Refugees’ experiences with online higher education: Impact and implications through the Pandemic

Abstract

This paper examines and discusses refugees’ experiences with online higher education during COVID-19, a phenomenon which impacted millions of lives in displaced conditions. Through this, it unveils conditions, or lack thereof, of inclusivity as well as other unexpected concerns which have impacted refugees’ experiences through a change to online higher education which was inevitable. A scoping review of the literature is conducted to identify relevant studies that explore refugees’ experiences and challenges with online higher education during COVID-19. This has enabled an analysis which generates fresh insights into a lack of inclusion in online higher education opportunities for refugees and deeper levels of unrest impacting their experiences. As such, results are classified into three overarching themes: (1) Refugees, COVID-19, and online higher education; (2) multiplicity of barriers; (3) socio-economic status and mental health. The findings indicate that inadequate opportunities and access to online higher education persisted for refugees’ during the pandemic, impacting not only the continuity of education but also social integration, financial stability, and mental wellbeing. Stemming from the findings and reflections on the research questions, this paper presents the importance of implications for policies and practice within this arena

Full text

209
Refugees’ experiences with online higher education: Impact and implications through the
pandemic
Keywords Abstract
Contextual challenges;
higher education;
inclusion;
online education;
policy;
practice;
refugee education.
This paper examines and discusses refugees’ experiences with online
higher education during COVID-19, a phenomenon which impacted
millions of lives in displaced conditions. Through this, it unveils conditions,
or lack thereof, of inclusivity as well as other unexpected concerns which
have impacted refugees’ experiences through a change to online higher
education which was inevitable. A scoping review of the literature is
conducted to identify relevant studies that explore refugees’ experiences
and challenges with online higher education during COVID-19. This has
enabled an analysis which generates fresh insights into a lack of inclusion
in online higher education opportunities for refugees and deeper levels
of unrest impacting their experiences. As such, results are classied into
three overarching themes: (1) Refugees, COVID-19, and online higher
education; (2) multiplicity of barriers; (3) socio-economic status and
mental health. The ndings indicate that inadequate opportunities and
access to online higher education persisted for refugees’ during the
pandemic, impacting not only the continuity of education but also social
integration, nancial stability, and mental wellbeing. Stemming from the
ndings and reections on the research questions, this paper presents
the importance of implications for policies and practice within this arena.
Article Info
Received 18 February 2023
Received in revised form 12 April 2023
Accepted 17 April 2023
Available online 17 April 2023
DOI: https://doi.org/10.37074/jalt.2023.6.1.21
Content Available at :
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Vol.6 No.1 (2023)
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ISSN : 2591-801X
Journal of Applied Learning & Teaching Vol.6 No.1 (2023)
shahmariamaman@gmail.com A
Correspondence
Mariam-Aman ShahA A Department of Educational Research, University of Lancaster, UK
David Santandreu CalongeBBDepartment of Academic Development, Mohamed bin Zayed University of Articial
Intelligence, UAE

210Journal of Applied Learning & Teaching Vol.6 No.1 (2023)
Introduction
The presence of refugees has been prevalent in the global
community for multiple decades. Some of this has been
witnessed through political conicts leading to Rohingya
and Venezuelan refugees, wars leading to Syrian, Afghan,
Palestinian and Ukrainian refugees, and a continuous
growth in numbers which can be traced as far back as
World War II, resulting in mass numbers of refugees (Alemi
et al., 2013; Dryden-Peterson, 2016; Shamsuddin et al.,
2021; Ullah, 2011). Although there are multiple unfortunate
similarities and hardships which are and have been faced
by populations in these contexts, one, which is the focus
of this study, and has continuing ramications on policy,
practice, social integration, economic development and
mental wellbeing, is that of refugee education. Integrating
and providing opportunities towards stable and prosperous
lives for refugees has been a challenge for governments and
policymakers for decades (Dagar & Sharma, 2022).
In recent years, this has also been witnessed through the
unprecedented pandemic. Lockdowns, social distancing,
disruptions in face-to-face livelihoods and education,
and the resulting transformations necessitating a form
of a global revolution into online education due to the
COVID-19 pandemic have echoed screams of discontent
from populations globally, the majority of which do not
live in vulnerable contexts, conict-aected areas or are
subject to extreme poverty. Despite restrictive COVID-19
measures around the world, there has also been a “paradox
not seen before in human history” (United Nations,
2021, para. 2), as millions have been forced to ee their
homes. For refugees and populations living in displaced
conditions and in circumstances of forced migration,
the implications of COVID-19 measures on inclusion,
education, and social integration have undoubtedly
provided the context for additional challenges to already
disrupted lives. As displacement for millions continues to
increase, simultaneously, the need for inclusion into new
environmental contexts and a recognition of their distinctive
needs (Mangan & Winter, 2017) is required. The integration
of refugees into new environments necessitates basic rights
and needs, including medical care, accommodation, job
opportunities, and the fundamental right to education.
