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RNI Regd. No. UTTBIL/2011/40666 ISSN: 2230-8938
UGC Journal No: 41391 Impact Factor: 5.527
ANUSANDHAN VATIKA
(An International Multidisciplinary Quarterly Bilingual
Peer Reviewed Refereed Research Journal)
ì Vol 13 ì Issue 2 ì July- September 2023
EDITOR
Suresh Chandra
SUB-EDITOR
Nilisha Singh
Mamtesh Kumari
Shikha Mamgain
PUBLISHED BY
Sahitya Kala Vigyan Tatha Sanskriti Anusandhan Samiti
Uttarkashi, Uttarakhand –249193 (INDIA)
vuqla/ku okfVdk (ANUSANDHAN VATIKA) (ii) ISSN: 2280-8398
EDITOR’S NOTE
Education is the basic means of human development. Through this, development of the innate powers of man,
increase in his knowledge and art-skills and change in behavior is done and he is made a civilized, cultured and capable
citizen. Education is an important and all-encompassing subject. This is a special achievement of human beings. Since time
immemorial man has consciously used his power of speech to communicate his store of practical experience between person
and person, between community and community and between progeny and progeny. These include the use of sign language
of natural phenomena, rules, prohibitions so that the individual can be socialized and the whole species can survive through
personal memory. In the discussion of the biological, physiological and instinctive needs of man, scientific evidence is found
of the role that gradual development, including the development of education, has played in the survival of the human race.
On the whole, there has been little evolutionary change in different human species since natural-historical times due to the
process of adjustment to different ways of life and new environment, however, the way modern man has conquered the new
environmental conditions, and it seems that his biological adjustment power is increasing. It is only an illusion. In fact, what
has happened is that man has been able to survive in today’s polluted environment because he is the owner of the knowledge
accumulated and developed over generations, that is, it was possible only because of the prevalence and spread of education.
The account of social movement from ancient times to the present is reflected in educationists and policies of education. The
policies of education are planned in the context of country and time. Those policies give momentum to the society. Apart from
educationists, the sum of philosophers of the society and many social-reformers has also been important in the upliftment of
the society. His life philosophy - and life values have a unique place in education. The guidelines of scholars and thinkers for
the conduct of democratic social life in India are important links of social upliftment.
As part of this process, the journal Anusandhan Vatika is presented to you as a medium of cognitive dialogue
between Scholars, teachers and the academicians. Conceptual and experiential interpretation and analysis have been presented
in this issue along with new factual information on multidisciplinary research related questions. Some of the research papers
included in the research journal does not appear to be fully following the theoretical criteria of the research methodology.
Nevertheless, due to the originality and novelty of the ideas, they have been given a place in the journal so that they can be
combined in the integrated curriculum of the journal. Hope this issue of Anusandhan Vatika will be helpful in communication
of research stream.
