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CHAPTER 11
Critical Librarianship
and Open Education:
A SOLUTION TO INFORMATION
INJUSTICE
Kathy Swart, Pierce College
Giving voice to that which has been silenced is, perhaps, the most important
intended role critical information literacy can play.1
e stories of members of marginalized groups are chronically erased from
accounts of history and when present are oen told from the perspective of the
dominant group.2
Many educators stumble into the world of open education over concerns
about textbook costs, unaware that they are simultaneously opening up the
possibility of revolutionizing their content. ere are many reasons to embrace
open education, and this chapter focuses on one of the least discussed. Text-
books tend to perpetuate the perspective of the dominant class at the expense
of marginalized groups. Beyond reducing the nancial burden on under-
served students, switching to open educational resources (OER) allows faculty
to assemble materials more inclusive of the perspectives of underrepresented
communities. Furthermore, open pedagogy (OP) allows us a powerful way to
amplify the voices of these groups. In this way, critical and open pedagogies are
entwined; a critical approach to information literacy helps students learn how to
unmask dominant narratives, OER allows for more inclusive curricula, and OP
provides the means of rectifying suppressed voices by creating new narratives.
Chapter 11
216
In fact, OP is critical pedagogy taken to its logical endpoint: Freirean praxis,
or conscientious action.
Librarians work in the place where information literacy, students, and faculty
intersect. Quill West points out the many ways librarians are natural leaders
in the open education movement, not least of which is our commitment to
reaching underserved students. She writes, “By sharing our expertise in curating
resources, building information competency, serving students and institutions,
and in moving across disciplinary silos, librarians can help our institutions to
embrace change that will open access for many of our students.”3
I am fortunate to be both a librarian and adjunct professor at Pierce College.
Five years ago, dissatised with the predominantly male, white, and Western
array of artists oered by my humanities textbook, I replaced it with OER and
library-based resources (LBR) featuring works by a more international and
diverse array of artists. Because of the course’s information literacy component,
I require students to research the social, historical, and political context of the
works by their chosen artists. Before I made the course content more inclusive,
the students’ research suered from the usual issues, such as too few sources,
insubstantial sources, plagiarism, etc. However, with the new content, an entirely
dierent problem surfaced: students’ projects were marked by misinformation,
which I traced to their sources. Many of these were marred by whitewashing,
distortion, and lies of omission.
In critical librarianship, the faulty information my students repeated in their
projects is commonly called false narratives, dominant narratives, single narra-
tives, colonial narratives, or hegemonic narratives. When this misinformation
excludes the perspectives of groups most aected by social injustice, I refer to it
as “information injustice.” To illustrate what I mean by information injustice, I
provide a case study involving one of the more understudied of all marginalized
groups: exiles from Latin American dictatorships or civil wars. Whether they
emigrated as exiles or refugees, members of this group have contributed greatly
to the humanities. For example, those who came to the US include writers Ariel
Dorfman, Isabel Allende, and Jose Donoso (Chile), Rossana Perez (El Salva-
dor), Alicia Partnoy (Argentina), Julia Alvarez (Dominican Republic), and artist
Antonio Henrique Amaral (Brazil). ose who ed to other nations include
musicians Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil (Brazil), dramatist Augusto Boal
(Brazil), and authors Claribel Alegria (Nicaragua and El Salvador), Eduardo
Galeano (Uruguay), and Luisa Valenzuela (Argentina). Fortunately, many of
these individuals were writers; therefore, their works raised some awareness of
the Latin American history that forced these artists into exile. Otherwise, the
apparent knowledge gap many educated US citizens have concerning this history
would no doubt be wider. is raises the question: Why does this gap exist in
the rst place?