The eects of displacement result in “forcing mass numbers
of people into new social, economic, and educational
contexts” (Alfred, 2018; Shah, 2021, p. 2; UNHCR, 2017a).
Displacement leaves adult refugees “particularly vulnerable”
(Cerna, 2019, p. 4), and “super-disadvantaged” (Lambrechts,
2020, p. 803) in having to face personal, structural, nancial,
informational, procedural, and institutional barriers in their
host countries (Khan-Gökkaya & Mösko, 2021; Webb et al.,
2021). An example of this was found through an Equilibrium
CenDe (2020) survey of Venezuelan immigrant students
studying in Peru, where 40 per cent were not participating in
the Peruvian Ministry of Education’s at-home study option
for lack of sucient technology to successfully participate
(Summers et al., 2022).
The use of technology in education became the dominant
and necessary feature for learning when faced with the
global pandemic. Access to learning was forced to take a
dramatic and sudden shift as higher education institutions
rapidly moved into online education in order to enable their
students to have some level of continuity in their courses
(Santandreu Calonge et al., 2022a). This was a challenge
for educators and students who, prior to the pandemic,
maintained ease of access to learning and teaching through
their institutions (Santandreu Calonge et al., 2022a). For
refugees, the challenges have been even more daunting.
Despite limited success stories of integration and social
inclusion in Canada (Senthanar et al., 2021), Austria (Verwiebe
et al., 2019), Germany (AbuJarour, 2022), and Denmark
(Bredgaard & Thomsen, 2018), numerous studies have
highlighted considerable challenges for refugee inclusion
in higher education (Kingston & Karakas, 2022; Lanbrechts,
2020), vocational training programs, and job markets (Cerna,
2019; Santandreu Calonge & Shah, 2016; Shah, 2021; Shah
& Santandreu Calonge, 2016, 2019). The lack of inclusive
higher education opportunities and obstacles towards
integration into job markets have also expanded due to the
COVID-19 pandemic. The pandemic has highlighted some
dominant and ongoing struggles in adult refugee lives due
to a lack of online higher education opportunities resulting in
insucient knowledge by which to enter job markets (Ergin,
2020). These circumstances persist despite some positive,
yet rare, instances of full legal access to labour markets and
signicant integration eorts such as those found in Norway
(Djuve & Kavli, 2019) and Turkey (Akar & Erdoğdu, 2019).
Reecting upon the ongoing increase of forced migration
and displaced populations across the world, which according
to the UNHCR, is a combination of asylum-seekers, people
in need of international protection, internally displaced
people, and refugees (UNHCR, 2022b), is estimated to be
at 100 million as of May 2022 (Nugent, 2022). A ccess and
therefore inclusion into tertiary education has been at a
“critical” point since 2017, even prior to the onset of the
unprecedented educational challenges that have arisen
globally due to COVID-19 (UNHCR, 2017b; Shah, 2021, p.
4). Preceding COVID-19, the higher education (HE) gross
enrollment rate was 36 per cent globally (Saral, 2019).
However, this number has not been equally reached with
inclusion for refugees. Despite investments in scholarships
and other programs (UNHCR, 2017b), the percentage of
refugees included in higher education globally has only
marginally increased to ve per cent, a somewhat promising
two per cent increase since 2019 (UNHCR, 2021, p. 7).
COVID-19, natural disasters, and wars such as the Russian-
Ukrainian conict are prime examples of disasters that have
global implications. One result is the continued growth of
refugees worldwide, estimated at approximately 30 million
(UNHCR, 2022a). There have been more than 7.9 million
individual refugees from Ukraine who have ed across
Europe (UNHCR, 2022a), and the International Centre for
Migration Policy Development (ICMPD) predicts an inux
of up to four million more Ukrainians in 2023. Just as
emergency contexts are uid, the need for accessible and
inclusive education for refugees should also be uid, as the
“crisis to provide accessible education will not be contained
within set international borders” (Shah, 2021, p. 4). Studies
over the past decade have provided important information
on the challenges and opportunities encountered by
refugee populations in various contexts. So far, however,
there has been little discussion about their experiences and

211Journal of Applied Learning & Teaching Vol.6 No.1 (2023)
the impact of the necessary conversion to online learning in
higher education during the pandemic (Koehler et al., 2022).
Thus, the importance and originality of this study is that it
provides a comprehensive review of literature regarding
refugee experiences and challenges with online higher
education during COVID-19. Or how has the pandemic
exacerbated pre-existing challenges faced by refugees with
regard to their access to online higher education.
