dependencies,
Exclusion processes,
Interculturality
L6102 - Social Classes and
Stratification
1.7. Classes, gender, ethnicity –
intersectionality
Mandatory
Yes
L5133 - Sociology of
International Migrations
Optional
Yes
Diversity in the workplace (1
ECTS)
Intro. to gender equality and
diversity (1 ECTS)
Optional
University of
Lisbon (ULisboa)
Yes
9238209.Anthropology
Unit 3.1. Race, Ethnicity, and
Nation; Unit 3.2. Ethnic
Yes
9238209.Anthropology
9238111. General sociology.
Unit II, Gender and Sexuality.
Yes
9238209.Anthropology
9238202. Applied
Sociology
Not applicable
57
relations: majorities and
minorities.
9238310. Contemporary
Theories of Social Work
Unit 3.2.1 Feminism, anti-
racism, anti-oppression and
social activism.
9238502. Models of
Intervention in Social Work
Mandatory
9238310. Contemporary
Theories of Social Work
Unit 3.2.1 Feminism, anti-
racism, anti-oppression and
social activism.
9238502. Models of
Intervention in Social Work
2.6 Empowerment and
advocacy; 2.7 Critical model,
anti-oppression and anti-
discriminatory practice
9238604. Social Work and
Ageing
Mandatory
9238115. Social Work in the
Areas of Disability and
Mental Health
Optional
9238308. Demography
Mandatory
University of
Coimbra
No
Yes
No
Not applicable
58
01010213. Theoretical
Foundations of Social Work
Mentions of multiculturalism,
advocacy and empowerment,
intercultural mediation, and
reflexivity in social work
practice
01010197. Sociology of
Development
2. Cultural diversity and
multiculturalism
01010298. Educational
Gerontology and Active Aging
01741796. Rehabilitation in
Special Populations
Disability studies
Mandatory
Universidade
Lusófona
No
Yes
ULHT119-16426. Intervention
in the Area of Diversity and
Interculturality
ULHT119-22372. Intervention
in Social Gerontology
No
Not applicable
59
Optional
University of
Açores
No
Yes
0102047. Introduction to
Sociology
4.2. Culture and Society
0106053. Vocational Social
Work Contexts
Social work with diverse
populations
Mandatory
0102012. Sociology of Culture
Optional
No
Not applicable
Catholic University
of Portugal –
Lisbon
(Universidade
Catolica de
Portugal)*
Yes
Sociology I
2.4. Race and ethnicity
Cultural Anthropology
2.3. Race and ethnicity
Social work: paradigmatic
fields and theories
Yes
Sociology I
2.1. Culture and Society
2.5. Sex and gender
Cultural Anthropology
2.2. Sexuality, identity and
culture
Yes
Seminar: Social Work
Laboratory
3.2. Social Work, migration
processes and refugees
Not applicable
60
3.5. Critical theories: radical
and anti-oppressive Social
Work practice
Mandatory
3.1. Multiculturalism,
interculturalism and
acculturation
Social Work and Human
Rights
5.3.Critical perspective,
guarantee of human rights and
respect for cultural diversity
Mandatory
Mandatory
Universidade
Lusíada, Lisboa
Yes
L4401. Anthropology of
complex societies
Racism, ethnicity and identity
L4405. Seminar:
Introduction to Social
Problems
2.7 - Racism, prejudice and
ethnic and religious
discrimination
Yes
L4401. Anthropology of
complex societies
Cultural diversity, sex and
gender
L4403. Globalization and
Inequalities
L4405. Seminar: Introduction
to Social Problems
Yes
L4405. Seminar:
Introduction to Social
Problems
2.1 - Demographic social
problems: population and
migrations
Not applicable
61
Mandatory
2.6 - Criminality, discrimination
and gender and sexual violence
L4407. Human development
contexts
“6. People with special needs
and developmental problems”
L4409. Social Work and
Society
3. Human Rights, Cultural
Diversity and Local Identities:
dilemmas and challenges of
Social Work
Mandatory
Mandatory
University of Trás-
os-Montes and Alto
Douro (UTAD)
Yes
12622. Introduction to
Sociology
2.2 Ethnicity
12640. Social Psychology
IX - Stereotypes, prejudice
and discrimination
Yes
12623. Introduction to Social
Sciences
Module 6 - Analysis of social
and cultural reality
12613. Social, family and
generational dynamics
Yes
12615. Political economy
of globalization
2. […] Migratory
movements, flexible
work, new forms of
poverty, discrimination
and social exclusion.