Critical Librarianship and Open Education 217
Historian James Loewen’s widely read analysis of high school history text-
books, Lies My Teacher Taught Me, oers us a clue. He writes, “Textbooks have
trouble acknowledging that anything might be wrong with… the United States
as a whole.”4 His book exposes how history textbooks still repeat false narratives
about Native Americans, slavery, and the roots of racism. Loewen also details
how these books largely omit the US role in establishing dictatorships in Chile
and Guatemala. No wonder, then, that the general public knows little about the
Latin American artists mentioned above; each one le their countries because
of right-wing totalitarian regimes backed by the United States.
One of the most famous political exiles from Latin America was Brazilian
educator Paulo Freire, author of Pedagogy of the Oppressed. As many know, his
work forms one of the pillars of critical theory. Few know, however, that Freire
was the victim of yet another US-backed dictatorship. Shortly aer the 1964
coup in Brazil, he was arrested as a traitor, imprisoned, and exiled for almost
sixteen years.5 For this reason, the choice of Brazil’s coup as a case study seems
especially appropriate.
AN EXAMPLE OF INFORMATION INJUSTICE:
BRAZIL’S COUP AND DICTATORSHIP
(Trigger warning for descriptions of torture in the nal paragraph of this section.)
On April 1, 1964, the Brazilian military conspired with other entities to over-
throw democratically elected President João Goulart, launching a twenty-one-
year dictatorship. e United States provided critical support.6 To highlight the
discrepancy between this history and subsequent narratives about it, I emphasize
the following points:
It was a coup
is was an extralegal, unconstitutional seizure of power by the military
supported by right-wing politicians, the elite and clientele classes, business
groups, transnational corporations, landowners, and the conservative wing of
the Catholic Church.7
It was a dictatorship
Over the next twenty-one years, the military regime acted violently and uncon-
stitutionally to maintain power. Despite promising to cede control to a civilian
government aer one year, it did not, and by 1968, Brazilians were protesting
in the streets. e regime responded with Institutional Act No. 5 (AI-5), which
closed Congress, eliminated habeas corpus, civil rights, elections, unions, and
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218
political parties.
8
Torture of civilians suspected of opposing the government
increased and, in fact, became systematic.9
US Responsibility
e US government disliked Goulart for his independent foreign policy, but
it took special umbrage at his economic nationalist stance. His policies favor-
ing Brazil’s control over its own development, such as a prot remittance law
and a plan to nationalize foreign public utility companies, implied a weakening
of inuence by the US and other foreign investors.
10
In 1962, US Ambassador
Lincoln Gordon urged President Kennedy to help oust Goulart.
11
Guided by
military attaché Colonel Vernon A. Walters (later CIA deputy director), the US
interfered in the 1962 elections, funneling ve million dollars to anti-Goulart
candidates.
12
It destabilized Goulart’s government through various covert means,
such as nancing the CIA-aliated business groups that plotted the coup13 and
enlisting the CIA to spread propaganda promoting fears of communism in
Brazil
14
and to nance massive demonstrations against Goulart that were crucial
to the coup’s success.15 For the coup itself, the US employed Operation Brother
Sam, a contingency plan that entailed sending the aircra carrier Forrestal and
ships carrying petroleum, guns, and ammunition to Brazil. e ships were called
back when the coup met no resistance.16
Aer the coup, the US Agency for International Development (USAID)
provided training, equipment, and nancing for security and repression tech-
niques.
17
Journalist A. J. Langguth documents how under the umbrella of USAID,
US policeman Dan Mitrione was sent to Brazil to train the regime’s torturers,
showing them how to apply “the precise pain, in the precise place, in the precise
amount, for the desired eect.”18
The Stated Rationale: Anticommunism
Even though the US government knew Goulart was not a communist,19 it went
to great lengths to portray Brazil on the brink of a “Red takeover.” Certainly,
communism formed a more palatable pretext for a coup than the prospect of
waning US power. To that end, the CIA focused its propaganda on the north-
east of the country, where poverty and calls for land reform had long sown
fears of peasant uprisings.20 e agency nanced groups who proclaimed them-
selves communists while setting re to landowners’ buildings,21 attempted to
discredit the Northeast Peasant Leagues by instigating violence at their rallies,22
and distributed Marxist literature across the northeast for use later as proof of
“extensive communist penetration.”23 To witnesses at the time, the only entity
that appeared to have penetrated Brazil’s northeast was the CIA itself.24
On the day of the coup, however, military tanks rolled down empty streets.