Literature review
The right to education in emergency contexts
Examining the right to education in emergency contexts for
refugees is essential in order to gain an understanding of
any constrictions, which despite legal rights, continue to be
prevalent in higher education settings as a whole. In this
light, it must be reminded that the right to education has
been a basic human right for all, as established in 1948
through Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights (Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948).
Under the conditions of forced migration and emergency
contexts, this right has been further reinforced under Article
22 for refugees in the 1951 Convention relating to the Status
of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol (UNHCR, 2011). Despite
these measures, however, access and, therefore, rights to
education for refugees is well documented to be heavily
limited, not prioritised, and thus in practice, not a right
that is accessible for all (Conole, 2012; Shah, 2021; Shah &
Santandreou Calonge, 2019).
The rights and access to higher education in emergency
contexts are possibly even more challenging for refugees, as
99 per cent of the refugee populations who are eligible for
higher education make up a “lost generation of young people
with no or inadequate access to higher education” (Dridi
et al. 2020, p. 251). For instance, a study on Turkey’s higher
education policy for Syrian refugees highlighted nancial
and language barriers as some of the challenges which, with
a lack of guidance, has “complex sociological and political
connotations” for the refugees and the country as a whole
(Arar et al., 2020, p. 265). Similarities were also found in
another study examining Syrian refugees in Jordan, Lebanon
and Turkey, suggesting again, opportunities to higher
education “remain… problematic” (Fincham, 2020, p. 329).
Challenges as such exist despite advances in technology-
enhanced learning leading to more hybrid, blended, and
online learning, as well as more exible, more accessible
options and contactless: Social distancing measures during
the pandemic required all courses and programmes to be
taught fully online, but also all student services to be oered
without any direct contact between students, faculty, and
professional sta (Santandreou Calonge et al., 2022a, b).
Regardless, higher education is still not eectively prioritised
as a basic and necessary right in emergency contexts (Dridi
et al., 2020; UNESCO, 2015).
Calls for further acknowledgements, advances, and lessons
learned in the lack of movement towards this right have been
echoed for many years, as early as 2015. For instance, in 2015,
when the Syrian refugee crisis was still in its initial years of
development, calls were made concerning the management
of education in emergency contexts that continually reected
“temporary measures,” which neglectfully or “accidentally
turned into long-term responses” namely, minimal, or
largely inaccessible “emergency education” (UNHCR, 2015,
p. 13) . Unfortunately, similar measures still exist today
despite the recognition of the need for greater changes
in addressing policies and practices for the provision of
emergency education contexts. To progressively enhance
the right to education in emergency contexts regardless
of the area or form of education, be it online, contactless,
or face-to-face, higher education cannot “fall victim to the
ebb and ow” of issues such as funding when “new conicts
blow up and fresh emergencies need addressing” (UNHCR,
2015, p. 14). Changes in the management of education in
such contexts are possible through the recognition of the
severity, complexity, and unpredictability of crises; the
prioritisation of education as a humanitarian response; and
the recognition and implementation of current trends of
exible learning options. Managing these changes cohesively
within the goal of educational inclusion can benet what
otherwise has been called “entire generations uneducated,
disadvantaged and unprepared to contribute to the social
and economic recovery of their country or region” (Dridi et
al., 2020; UNESCO, 2015, p. 5).
Refugees and higher education
There are numerous challenges shaping the refugee
experience with online higher education; the most obvious
of these tend to point towards outwardly recognisable
barriers such as language, lack of nances, insucient access
to guidance or information regarding higher education
opportunities, insucient and limited relevant mobile
content and apps (Drolia et al., 2022), and “non-recognition
to prior learning” (Atesok et al., 2019, p. 119). A factor less
obvious that has had a signicant impact on opportunities
and experiences for refugees is that most of the focus on
education for refugees has been on primary and secondary
education and not on higher education (Dridi et al., 2020;
Morrice, 2021). Prior to COVID-19, refugee access to higher
education in 2016 across the globe stood at one per cent,
with only a marginal increase to three per cent since the
commencement of the pandemic in 2020 (UNHCR, 2020b;
2021). This low gure for higher education can be seen in
comparison to the gures during the pandemic of primary
school enrolment rates for refugees standing at 77 per cent
and a drop from 37 per cent in 2019 to 31 per cent in 2021
for secondary education (UNESCO Institute for Statistics
and UNHCR, 2021; UNHCR, 2020a). Although primary
and secondary education for refugees are unquestionably
important, insucient focus on and access to online or face-
to-face higher education for refugees has the potential, as
Dridi et al. (2020) stated, to create a “lost generation of
young people” (p. 251). Dryden-Peterson and Giles (2010)
linked a lack of access to higher education as also negatively
impacting younger generations due to “children and young
people” being “less motivated to persist in primary and
secondary school” (p. 4) if higher education is not part of
their continuum in education.