— Editor
vuqla/ku okfVdk (ANUSANDHAN VATIKA) (iii) ISSN: 2280-8398
TABLE OF CONTENTS
fcgkj jkT; ds ^jksgrkl* ,oa ^Hkkstiqj* ftys ds çeq[k fiNM+h tkfr;ksa ds usrkvksa dk jktuhfr esa ;ksxnku% ,d vè;;u& MkW0 jktsaæ dqekj 1
ckS¼ èkeZ dk lkaLd`frd egRo vkSj ;ksxnku& vpZuk OkRl] MkW0 jRuk ve`r 4
lqHkækdqekjh pkSgku dgkfu;ksa esa ukjh 'kks"k.k& >kyk fnfXot;flag prqjflag 8
jsr lekfèk miU;kl esa ukjh n`f"V& MkW0 vktknflag vkj- edokuk 13
d`".kk lkscrh ds dFkk& lkfgR; esa Hkk"kk vfHkO;fDr dkS'ky& MkW0 n{kkcgu çrkiflag lksyadh 15
Role of Rural Women In Agriculture Sector- Dr. Ashok Kumar Mishra 18
orZeku ifjizs{; esa ckS¼ n'kZu dh izklafxdrk& MkW0 iwtk dqekjh 21
fodkl] lq'kklu ,oa ehfM;k dk yksdrkfU=kd ekWMy& MkW0 d`".k dqekj] MkW0 vfouk'k çrki flag 24
Hkkjr esa iqLrdky; vfèkfu;e vkSj mudh mikns;rk (orZeku lanHkZ esa)& MkW0 {kek f=kikBh 27
vfHku;& ,d dyk& iVsy lR;edqekj xksfoan HkkbZ 33
eghi flag dh dgkfu;ksa esa egkuxfj; ifjos'k& MkW0 nsokaxh ,- jktu 35
pqLr ekuo lalk/ku (Agile HR) dk;kZUo;u% j.kuhfr;k¡] pqukSfr;k¡ vkSj laxBukRed çn'kZu ij çHkko& MkW0 vkse izdk'k 'kekZ 37
History of Ancient Indian Atomism: Concept of Atom in Ancient India- Dr. Akarsh Akul 44
An analysis of Psychological State: P B Shelley and other writers of English Literature- Md. Shadab Alam 50
dchj ok.kh esa lrxq# dk egRo& MkW0 v#.k ,u- iVsy 54
dqekjlaHkoe~ egkdkO; esa ^fuikr* dk ç;ksx& ,drkcsu ujlaxHkkbZ pkSèkjh 57
lqjsUæ oekZ ds miU;klksa esa vkèkqfudrk cksèk& MkW0 vfHk"ksd dqekj flag 61
ekuo eu ds fprsjs dfo& MkW0 fd'kksj dkcjk& MkW0 rq"kkj O;kl 64
lkekftd psruk rFkk Lo:i& MkW0 lquhrk 66
Hkkjr NksM+ks vkUnksyu esa nsofj;k tuin& MkW0 lat; dqekj feJ 69
Lack of Education in Rural Areas of India- Vishal Kumar Singh 73
czt yksdxhrksa esa vfHkO;Dr i;kZoj.kh; psruk& iwue ;kno 78
mPpRrj ekè;fed fo|kfFkZ;ksa esa cksMZ ijh{kk ds izfr nqf'park dk vè;;u& laxhrk lkgw 83
fo|kfFkZ;ksa dh vè;;u laca/h vknr ,oa vfHko`fRr dk vè;;u& lqfp=k Ms 88
eLrwjh CykWd ds mPprj ekè;fed fo|ky;ksa esa dk;Zjr f'k{kdksa dh dk;Z larqf"V dk vè;;u& lq/k xks;y 94
ukxktZqu dh jk"Vªh; psruk'khy dfork& MkW0 dkuthHkkbZ jothHkkbZ ik;k 99
Lkedkyhu fgUnh lkfgR; esa vfLerkewyd foe'kZ% ,d fo'ys"k.kkRed vè;;u& MkW0 tSfLeu d#uk 107
Sacred Symbols in Contemporary Indian Art- Dr. Richa Navani 113
Uniform Civil Code in India: An In-depth Analysis of its Socio-Legal Implications- Dr. Neeta Bharti 120
Ekkuo thou esaa lek;kstu& vt; dqekj feJ] fnus'k dqekj ekS;Z 125
Ekfgyk,¡ ,oa ekuokfèkdkj& Dr. Cresencia Baxla 128
jes'kpUnz 'kkg ds miU;klksa esa /kfeZd vkSj nk'kZfud fpUru& MkW0 ujs'k dqekj 133
fgUnh lkfgR; esa ukxktqZu dk ;ksxnku& MkW0 'kksHkk jrwM+h 137