No Soviet stockpiles of weapons were found, nor other signs of communist
Critical Librarianship and Open Education 219
resistance. Indeed, the only violence came from the military itself, which attacked
the student union headquarters25 and killed three unarmed students.26 Despite
this, the military attempted to spin the coup as a “revolution” to rid Brazil of
corruption, ination, and communism.
27
e US government parroted this false
narrative28 while denying its own involvement.29 Although any threat posed by
communism was largely fabricated,30 the vigorous anti-communist propaganda
campaign had led a portion of civil society to conate Goulart’s modest reforms
with “radical threats to the social and political order.”
31
e damage had been
done.
The Actual Rationale: Financial and Geopolitical Interests
Jan Knippers Black and other scholars documented early on the US interests
behind supporting the coup.
32
A closer look at Hanna Mining illustrates why
corporations resented Goulart’s economic nationalism. In 1961, Brazil’s congress
challenged Hanna Mining’s claim to Brazil’s richest iron ore deposit. In response,
Goulart made an expropriation decree. Both the US government and Hanna
Mining formally objected to the decree. Aer the coup, Hanna Mining board
member John J. McCloy led Ambassador Gordon to dictator Castelo Branco’s
oce to explain that restoring Hanna’s concession “might be a condition for
receiving U.S. economic assistance.”
33
e case of Hanna Mining reveals the
links between the US government, corporations, and covert action; several US
government and banking ocials sat on Hanna’s board of directors,
34
and the
corporation helped nance one of the main business groups that plotted the
coup, Instituto Brasileiro de Ação Democrática (Brazilian Institute for Demo-
cratic Action).35
Discussing the conict between American values of freedom and democracy
and its foreign policy, scholar Phyllis Parker writes, “U.S. policies seem structured
to benet the United States politically, economically, and militarily.”36 e truth of
her remark is evident in a cable from the CIA to Washington aer the coup: “e
change in government will create a greatly improved climate for foreign invest-
ments.”37 A further sign of US priorities is seen in the reaction by business groups
to the news Brazil’s regime was torturing civilians: they asked that the torture
hearings be closed because they threatened the groups’ “interests.” e corpo-
rations included General Electric, Dow Chemical, Phillips Petroleum, J. Walter
ompson, Morgan Guaranty, Celanese Union Carbide, and Cummins Engine.38
The Dictatorship Committed Massive Human Rights
Violations
Aer the coup, Operation Cleanup went into eect. ousands of civilians
suspected of “subversion” were purged or arrested. Torture and murder soon
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220
followed.
39
In response to this state terror, a number of resistance groups
emerged. With equal viciousness, the regime persecuted suspected members
of these resistance groups, union organizers, peasant leaders, clergy members,
le-leaning students, artists, and journalists who they indiscriminately labeled
“subversives,” “communists,” or “terrorists.” e torture methods remind one of
the Inquisition. ey included rape, impaling with pepper-coated rods, muti-
lating the genitals, ripping o ngernails, water torture, and the most common
technique, the “parrot’s perch” (pau de arara). In this practice, the person was
hung from a pole, hands bound over the knees, while electrodes delivered
electroshocks to the most sensitive body parts.40 An estimated 20,000 people
experienced torture,41 including children.42 Many victims died as a result, and
others committed suicide. e ocial number of political opponents killed or
“disappeared” stands at 454, but the actual number is 10,000 when one counts
the deaths of 8,350 indigenous civilians and 1,196 rural workers.43
LIES MY STUDENTS TOLD ME
In 2015, I taught the humanities course using OER for the rst time. Given
the history of the Brazilian coup that I have briey detailed above, one can
imagine my surprise when during their presentations I witnessed a student
assert condently, “João Goulart was overthrown because he was a commu-
nist.” Another student announced, “Before the 1964 revolution, Brazil was a
communist country.” ese are only two of many examples. Naturally, I asked the
students where they had found their information. One had used a public library
reference handbook about Brazil dated 2002, and another cited declassied CIA
internal propaganda from 1968. I used this teachable moment to explain the
importance of seeking more current, academic, and unbiased sources. While
I didn’t expect students to read whole monographs on Brazilian history, I did
assume that subject-specic encyclopedias would provide the same history in
condensed form. To be certain, I went looking.
e Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture seemed a good place
to start. Reading the entries that discussed the 1964 military coup, however, one
might get the impression that the dictatorship was a mild aair enacted to stop
communism. roughout the encyclopedia, authors use the word “revolution”
instead of “coup” to describe the military’s extra-legal seizure of power, and the
barbarities legalized by Institutional Act No. 5 are described merely as a loss of
rights. Meanwhile, the US role is presented as benevolent and limited to economic
assistance. One author, however, stands out for his inammatory, anticommu-
nist-avored tone, claiming Goulart had communist allies in labor unions and
accusing the victims of Brazil’s state terror as “violence-minded,” suggesting any
repression against them was justied. is author jeered at the notion of US
imperialism by putting it in quotes.
44
Browsing the encyclopedia’s index, one
Critical Librarianship and Open Education 221
nds no entries for the following actors: CIA, IPES, IBAD, USAID, Operation
Brother Sam, or Hanna Mining. All of these omissions share a common feature:
they pertain to the role of the United States in the coup and repression.
Hoping to nd a better source, I turned to another title, Brazil: Global Studies
Handbook. e handbook mirrors many of the problems found in the encyclope-
dia above. Notable errors include naming the dictatorship a “Republic” and the
coup a “revolution,” describing the coup as “inevitable” and President Goulart as
“ineective” and “foolish,” someone who stole from the rich to give to the poor
as he tried to “mobilize the masses against the ruling class.”45 However, the most
serious problem with the handbook concerns its omissions. e author refers to
the violence committed by the twenty-one-year dictatorship in only one oand
remark.46 Again, the substantial role of the US is entirely missing.
I was disconcerted that these reference works failed to reect historical facts
documented decades ago. One would assume a college-level textbook on Latin
America would do better. Several years ago, a colleague asked me to check the
Brazil chapter of her Latin American studies textbook because she had found
inconsistencies in other chapters. e author of the chapter on Brazil begins by
praising Ernest Geisel, the regime’s fourth dictator, as a champion of democracy.
He calls the 1964 coup a “revolution.” He claims the Brazilian people asked for
the military takeover while omitting how US and Brazilian propaganda was
responsible for persuading a portion of the population to ask the military to
step in. He hardly mentions the extreme human rights abuses. Finally, he omits
the numbers of those tortured and murdered, the impunity granted to torturers,
and the US involvement in the coup. e author gives the impression that from
1964 to 1985, Brazil passed through a necessary authoritarian (yet somehow
democratic) period in order to “develop.”47
Not only had my students gotten Brazilian history wrong, but so had the very
“authorities” charged with getting it right.
WHO WRITES THE OFFICIAL STORY?
Dismayed at the information injustice I found in the very sources I chided my
students for avoiding, I did what any good librarian would do: evaluated them
with special attention to authority.
Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture
While I found many inconsistencies throughout this multi-volume work, I will
here focus on the author of the most egregious entries. is “authority” turned
out to be none other than John W. F. Dulles, son of CIA-aliated John Foster
Dulles and nephew of Allen Dulles, former CIA director. Both were criticized for
their anti-communist zeal that led to installing dictators in Iran and Guatemala.48
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222
Around the time of the coup, John W. F. Dulles was executive director of Miner-
ação Novalimense, a subsidiary of Hanna Mining. As mentioned earlier, Hanna
Mining was connected to the coup. ese additional links warrant attention:
•
In 1959, John W. F. Dulles was sent to organize Hanna’s operations in Brazil.
•
In 1963, Hanna Mining funded a military conference calling for an
“anti-communist counter-oensive in Latin America.”
• In 1964, Hanna Mining provided trucks for the troops that facilitated the
coup.
One may ask why a mining executive with family ties to the CIA ended up
writing encyclopedia entries and books on Brazilian history. Although Dulles’
education was limited to a BA in philosophy, a BS in metallurgy, and an MBA,
he was appointed professor of History at Arizona State University and taught
Brazilian history until the age of ninety-ve. Colleagues of Dulles found him an
indierent scholar. ey claim Dulles wrote without reference to the social and
political sciences and that his methods were unscholarly and old-fashioned.
49
One scholar looks askance at Dulles’ simultaneous position as mining company
manager and connection to the CIA as well as his writings, which served to sow
discord within and gossip about Brazil’s le.
50
Even a sympathetic contemporary
criticizes Dulles for omitting his role in pressuring Goulart for Brazil’s iron ore
deposits on behalf of Hanna Mining.51 Another weakness of Dulles’ work is that
it reects his family’s extreme anti-communism.
52
When I presented on this topic
at a conference in 2017, a distinguished Latin American librarian recounted the
experience of taking a course from Dulles as a visiting professor. e librarian
told me that by the third class, it was obvious that something was “very wrong.”
Among other oddities, he would pepper his lectures with quips such as, “In Latin
America, there’s a communist under every coee bush” (pers. comm).
Brazil: Global Studies Handbook
e cover of this book by Todd L. Edwards tells us that the author’s PhD in
Latin American Studies focused on development economics. Aer earning his
doctorate, he worked on Wall Street as an investment strategist for Latin Amer-
ica. Currently, Edwards is an investment principal and “co-Portfolio Manager at
Cambiar Global Equity and International Small Cap strategies.”53 Considering
that US nancial investments played a signicant role in driving Brazil’s coup, it
is conceivable that a person working in this eld might wish to downplay the role
of US nancial interests in aiding such a brutal regime. However, most would
question the ethics of doing so in an ostensibly objective reference handbook.
Global Studies: Latin America and the Caribbean
Investigating the textbook author, Paul B. Goodwin, proved more dicult. An
exhaustive search for information led to only a few articles about economic
Critical Librarianship and Open Education 223
development in Argentina. Several requests for the author’s curriculum vitae
from the university where he served as director of Latin American Studies went
unanswered. Finally, I reached the department by phone and was told to email
a dierent oce, from which I received a terse email informing me they would
consider my “FOIA request.” (I had not made a FOIA request.) In time, I received
a redacted curriculum vitae. e employment history was incomplete, but the
individual’s publication list proved useful. It revealed a scholar who conated
Argentina’s le-wing resistance with terrorism, was apologetic toward dicta-
torships, and showed undue concern about the Soviet presence in Latin Amer-
ica. Anyone familiar with Latin American history would detect the Cold War
mindset.
Returning to the question of who writes the “ocial story,” the answer in this
case appears to be “the US military, US intelligence agencies, and Wall Street.”
And yet how did representatives of these institutions come to have the last word
on history? e answer is that these same institutions were crucial in steering
the narrative about US foreign policy from the very beginning, using the media.