212Journal of Applied Learning & Teaching Vol.6 No.1 (2023)
In the context of forced migration, studies such as Crea
(2016) have suggested that for refugees living in camps, their
higher education opportunities are “especially lacking”, and
yet they are crucial as they “may constitute a psychosocial
intervention as much as an educational program” (p. 12) for
the individual and their families as a whole. Atesok et al.
(2019) added to this by emphasising higher education in
this light is therefore also considered critical for refugees in
order to “prevent a short-term crisis” (p. 119). This sentiment
towards higher education is often strong among refugees
themselves, as education may help them resettle in a foreign
country (O’Keee & Akkari, 2020). Vasilopoulos and Ioannidi
(2020) further advocated this view when considering the
contexts of host countries when they emphasised higher
education as “vital” for the “successful settlement of refugee
communities into their host countries” (p. 61). As many
low to middle-income countries host the vast majority of
refugees, the UNHCR also examined this link between
higher education and settlement into communities, stating
that “higher education is key to creating long-term growth”
in these countries (UNHCR, 2021).
Additionally, the experiences of, the need for, and the use
of online learning in higher education cannot be neglected
for refugees. Access to education, particularly in the context
of camps, is heavily dependent upon the availability of
technology, online trained facilitators, and reliable internet
connection (O’Keee & Akkari, 2020; Shah & Santandreou
Calonge, 2019). Refugees’ experiences in higher education
are also inuenced by the challenges of frequently engaging
with learning content that is not contextualised, translated,
and/or applicable to their camp environments. Thus, few
channels of support for the application of any newly gained
skills and knowledge are available (O’Keee & Akkari,
2020; Shah, 2021). These above-mentioned challenges,
coupled with uncertainties of timelines for resettlement into
knowledge-based economies, create the need for education
that is “adaptable” as well as “portable” (Dryden-Peterson
& Giles, 2010, p. 3). Additionally, education needs to be
connected to the requirements for resettlement, relevant
to their current context/situation (vocational) and useful for
current and future (self-)employment, as the length of time
spent in camps is often unpredictable.
These contexts open the lens towards higher education
policies and practices which host countries, and the global
community, engage in when it comes to enabling access
for refugees. Although there is a recognition of the right
to education and the lack thereof leading to the loss of
opportunities for refugee livelihoods and social integration
into host nations, overall higher education policies remain
turbulent at best (Dridi et al., 2020; Fincham, 2020). Even
prior to the pandemic, it has been suggested that higher
education policies maintain a “reactive track” despite the
known and ongoing refugee crisis (Arar et al., 2020, p.
265). This contributes to the demand for higher education
outstripping the “opportunities available” (Yavcan & El-
Ghali, 2017, p. 4). Therefore, with a shift in education policies
to the ubiquitous use of online learning as a response to
COVID-19, questions remain regarding the implications of
these for refugees.
Purpose of the study and research questions
As COVID-19 not only impacted the health and livelihoods
of the entire global community, it has also left a mark on
education. This study examines that mark on education
for refugees. Specically, the purpose of this study is to
investigate and discuss the experiences which refugees
have had with online higher education and what impact
and implications this may have led to. To date, the problem
has received scant attention in the research literature. To
examine this phenomenon, the following research questions
were addressed:
How has COVID-19 impacted refugees’ experiences with
online higher education?
What to date are the implications of the pandemic for refugees
with online higher education?
Methods
Framework
The methodological framework guiding the study was the
scoping review (Arksey & O’Malley, 2005). Scoping studies
are topic-based and can add value to a phenomenon, as
they are said to “extract the essence of a diverse body of
evidence giving it meaning and signicance that is both
developmental and intellectually creative” (Davis et al., 2009,
p. 1400) for the purpose of informing research, policy, and
practice (Arksey & O’Malley, 2005). Scoping reviews provide
a useful alternative to literature reviews when clarication
around a concept is required (Munn et al., 2018). As
highlighted by Cooper et al. (2019), the aim of scoping
reviews is to help identify gaps in the existing published
literature and “systematically explore and map the research
available from a wide range of sources” (p. 230). Through
this, scoping studies have the possibility to “enable rigorous
review and critique the phenomena of interest” (p. 230) and
provide an overview of the evidence. In summary, a scoping
review is a broad overview of the available research on a
particular topic, while a critical literature review is a more in-
depth analysis of the quality and relevance of the research
on a particular topic.