Hydro processing of biomass derived oils to transportation fuels- Dr. Sangita Kumari 140
MkW0 vEcsMdj vkSj mudk nfyrks¼kjd fparu& MkW0 lquhrk 'kekZ 149
Hkkjrh; mPp f'k{kk ds {ks=k esa jk"Vªh; f'k{kk uhfr 2020 dh çlafxdrk& MkW0 jkts'k ekS;Z 152
fgUnh lkfgR; esa fdUuj foe'kZ% laosnuk vkSj ljksdkj& MkW0 xsythHkkbZ HkkfV;k 157
vuqla/ku okfVdk (ANUSANDHAN VATIKA) (iv) ISSN: 2280-8398
Significance of Stress Management in Role Efficacy- Prof.Tulika Saxena; Dr.Priyanka Rastogi; Ms.Richa Singh 161
Lkekos'kh f'k{kk esa fnO;kaxksa ds fy, pqukSfr;k¡& ,d vè;;u& jfoaæ çrki flag 165
Ñf"k fodkl ,oa i;kZoj.k gzkl ;k vou;u (,d lekt'kkL=kh; vè;;u)& MkW0 mfeZyk jkor 168
esjh ekVh esjk ns'k& fgUnh flusek ds vkbus esa& MkW0 xfjek tSu 171
Hkkjrh; ukjhokn vkSj egkRek xk¡/h& lqfurk dqekjh 176
lk{kkRdkj foèkk% lkfgR; dk u;k vk;ke& jke lqfèk 180
fgUnh lkfgR; ds {ks=k esa fdUuj foe'kZ dh fLFkfr vkSj laosnuk,¡& MkW0 vuhrk jkuh 184
Jhen~Hkxorxhrk ds mins'k esa vkn'kZ O;fDrRo dk fuekZ.k&,d voyksdu& MkW0 vfer dqekj jk; 189
vH;qn; dh xka/hoknh vo/kj.kk& MkW0 o`ts'k yky fnokdj 192
f'k{kk dk vf/dkj vf/fu;e 2009% pqukSfr;ka ,oa blds liQy fØ;kUo;u esa f'k{kd dh Hkwfedk& fnO;k flag 195
vk/qfud Hkkjr esa iafMr nhun;ky mik/;k; dk ,dkRe ekuookn dh mikns;rk& MkW0 lR;sUnz dqekj iky 199
Bhakti Movement and Nationalism in Medieval Maharashtra- Abhinav Yadav 202
vuqla/ku okfVdk (ANUSANDHAN VATIKA) (202) ISSN: 2230-8938
RNI Regd. No. UTTBIL/2011/40666 ISSN: 2230-8938
ANUSANDHAN VATIKA
(An International Multidisciplinary Quarterly Bilingual
Peer Reviewed Refereed Research Journal)
ìì
ìì
ì Vol 13 ì ì
ì ì
ì Issue 3 ìì
ìì
ì July-September 2023
Bhakti Movement and Nationalism in Medieval
Maharashtra
Abhinav Yadav
Ph.D. Scholar, Centre for Historical Studies, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi.
Abstract-
Language plays a critical role in conferring power, and it is essential to consider who benefits from this power. Bhakti,
a form of devotion in Indian religious traditions, can reinforce existing social norms while empowering non-normative or
counter-normative individuals or groups. Bhakti is a symbolic system that requires a set of interlocutors and has a dictionary,
and its social component is vital to its classification as a language. The paper discusses the role of Bhakti in challenging
Brahminical cultural hegemony and promoting the Marathi language and identity, contributing to the emergence of nationalism
in seventeenth-century Maharashtra. It also examines Bhakti’s transformative potential in creating a political and nationalist
movement transcending caste, class, and gender divisions.