THE MAINSTREAM MEDIA AND FOSSILIZED
PROPAGANDA
James N. Green describes how during Brazil’s coup, the US government relied
on the press to keep its actions covert. We see an example of this coverup in
publications like the article published on April 17, 1964, in LIFE magazine. Its
title, “Arrested: A Big Yaw to the Le,” is an obvious attempt to normalize the
coup. In the two-page spread, a photo captioned “Violence Flares” suggests the
military met violent opposition. However, the photo actually shows the regime’s
thugs burning books from a student union. As Green writes, “e article did
not question the anti-democratic nature of the bonre and only mentioned in
passing that the military government had begun a ‘roundup of leists.’”54
More extreme was the detachable pamphlet included in the 1964 November
issue of Readers Digest. Twenty-three pages long, it is lled with undocumented
claims about communism in Brazil, glorication of the rst dictator, and prose
so extreme that James. N. Green describes it as “almost a caricature of bad, early
1960s Cold War propaganda.
55
For example, in describing the military coup,
the author writes, “e communist drive for domination—marked by propa-
ganda, inltration, terror—was moving in high gear. Total surrender seemed
imminent—and then the people said No!”56 e author of the rather histrionic
piece was noted anti-communist Clarence W. Hall, and many have speculated
that the piece was actually a CIA plant.57 Remarkable are the minutely detailed
instructions on the booklet’s cover advising readers how to mail the pamphlet to
people abroad, especially people in countries “confronting communist threats.”
58
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224
In addition to such overt propaganda, the media served to suppress the truth
about the coup in broader ways. Historian Michael Weis examined how major
newspapers and magazines responded to the coup and concludes, “e U.S.
government was able to manage the news to hide U.S. involvement in the coup
and to present a skewed version of reality.”59 His study reveals that a surprising
80 percent of the major media outlets approved of the coup. Weis points out that
many of the journalists of the pro-coup outlets interviewed only State Depart-
ment ocials and Brazilian generals. Few reporters sought the perspective of
those opposed to the regime, such as Brazilians who had been exiled. Journalists
who did so came mostly from the international press
60
and took a more equivocal
stance on the coup.
In his more recent analysis, Kevin Young reveals that not much has changed.
He demonstrates the dramatic contrast between how US-backed dictatorships
are referred to in the mainstream press versus in scholarly works. He found that
“even the nation’s leading liberal media almost never acknowledge US support
for the dictatorships.”61 Young’s analysis of ve years’ worth of reporting on three
US-backed dictatorships by the New York Times, Washington Post, and NPR
(National Public Radio) revealed that US involvement was mentioned only 6
percent of the time. On the occasions that the press acknowledges that US-allied
regimes committed atrocities, “it usually omits the U.S. government’s role or
presents it as a force for democracy and human rights.”62
Aer learning how the media served to spin Brazil’s coup as a revolution
against communism, my students’ recitations of this false narrative became more
comprehensible. What did not make sense was why reference works continued
to repeat the false narrative. I call this phenomenon “fossilized propaganda.”
Despite the fact that scholars have been publishing books documenting the US
role in Brazil’s coup since 1977, the old propaganda appears to have fossilized
inside the very sources we consider most authoritative.
CRITICAL THEORY PREDICTS INFORMATION
INJUSTICE
When encyclopedia and textbook publishers give the US government, intelli-
gence agencies, and Wall Street the task of writing the ocial story about US
foreign policy in Latin America, they have abandoned any pretense of neutrality.
To understand why authoritative sources perpetuate such information injustice,
we turn to critical theory. Writing about gaps in the archives, Rodney G. S. Carter
describes how certain groups obtain dominance by managing information:
e powerful in society are typically aligned with the state and its
apparatus, such as the military and the police. Powerful groups
Critical Librarianship and Open Education 225
in society include certain racial, ethnic and religious groups, the
wealthy, and the educated…. ey are not necessarily a part of the
majority in society but rather can exert an inuence that outweighs
their numbers. ese power groups create the records that will
eventually enter the archives and use their power to dene the shape
an archive takes.63
As a result of these processes, dissent against the powerful is silenced.