The phenomenon of interest in this study is refugees’
experiences with online higher education, particularly as the
global impact of the COVID-19 pandemic redened borders
of learning and teaching that is contactless, online, and
socially distant and available broadly in any location, culture,
population or living context. Analysing such a phenomenon
through the scoping methodology is additionally valuable,
as the scoping process lends itself to evidence that may
be emerging and provides a broader base through which
to examine it whilst also providing room for “analytical
reinterpretation of the literature” (Levac et al., 2010, p. 1).
In accordance with Arksey and O’Malley’s (2005) framework
for methodological scoping, as further emphasised by Daudt
et al. (2013), the following ve phases were undertaken: (1)
Identication of research question(s), (2) identication of
relevant studies, (3) selection of studies, (4) charting of data

213Journal of Applied Learning & Teaching Vol.6 No.1 (2023)
according to issues, codes, and key themes, and (5) collating,
summarising, and reporting of results, providing a thematic
analysis (Daudt et al., 2013).
Phase 1: Identify the research question(s)
The following research questions were investigated. First,
how has COVID-19 impacted refugees’ experiences with
online higher education? Second, what to date are the
implications of the pandemic for refugees with online higher
education?
Phase 2: Identify relevant studies
As this study examines refugees and online higher education
during the pandemic, the identication and extraction of
data involved a review of studies published between March
2020, when the World Health Organization ocially declared
the outbreak as a pandemic, to January 2022. Inclusion
criteria included peer-reviewed articles in English specically
addressing refugee experiences with online education as
well as articles that identied and discussed challenges
and opportunities faced by refugees within the sphere
of COVID-19 and higher education. Literature explicitly
identifying and explaining the challenges and opportunities
faced by refugees was also included . Ocial reports, such as
UNHCR reports, were also considered relevant and included.
Exclusion criteria consisted of articles published outside of
the dened dates, articles focusing on primary or secondary
education for refugees, and articles not available in English.
Relevant documents were extracted from Scopus and
Google Scholar. Scopus allowed for a proximity search, an
established advanced search procedure, with two proximity
operators: W/n “within n words of”, and PRE/n “precedes
by”, while Google Scholar enabled a wider range of studies
and reports on refugees examined within the scope of
the research. Search terms for both databases included
keywords such as “higher education refugees online
learning” and “refugee camp COVID-19 online experiences.”
As this scoping study involves a systematic review of the
literature, the process by which to extract data was carried
out through the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic
Reviews (PRISMA). PRISMA provides the structure by which
literature searches can be clearly identied and reproduced,
and that minimises elements of bias (Rethlefsen et al., 2021).
Phase 3: Selection of studies
Literature was carefully screened by the two authors, and all
studies that did not meet the eligibility criteria of this research
were excluded. Following this preliminary exclusion process
and the removal of duplicates, all remaining abstracts and full
texts were further screened to identify research that directly
addressed the research questions. Discrepancies found
were resolved through consensus. The authors of this article
used the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews
(PRISMA) approach (Figure 1), as advocated by Moher et al.
(2009). PRISMA provides a standard methodology that uses
a comprehensive 27-item guideline checklist.
Figure 1. PRISMA data ow diagram.
Results
Phase 4: Chart data
Table 1 compiles the articles and reports included in the
study, along with pertinent information such as the authors,
article titles and the generation of codes/issues found
through the literature.
Table 1. Overview of included studies.

214Journal of Applied Learning & Teaching Vol.6 No.1 (2023)
Phase 5: Collate, summarise and report the results
Codes were generated from phrases and larger concepts
prevalent in the examined literature to identify relevant
information (Linneberg & Korsgaard, 2019). Thematic
analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006) was used to identify and
analyse patterns and to generate meaning from the data.
Initial phrases and concepts are shown in Table 2. Codes
were then collated into seven subthemes, and summarised
into three overarching themes:
Refugees, COVID-19, and Online Higher
Education
Multiplicity of Barriers
Socio-economic Status and Mental Health.
•
•
•
Table 2. Themes unpacked.
Theme 1: Refugees, COVID-19, and online higher
education
The unforeseen switch to online learning, following the
suspension of all face-to-face classes and university
services due to the pandemic in March 2020, resulted in
several signicant challenges for millions of students and
faculty. As far as refugees are concerned, Dempster et al.
(2020) argued that COVID-19 had aggravated the barriers
displaced populations already faced prior to the pandemic.