Keywords: Bhakti, Language, Maharashtra Dharma, Nationalism, Marathi
Introduction-
The Bhakti movement, inspired by the Bhagavad Gita, emerged as a crucial religious force in medieval Hinduism. It
emphasised salvation through faith in and the grace of the supreme God, peaking from the 7th to 9th century A.D. among
Tamil religious poets like Alvars in southern India.1 The Bhakti movement spread throughout India by incorporating itself
into the Brahmanism tradition, eventually evolving in three different ways. The Maharashtra bhakti movement arose in
western India, spreading through Marathi and reaching lower castes via local dialects. While seen as a literary and ideological
phenomenon with religious inspiration, it emerged from specific socio-economic circumstances to uplift underprivileged
and oppressed sections of society. Emphasising this aspect is vital in fully understanding the Bhakti Movement’s significance
in its context. The Bhakti movement arose during a significant social, economic, and political change in Indian society.
Politically, the 14th and 15th centuries witnessed the decline of the powerful centralised state, leading to the rise of provincial
and regional states. This shift was accompanied by internal conflicts among feudal lords, rebellions by vassal chieftains, and
growing discontent among the peasant class, which undermined the authority of the Sultanate.2
Rekha Pande noted that the Bhakti movement, with its saints mainly from lower society, actively responded to societal
changes. They were not mere philosophers but included individuals like Raidas, a cobbler; Dharna, an untouchable Jat
peasant; Kabir, a low-caste weaver; and others.3 Lele’s argument suggests that Bhakti was a revolt against the separation
of abstract thinkers and ritual practitioners. Eaton adds that the movement aimed at reform, not revolution or overthrowing
the caste system, seeking to connect philosophical concepts with everyday life.4
vuqla/ku okfVdk (ANUSANDHAN VATIKA) (203) ISSN: 2230-8938
This paper aims to explore the evolution of the Bhakti Movement in Medieval Maharashtra, spanning the thirteenth to
seventeenth centuries. It will examine the significance of beliefs, and rituals in Bhakti, alongside the use of Marathi as a
vernacular language, in shaping a distinct cultural identity for the people of Maharashtra.
Bhakti Movement and the Emergence of Maratha Nationalism-
The question “Is bhakti a language of power or protest?” is thought-provoking.
The concept of Bhakti comprises a symbolic framework for the expression of devotion, and like any language, it
possesses its lexicon. However, the recognition of Bhakti as a language necessitates the existence of a communicative
community or interlocutors. This community represents a vital social component essential to classifying any system as a
language. Therefore, the legitimacy of Bhakti as a language depends on a social context that facilitates its usage. One way
in which the power of Bhakti can be seen is through the numerous instances of vernacularisation in India, where Bhakti is
pervasive and indispensable. The emergence of new literature in a regional language is always a political event, as Sanskrit
scholar Sheldon Pollock pointed out.5 Hansen and others also note that “devotionalism” in some form remains significant
even in the ideologies of vernacular democracy that currently dominate politics in Maharashtra. Bhakti often plays a
profound role in negotiating and distributing power in society, from the court to the market to the home and beyond,
whenever vernacularisation occurs.6 Novetzke examines the encounter between religion and social power in the Marathi-
speaking regions of western India in the thirteenth century, which he identifies in three distinct textual units: early Marathi
inscriptions from the Yadava dynasty; the first Marathi literary work, the Lilacharitra; and the “gem” of early Marathi
literature, the Dnyaneshwari.7
The phenomenon of nationalism that emerged in seventeenth-century Maharashtra is unique in Indian history. According
to B.K. Apte, several factors contributed to its rise, such as geographical unity, race, language, religion, a common set of
customs, a community of economic interests, and a shared sense of danger. However, neither these factors nor their
combination could necessarily account for the emergence of nationalism.8 The concepts of political and cultural nationalism
are not mutually exclusive, as they result in a synthesis of nationalism through the coincidence of the state and the people.
However, the political concept is relatively new, and Maratha nationalism is better understood in terms of cultural nationalism.
Jayant Lele proposes that a tradition’s symbols, myths, and rituals hold transformative potential within everyday experiences.