Mandatory
Not applicable
62
Mandatory
12630. Migrations and
interculturality
4. Migration, ethnicity and
racism
4.3. From the lusotropicalist
myth to post-colonial racism
in Portuguese society
4.4. Biological racism, new
racism and institutional
racism
12643. Theories of social
intervention
4.1 Anti-oppressive practice
4.2 Radical Social Work
Optional
6. Family and gender relations
in contemporary Portugal
12638. Developmental
problems
Cognitive diversity
12609. Culture, and society:
anthropological perspectives
12606. Citizenship, social
exclusions and empowerment
Mandatory
12630. Migrations and
interculturality
Optional
12630. Migrations and
interculturality
Optional
Higher Institute of
Social Work of
Porto (ISSSP)**
No
No
Yes
SS2210209. Societal
Phenomena II
1.2.3. The social and
cultural integration of
migrants in host societies
Mandatory
Not applicable
63
Polytechnic
Institute of
Leiria***
No
Yes
9238507 Social and Cultural
Anthropology
9238520 Problems of
Contemporary Society and
Culture
9238528 Multiculturalism and
Intercultural Education
Mandatory
No
Not applicable
Polytechnic
Institute of
Portalegre
Yes
Social Work, Inequalities
and Social Exclusion
Prejudice, stereotype,
discrimination, stigma.
The importance of anti-
oppressive practice and
critical reflection on the
practice of social work.
Vulnerable Populations
5.3. The Roma ethnicity in
Portugal: characterization,
main problems and possible
solutions
Mandatory
Yes
General Sociology
6. Gender, sexuality and gender
inequalities
Social and Cultural
Anthropology
3.2. Cultural identities,
multiculturalism and cultural
relativism
Rehabilitation, Disability and
Mental Health
Yes
Vulnerable Populations
5. Immigrants and Ethnic
Communities.
5.2. Immigrant communities
in Portugal: characterization
and perspectives of social
inclusion
Not applicable
64
Mandatory
Mandatory
Polytechnic
Institute of Beja
Yes / But partially only
923823 - Theory of Social
Work II
7. The perspective of Anti-
oppressive and Anti-
discriminatory intervention
Yes
923802 - Contemporary Social
Problems
5. Some social problems and
needs associated with specific
groups: 5.3. People belonging to
ethnic-cultural minorities
923810 - Social and Cultural
Anthropology
4. Multi-interculturalism
2. Sociocultural unity and
diversity in Portugal: ecology
and society
923816 – Sociology of the
Family
4. The family in contemporary
society: diversity of family
forms
Mandatory
923830 - Option 2 – Social
Work Intervention -b)
Intercultural Mediation
Optional
Yes
923802 - Contemporary
Social Problems
5. Some social problems
and needs associated with
specific groups: 5.2.
Migrants
Mandatory
923830 - Option 2 – Social
Work Intervention -b)
Intercultural Mediation
Optional
Not applicable
65
Mandatory
Polytechnic
Institute of
Viseu****
No
Yes
3186501208 Sociocultural
Anthropology
Learning goal: “to reflect
critically on the problem of
unity and human diversity”
3186502116 Sociology of the
Family
III.1 Plurality of forms of the
family
3186502117 Intergenerational
Social Work
Mandatory
No
Not applicable
Polytechnic
Institute of Castelo
Branco*****
Information not available
online
Information not available online
Information not available
online
Information not available online
66
Miguel Torga
Institute of Higher
Education******
Information not available
online
Information not available online
Information not available
online
Information not available online