One of those barriers for those in nancial precarity was
access to synchronous online classes on Zoom, WebEx,
or Teams. Another barrier was experienced by those who
connect asynchronously via learning management systems
that require a computer, a tablet, or a smartphone; an
aordable data plan; a connection to high-speed internet; a
quiet and safe learning environment (Santandreou Calonge
et al., 2022a; Finlay et al., 2021; Lovey et al., 2021; Reinhardt
et al., 2021; Tobin & Hieker, 2021; Yanay & Battle, 2021); and
academic, personalised online support (Halkic & Arnold,
2021). Overcrowded conditions during the pandemic not
only limited most of the basic conditions required to engage
in online higher education but also increased vulnerability
to becoming infected (Hennebry & Hari, 2020). Hennebry
and Hari (2020) highlighted the “awful living conditions

215Journal of Applied Learning & Teaching Vol.6 No.1 (2023)
(with as many as 20 people sleeping in the same room)
endured by the city’s hundreds of thousands of migrant
workers” living in Singapore (p. 4). Similarly, Elçi et al. (2021)
argued that refugees in Turkey mostly lived “in overcrowded
and dilapidated dwellings with other family members”,
making “social distancing almost impossible” (p. 244).
Gender inequality in accessing a mobile or tablet was also
mentioned as a signicant issue by Drolia et al. (2022).
The ndings also revealed that physical access to work,
immigration services (critical to asylum status updates, which
are often key to getting nancial aid or healthcare), social
networks and friends, psychosocial support (Mupenzi et al.,
2021), extra-curricular activities, community and religious
centres, and faculty and classmates oine support were
also challenges at the height of the pandemic with strict
lockdowns in place (Kingston & Karakas, 2022; Mupenzi
et al., 2020). These challenges exacerbated a) feelings of
isolation, exclusion (Yanay & Battle, 2021), and emotional
distress; b) nancial distress (Santandreou Calonge et
al., 2022a; Mupenzi et al., 2021); c) disengagement from
learning; and d) mental health issues.
Theme 2: Multiplicity of barriers
The numerous barriers that refugees and displaced people
need to tackle daily in camps or their host countries are well
documented in the literature (Nell-Müller et al., 2021) and
are beyond the scope of this article. In line with previously
published articles, our ndings from the literature indicate
that the extent of those barriers varies based on their country
of origin, ethnicity, or faith (Sobczak-Szelc et al., 2021; Tobin
& Hieker, 2021), exclusion, discrimination, xenophobia,
or rejection from the host nation (Yanay & Battle, 2021;
Hennebry & Hari, 2020).
The ndings indicate that these prejudices may have
resulted due to 1. the absence of ocial identity documents,
often lost during migration (or deliberately destroyed to
avoid forced repatriation), which increases the diculties
faced by refugees in their host country to secure long-term
housing (Sobczak-Szelc et al., 2021); 2. diculties accessing
medical, food, nancial or legal aid, resources, employment
or internship opportunities, which often requires citizenship
or a residence permit (Baker et al., 2022; Finlay et al., 2021;
Sobczak-Szelc et al., 2021; Tobin & Hieker, 2021; Yanay &
Battle, 2021); 3. the absence of evidence and recognition of
their prior learning (Yanay & Battle, 2021; Tobin & Hieker,
2021), which also hinders job search, and delays or denies
them admission to university; and 4. sucient knowledge
of the local language, norms, values and culture and poor
or no internet connectivity (digital equity), which prevents
them from accessing or understanding unfamiliar content
taught online by native speakers.
Additionally, as many businesses had to close their doors
during COVID-19, many refugees were laid o or had to
accept a signicant reduction in working hours and income,
often braving abuse or quarantine restrictions to be able
to feed their families. Elçi et al. (2021) indicated that Syrian
families often had numerous children, which aggravated the
extent of economic hardship (e.g., technological resources
to access online learning, as all had to access courses taught
online often at the same time with one device and low
bandwidth. Purchasing an additional device was often out
of reach for families already in nancial distress). Dempster
et al. (2022) indicated that 60 per cent of Syrian refugees in
Lebanon had lost their jobs (p.9), stating that refugees were
60 per cent more likely to be made redundant “because so
few work in the less-aected sectors like education, public
administration, health, and agriculture” (p. 11). Thus, priority
was given to nding a source of income, and studies were
often put aside (Dempster et al., 2020; Mukumbang et al.,
2020). As indicated by Dempster et al. (2020), “without jobs
and access to income… refugees are therefore more likely to
turn to negative coping strategies including skipping meals,
exploitative work, or child labour” (p. 21).