Dual meanings of symbols allow reinterpretation, challenging rigid distinctions between traditional and modern societies,
opposing sampradaya groups, and revolutionary and reformist movements. The paradox of symbolic life transcends static
polar notions.9 The Bhakti movement challenged the appropriation and abstraction of their ideology, seeking to revolutionise
by active participation. It protested against the separation of emotions and rationality, allowing intellectuals to distort
symbols of liberation for their interests.10 Additionally, the emergence of the Warkari Sampradaya posed a significant
critique of the socio-religious system, threatening the Brahmin-Kshatriya rule by challenging Brahmins’ religious dominance
during the Middle Ages. The study of hagiographical texts reveals the Wari’s involvement in regional political processes.
For example, Tukaram’s Bhakti in the 17th century played a crucial role in shaping the administrative rule of Chhatrapati
Shivaji and the promotion of Marathi, a vernacular language, in his royal court.11 Shivaji’s recognition of diverse moral
economies and the consolidation of the non-Brahmin Marathi identity empowered the warkari teachings, challenging
Brahminical cultural dominance. Dnyaneshwar’s resistance to Sanskritic supremacy in 1290 A.D. paved the way for
powerful political expressions of intersectionality. His work emphasised the revolutionary potential of intersecting identity,
language, livelihoods, and ecology in devotional expressions, influencing significant political movements like Shivaji’s “great
Maratha kingdom.”12 Similarly, Lele posits that Dnyaneshwar advocates for a revolutionary and critical productive activity
within social practice.13 Lele contends that Bhakti’s transformative power lies in applying theory to daily life, with its
revolutionary essence arising from the interplay between static potential and dynamic actuality. Conversely, Omvedt and
Patankar see Tukaram’s “radical” interpretations as the cornerstone of Wari’s revolutionary spirit. Tukaram’s poetry
challenges Brahminical practices and urges productive castes to disrupt unequal social relations using their cultural influence.
Like other saints, he identifies the collective as a site for resistance and normative revolution at cultural crossroads.14
According to Apte, the Marathi language’s evolution created the context in which the Maratha saints wrote. Mukundraj,
Dnyaneshwar, Eknath, and Tukaram, among other writers, contributed to the language’s development. The writings of the
Maratha saints were valuable for nationalism since they promoted various paths to God-realization, including Jnana-marg,
karma-marg, and bhakti-marg. However, bhakti-marg is particularly noteworthy because it established a democratic
atmosphere in the Maratha nation, allowing everyone, regardless of caste, social status, creed, or sex, to access God-
vuqla/ku okfVdk (ANUSANDHAN VATIKA) (204) ISSN: 2230-8938
realization.15
In 1313 A.D., the Yadavas issued an inscription that united a region, polity, language, and Bhakti, all linked to the idea
of being Maratha and Maharashtrian. Bhakti thus became a symbolic system invoking the power of the people of a region
in general. Devotion to Vitthal was also devotion to Marathi and the land on which Marathi speakers lived. This power was
not defined by caste, class, or gender and coalesced around the notion that a bhakti public is a political public independent
of a governing force.
Around 1290 A.D., the Dnyaneshwari introduced Bhakti’s political theology in early Marathi literature, transcribing
Sant Dnyaneshwar’s oral commentary on the Bhagavad Gita in Marathi. Though not explicitly mentioning Vitthal or Pandharpur,
it later became associated with their worship. Nevertheless, the Dnyaneshwari offers valuable insights into Bhakti’s significance
in Marathi literature, irrespective of Vitthal’s presence.16
The Dnyaneshwari highlights the connection between Bhakti and critiquing caste and gender inequalities. It sees Bhakti
as a tool to break social barriers and grant access to Krishna’s teachings. The text criticises exclusive Sanskrit Vedas that
restrict access based on caste and gender, addressing women and low-caste individuals. It presents Bhakti as a concept
offering unrestricted access to the salvational message of the Gita and a way to cope with societal injustices. Dnyaneshwar
acknowledges that salvation in the Gita can only be realised in the accessible Marathi language, regardless of caste and
gender. However, it does not promote total social equality.
The famous “Pasayadan” prayer for grace in the Dnyaneshwari expresses the awareness of the possibility of hope for
complete social equality. It asks:
ts [kGkaph O;adVh lkaMksA r;k lRdehZ jrh ok<ksA
Hkwrka ijLijs iMksA eS= thokpsa AA17
The above translate to ‘May those who engage in wicked deeds abandon their crooked ways and surround themselves
with virtuous companions while fostering a sense of friendship among all beings.’ The Dnyaneshwari concludes with a vision
for a fairer future. As a result of the impact and communal remembrance of the Warkari religious practice, Dnyaneshwar
was subsequently seen as a proponent of societal justice. He was recognised as a figure who resided with, ate with, and
adored “women, low castes, and others.”18The occurrence of Dnyaneshwar being regarded as a champion of social
equality is attributed to the relationship between Bhakti and vernacularisation. Vernacularisation involves the linguistic
expression of everyday aspirations and absorbs the regional character, bringing together social relations of the elite and
non-elite in the everyday world. As a result, vernacularisation implies a political theology of everyday life, wherein theological
concepts embody significant questions about everyday social relations. Through vernacularisation, idioms of power are
transferred to everyday life, leading to the implicit enactment of social critique.19Starting in the seventeenth century, the
Maratha Empire founded by Shivaji (ca. 1627-67) fostered a space where Bhakti and vernacular politics could unite,
creating a budding regional chauvinism centred around Shivaji as its principal symbol.20 These interactions with Bhakti in
Marathi led to a public discourse on social injustice, particularly about caste and gender, involving the strishudradika.21 In
the thirteenth century, this public discussion marked the emergence of a developing vernacular public sphere where matters
of the common good were intermittently and haphazardly debated. Almost all saints were pacifists, except for Ramdas,
who vigorously advocated for promoting Maharashtra Dharma in his work, Dasbodh. The exact meaning of the term has
been debated, but it was mainly similar to Hindu Dharma practised in other parts of India and implied a sense of duty. The
Bhakti Marg did not challenge Sanatan Dharma, nor did any saints attempt to eliminate the caste system. However,
Shivaji, the prominent Maratha leader, was able to harness the democratic atmosphere fostered by the Bhakti-Marg of the
saints to unite the people of Maharashtra for the sake of the nation.22Shivaji’s exceptional leadership enabled the people of
the Maratha nation to express their repressed emotions. He safeguarded the gods, Brahmins, holy sites, and cows, and in
his letter of complaint, he conveyed the Hindu community’s displeasure at the tax. Therefore, religion became the foundation
of Maratha nationalism. When vernacularisation and Bhakti met in the thirteenth century, the argument for spiritual access
led to a political theology that transferred the idea of a bhakti public and sonic equality into a field of discourse in Marathi
that centred on the question of the common good. At some point, Bhakti came to imply ethics regarding the salvation not
just of all souls but of the moral society’s soul itself.