Theme 3: Socio-economic status and mental health
Research by Vogiazides et al. (2021) and van Riemsdijk
and Axelsson (2021) showed that highly skilled refugees
in Sweden, Holland, and Germany had lower rates of
employment than less skilled migrants, often due to
discrimination and exclusion, as employers’ focus often
was on their deciencies and shortcomings in education
rather than their skills and experience and how they could
contribute. The absence of inclusivity education leading
to a lack of employment opportunities has been found to
further impact the “emotional wellbeing” of refugees (Cerna,
2019, p. 4; Finlay et al., 2021), mental health (Baker et al.,
2022; Viazminsky et al., 2022), social engagement in the
host country and thus their levels of social belonging and
positive engagement with online higher education (Arendt,
2022). On a similar note, Hajak et al. (2021), in a systematic
review of factors aecting the mental health and wellbeing
of asylum seekers and refugees in Germany, reported that
“unemployment” or “employment” of refugees “below their
occupational level” led to “lower self-esteem, frustration and
despair” and “deterioration of mental health” (p. 8), leading
to a signicant increase of exclusion and marginalisation
(de Montgomery et al., 2022) and therefore demotivation
and disengagement from studying. This nding was further
substantiated in a study by Haindorfer et al. (2022), which
highlighted being employed at lower levels in relation to
their capabilities, knowledge, and skills, did not have any
signicant positive eect on refugees’ life satisfaction.
Socio-economic status and mental health conditions
undoubtedly played a role in the approach (or lack thereof)
concerning online higher education as many refugees
additionally have struggled with feeling unwanted and
being uncertain about their future in the host country,
without legal documentation to stay, a signicant source of
income or possibility to access wage subsidies or COVID-19
incentives to be able to live decently, repay debts and
tuition fees. Without a job or proof of being registered as a
full- or part-time student at university, many were expelled,
repatriated, or had to return to their home countries and
face new forms of discrimination (Jones et al., 2021) and
lack of support, due to already overstrained healthcare,
education, and nancial systems. Additionally, on a similar
note, results found through the studies of Ergin (2020) and
Ogwang (2022) emphasised that strained mental health

216Journal of Applied Learning & Teaching Vol.6 No.1 (2023)
and socio-economic statuses were further exacerbated by
insucient or non-existent support by universities both
nancially and in terms of guidance for pathways to engage
in online learning or careers.
Discussion
Impact and implications through reections on the
research questions
Considering the evidence found through the literature
and reecting on the primary research question, “How
has COVID-19 impacted refugees’ experiences with online
higher education?”, some key factors can be identied as
maintaining prominence when examining the phenomena
of COVID-19. It would be sound to say that although online
learning took on a global role in higher education as a result
of the pandemic, it did not equate to equality in opportunities
and access for vulnerable and displaced people (Dempster
et al., 2020; Ergin, 2020; Finlay et al., 2021). Factors such
as strained mental health conditions and socio-economic
status; overcrowded living environments increasing chances
of infection and limiting constructive spaces in which to
engage in online learning; along with a multiplicity of
barriers such as lack of access to the necessary technology,
complex application processes, stable (and aordable)
internet connections, language, lack of recognition of prior
skills and learning, and lack of advice, academic advising
and support from universities, have all been instrumental in
impacting the experiences with online higher education for
refugees during COVID-19 (Baker et al., 2022; Hennebry &
Hari, 2020; Ergin, 2020; Ogwang, 2022).
Given the ndings indicating less than positive experiences,
the sub-research question of “What to date are the
implications of the pandemic for refugees with online
higher education?”, enlarges the lens towards practice
and policies of online higher education and opportunities
for refugees . Studies such as Vasilopoulos and Ioannidi
(2020) seem to frequently indicate in some manner that host
countries face a “sudden inux” of refugees. Thus, this is a
key reason why host counties are overwhelmed or unable
to adequately provide the mechanisms for eectively
integrating refugees into their new contexts. Most often,
a largely neglected or hardest-hit mechanism is integration
into higher education, be it face-to-face or through the
necessities of complying with contactless, online learning
due to COVID-19. However, presented with a history of
the unfortunate yet consistently steady rise in forced
displacement, can a sudden inux continually be validated
as a means for ineective inclusive policy and practice
measures and specically for refugees’ inclusion towards
greater online higher education opportunities? Concrete
strategies enabling rapidly adaptable measures for greater
inclusion into higher education for refugees and displaced
peoples by governments, host countries, refugee advisory
boards and university systems appear to remain disjointed.
A lack of synergy is also apparent. Micheline van Riemsdijk
(2023, para. 15), Associate Professor of Human Geography
at Uppsala University, exemplied the current situation in
Sweden with the following: “We often see short funding
cycles and a lack of coherence between dierent initiatives.
There are many actors doing good things, but more
cooperation is required”. In light of this, a holistic approach
aligning the eorts of these institutions may combat
the negative implications found to date. Reecting on a
“holistic approach”, Koehler et al. (2022) similarly suggested
“academic, social and emotional needs” can also “support
the inclusion of these students in host countries’ education
systems” (p. 10).
In 2010, Dryden-Peterson and Giles (2010) highlighted in
their study that despite the growing numbers of forced
migration, there was still a deciency in the policies for
implementing an emergency response to education,
particularly higher education, within these contexts. Ten
years later, in 2020, Vasilopoulos & Ioannidi (2020) similarly
stated that despite the increasing numbers of people
placed into forced migration and seeking asylum, cross-
sectorial collaboration and comprehensive and coherent
solidarity-based policies for inclusion into higher education,
and consequently online higher education, were still
lacking. Progression, as such, towards greater inclusion in
education would require a stronger combination of “long-
term commitment”, collaboration, proactive “contingency
planning”, and better “preparedness” by host countries and
the international community at large (UNHCR, 2015, p. 14).
Most importantly, refugee input should shape the global and
local responses to refugee issues. As stated by the UNHCR
(2015), even prior to the pandemic , “there is no short-term
x for the education of refugees.” (p. 23).
Limitations
The scope of this study was limited in terms of direct access
to refugees’ voices. As this study examines the phenomenon
through literature, it is limited in terms of the amount of
literature which was found to be in line with the contexts of
this study. The literature which is identied, however, does
allow this study to shed light on unexpected deep concerns
ranging from lack of inclusion to mental health and access
to online higher education for refugees.
Implications for policy and practice
To cultivate concrete strategies and rapidly adaptable
measures by which to provide greater inclusion, there are
several implications for practice that may be considered. For
instance, when facing feelings of isolation, a lack of a sense
of belonging, not tting in (Naidoo, 2021), and challenging
mental health issues, as highlighted by Ergin (2020), and
Ogwang (2022), continuous online and oine counselling
and remedial support mechanisms (Cuijpers et al., 2022;
Nanyunja et al., 2022) and scaolded refugee-centric
local solutions may be oered. This may take many forms,
including some of the following: a) relevant and decent job
opportunities (posted online/apps such as https://mygrants.
it/en/, work-integrated learning, vocational training (https://
itskills4u.com.ua/) or https://www.keylearning.io/, and
nancing to start a business (Private Sector for Refugees
(PS4R) or https://www.refugees.kiva.org/), apprenticeships,
and internships (Ikea initiatives in Croatia and Poland), thus
bridging graduate skills gaps and employability; b) links to
further social services and social integration services (such

217Journal of Applied Learning & Teaching Vol.6 No.1 (2023)
as the Diia app in Ukraine – https://diia.gov.ua/), enabling
greater transition into the wider community post higher
education (Crea, 2016; Santandreu Calonge & Shah, 2016;
Shah & Santandreu Calonge, 2017, 2019); and c) refugee-
academic and professional success programs. This practical
experience while studying, which often helps improve skills,
language, and cultural understanding, provides valuable
teamwork (peer mentoring with locals and people from
similar backgrounds) interactions, a sense of belonging and
community, a professional network for after-graduation
job opportunities and a hands-on alternative to those
who struggle to adjust to a new unfamiliar educational
environment.
In addition to this, as many refugees often identify with
several languages and cultures, having transitioned, worked,
lived in multiples countries and/or experienced various
educational systems before settling down in their nal host
country, faculty development, related to pedagogical skills,
empathy and intercultural communication, to address the
specic educational, social and emotional needs of refugees
is needed and could be benecial to develop more long
term engagement with online learning communities (Cerna,
2019).
In terms of implications for policies, this largely is impacted
by the governments of the host counties as resources for
refugees “vary greatly” and depend on the “connement
policies” of those host countries (O’Keee & Akkari, 2020).
Conclusion
Notwithstanding the limitations in this study, the
analysis of the literature, through undertaking a scoping
methodological approach, has uncovered that COVID-19 has
indeed impacted the experiences of online higher education
for refugees. Although some may have assumed this, as
COVID-19 has had an impact on the global community as
a whole, the ndings of this study unearthed not only an
increase in digital inequality and a lack of inclusion to online
higher education opportunities for refugees but also deeper
levels of unrest impacting their experiences.
Strained mental wellbeing (anxiety, distress, depression,
Post Traumatic Stress Disorder), poor socio-economic
status with often limited scholarships, lack of universities’
guidance and oine support, insucient strategies towards
refugees’ specic issues and contexts, technological barriers
and exclusion, as well as overcrowded and stressed living
conditions during the pandemic, which may have otherwise
been overlooked as factors impacting experiences with
online higher education, are in fact prominent issues which
may carry signicant implications for the future prospects of
refugees: a) disengagement and the continuity of education
and learning, and b) the integration of refugees and
displaced populations into their host countries.
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