The Bhakti tradition began with Dnyaneshwar’s Marathi commentary on the Bhagavad Gita in the thirteenth century
and became a regional culture lasting 500 years, with Tukaram and Ramdas as its notable poets. This tradition was unique
vuqla/ku okfVdk (ANUSANDHAN VATIKA) (205) ISSN: 2230-8938
for rejecting Brahmanical values and the participation of poets from different caste groups, including Muslims. It also
established devotional spirituality as superior to the ritual-driven traditions of Hinduism. This movement produced popular
Marathi literature that enabled the entire population to participate, disregarded caste differences, and fostered a more
humane and tolerant nation.23 When writing about the Marathas, Marathi historians in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries centred on the concept of “Maharashtra dharma” as a moral foundation for Maratha rule.24 This idea gained
prominence and became a key focus in nationalist writings. The poet Ramdas, who lived during Shivaji’s time, used the
phrase “Maratha tituka melavava, Maharashtra dharma vadhavava” to define Maharashtra dharma as the act of bringing all
Marathas together and spreading their unique dharma.25 In 1895 A.D., M.G. Ranade cited Ramdas’s statement in an essay
titled “The Saints and Poets of Maharashtra,” published in the Sarvajanik Sabha Quarterly. Later, this essay was included
in his famous book, The Rise of the Maratha Power. Ranade writes: Saint Ramdas, the spiritual adviser of the great Shivaji,
is reported to have exhorted Shivaji’s son, Sambhaji, to follow the footsteps of his father and the advice he gave on this
occasion was tersely summed up in two sentences- “Unite all who are Marathas together,” and “Propagate the dharma
(religion) of Maharashtra.”26 Ranade drew a parallel between the Bhakti movement and the European Reformation of the
sixteenth century. According to him, both movements were characterised by a heterodox spirit of religious devotion that
protested against the excesses of a corrupt and ritualistic priesthood, revitalising the religion and the nation. Building on this
interpretation, Rajaramshastri Bhagvat published his essay “Maharashtra Dharma” in 1895, further developing the moderate
and reformist perspective on Maratha history he had already set out in his 1887 work, “A Few Words About the Marathas.”
The interpretations of Bhagvat and Ranade on Bhakti emphasised its unique religious values and practices, which
emerged in medieval Maharashtra by combining Hinduism and Islam’s monotheism. They both stressed the movement’s
inclusivity, especially in terms of caste. However, Bhagvat also believed that the Bhakti movement’s challenge to caste
hierarchy facilitated the creation of a Maharashtramandal, a community of Maharashtrians.27 Later historians of Maratha
history, drawing inspiration from Ramdas, worked to reconstruct the moral foundations of Maratha rule, emphasising
Hindu religious identity but with a different emphasis. Rajwade extensively delves into Ramdas’s philosophy, particularly his
ideas on spirituality, politics, and the state of late seventeenth-century Maharashtra. Despite being part of the Bhakti
tradition, Ramdas’s writings differ significantly from other poets like Tukaram. His focus on deep spirituality, devotion to
Rama instead of Vitthoba, and the establishment of the Ramdasi sampradaya set him apart from the popular Warkari
Panth. Rajwade views Ramdas’s philosophy as reflective of the Maratha zeitgeist, signifying a shift towards a more grounded
Bhakti approach and the rise of the Maratha state. He emphasises Maharashtra dharma’s distinctiveness from conventional
Hinduism in other regions, concentrating on Ramdas as a Brahman and not just as part of the prevalent Bhakti tradition.
Rajwade perceives Ramdas’s Maharashtra dharma as initiating a militant Brahman-led revival.28 The identification of
Bhakti as Maharashtra dharma, which became a religious source of inspiration for the Marathas, had the consequence of
oversimplifying a complex and diverse set of spiritual practices into a politicised ideology of the religious community. As a
result, poets such as Tukaram and Ramdas, particularly the latter, were frequently reduced to simplistic political positions,
either advocating the rejection or the preservation of caste identity and nationalism. This obscures their multifaceted
contributions to the broader devotional and philosophical tradition.29
Conclusion-
The relationship between Bhakti poetry and the Maratha fight shifted religion from being a daily spiritual practice to
expressing Maratha political philosophy. The Marathas were seen as a homogenous people rather than a political entity.
Bhakti became a form of contemporary Hinduism, serving as the bond that tied together an identified political “Hindu”
society instead of a spiritual perspective or a manifestation of ritual distinction and belief. This view disregarded Bhakti’s
philosophical foundations in favour of a violent religious movement.
The reformist perspective, although influenced by political motives, facilitated the conceptualisation of a diverse religious
landscape within India. If the political ideology and patriotic sentiments of the Maratha movement were grounded in
principles of acceptance and diversity, then the Maratha nationalist endeavour implied a broader acceptance of religious
and caste differences within the country. However, the militant approach led to the predominant perception of the Indian
nation as being Hindu in nature, with a focus on Brahman leadership and the positioning of a Brahman-led Hindu community
in opposition to Muslim invaders.
References-
vuqla/ku okfVdk (ANUSANDHAN VATIKA) (206) ISSN: 2230-8938
1. Shima Iwao, ‘The Vithoba Faith of Maharastra: The Vithoba Temple of Pandharpur and Its Mythological Structure,’
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, Vol. 15 No. 2, 1988, p. 183.
2. Rekha Pande, ‘The Bhakti Movement-An Interpretation,’ Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Vol. 48,
1987, p. 215.
3. Ibid, p. 216.
4. Richard M. Eaton, A Social History of the Deccan 1300-1761: Eight Indian Lives, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, 2005, p. 153.
5. Sheldon Pollock, The Language of Gods in the World of Man: Sanskrit, Culture and Power in Pre-Modern India,
University of California Press, Berkley, 2006, p. 423.
6. T.B. Hansen, ‘The Vernacularization of Hindutva: BJP and Shiv Sena in Rural Maharashtra,’ Contributions to
Indian Sociology 30, no. 2, 1996, pp. 177-214.
7. Christian Lee Novetzke, ‘The Political Theology of Bhakti, or When Devotionalism Meets Vernacularization,’ in
John Stratton Hawley, Christian L. Novetzke, and Swapna Sharma, (eds.), Bhakti and Power: Debating India’s
Religion of the Heart, University of Washington Press, Seattle, 2019, p. 87.
8. B.K. Apte, ‘THE CONTENTS OF MARATHA NATIONALISM,’ Proceedings of the Indian History Congress,
1953, Vol. 16, p. 285.
9. Jayant Lele, ‘The Bhakti Movement in India,’ pp. 5-6.
10. Ibid., pp. 13-14.
11. Richard M. Eaton, A Social History of the Deccan 1300-1761, pp. 129-154.
12. Eleanor Zelliot, ‘Historical Introduction to the Warkari Movement,’ in D.B. Mokashi, Palkhi: An Indian Pilgrimage,
p. 43
13. Jayant Lele, ‘The Bhakti Movement in India,’ p. 11.
14. The Songs Tukoba, tr. Gail Omvedt and Bharat Patankar, Manohar Publishers and Distributors, Delhi, 2012.
15. B. K. Apte, ‘THE CONTENTS OF MARATHA NATIONALISM’, vol. 16, 1953, p. 285.
16. Christian Lee Novetzke, The Political Theology of Bhakti, p. 90.
17. Pasayadan 18.1794, in S. V. Dandekar, (eds.) Sri Jñanesvari, Government Central Press, Mumbai, 1953.
18. Christian Lee Novetzke, ‘The Political Theology of Bhakti,’ p. 91.
19. Sheldon Pollock, The Language of the Gods, chap. 6.
20. T.B. Hansen, Wages of Violence: Naming and Identity in Postcolonial, Princeton University Press, Bombay,
Princeton, 2001, pp. 20-17.
21. Christopher L. Novetzke, The Quotidian Revolution, Columbia University Press, New York, 2016, p. xiii, 15.
22. Apte, ‘THE CONTENTS OF MARATHA NATIONALISM’, p. 285.
23. M.G. Ranade, Rise of the Maratha Power, Bombay University, Bombay, 1900, reprint 1951, p. 92.
24. Prachi Deshpande, Creative Pasts: Historical Memory and Identity in Western India, 1700–1960, Columbia
University Press, New York, 2007, p. 128.
25. Ibid.
26. M.G. Ranade, Rise of the Maratha Power, p. 78.
27. Prachi Deshpande, Creative Pasts, p. 130.
28. Ibid., p. 131.
29. Ibid., p. 133.