Critical theory maintains that these “power groups” retain their hegemony
and silence the marginalized through social institutions. Much of their work rests
on critical theorist Louis Althusser, who showed how dominant ideas become
embedded into ideological state apparatuses (ISAs), the chief one being the
education system.64 Librarians Stephen Bales and Lea Engle explain:
e dominant western ideologies (e.g., the narratives of capitalism,
liberal democracy, positivism, and “neutral education”) appear to
members of society as natural because of the members’ submer-
gence in the ideological work of the educational ISA; institutions
of higher education are well-positioned to perform this indoctrina-
tion especially considering their place of high authority in western
society. Althusser held, however, that dominant narratives cloak the
materially based realities of social life. ese realities include the
exploitation of marginalized groups by the dominant class.65
ey then go on to show how libraries unwittingly operate as extensions of
the school, despite the socially progressive nature of the library profession. Bales
and Engle see a college’s library as a “necessary and inseparable component
of the educational ISA,” where students not only become immersed in hege-
monic values but are prepared to function as cogs in the system of production
it controls.66
Many librarians may balk at such a notion, for academia has long been consid-
ered (or accused of being) a bastion of liberal ideology. John Doherty dissects
this assumption, stating, “Rather, it is a very conservative, change resistant place,
where the community denes literacy in very stringent terms and where there
have consistently been marginalized groups trying to break into a Westernized,
masculine, scientically oriented world.”67 Larry Wiegand alludes to librarian-
ship’s unconscious complicity with this world by pointing out the profession’s
failure to critically examine the relationship between power and knowledge.68
One way in which the library participates in the marginalization of groups
with less power lies in how librarians dene “authoritative” sources. Ashley P.
Ireland applies Queer theory to expose the aws inherent in what we deem
traditional authority:
Chapter 11
226
[A]uthority, by its very name, reinforces dominant structures and
subjugates the minority or Other…expertise, social position, and
experience have oen largely been a privilege of majority or domi-
nant forces. us, in order to truly examine for authority on a topic,
librarians may use queer theory to seek and teach to resources that
amplify the voices of the subverted and subjugated, and not necessarily
those that appear among the most authoritative.69 (emphasis added)
Ireland argues that librarians’ job is to focus on the voices that are missing
in the academic landscape, or groups known as “other.” Lisa Hooper oers a
convenient denition of the “other” as “any socio-cultural group existing external
to the dominant power; these groups, including subalterns, are oen repressed
and excluded from the dominant narrative.”70 If the library is an extension of a
hegemonic institution, how does it amplify the voices of the subjugated? Draw-
ing on work by Gramsci, Douglas Raber explains how librarians rather than
passively furthering the interests of the dominant class, may act as counterhege-
monic forces. Bales and Engle call on librarians to use this potential to do just
what Ireland recommends: to magnify the voices of these “other” groups in the
interests of social justice.71
EMPLOYING CRITICAL THEORY TO COUNTER
HEGEMONY
How can librarians employ this counterhegemonic potential? One way is to
teach a more critical approach to academic information, not only in credit-bear-
ing information literacy courses but even in library instruction. Despite the
constraints of the y-minute one-shot, I have been fortunate to partner with
faculty who enthusiastically embrace experiments in critical pedagogy in the
library classroom. ere are many ways to educate students about information
injustice. One method is to bring eye-opening examples of information injustice
to class. Reading from the ACRL “authority” concept can stimulate a dialogue
with students about what authority means to them. Aer such a discussion, I
oen present a problematic article or website and have the students investi-
gate it using tools like Media Bias Fact Check and SourceWatch. In 2019, one
class uncovered the white supremacist nature of an otherwise credible-look-
ing immigration website. e New York Times debunked the site only months
later. For those interested in taking a more critical approach to library instruc-
tion, I recommend both volumes of Critical Library Pedagogy, edited by Nicole
Pagowsky and Kelly McElroy.
While a critical approach to library instruction allows us to teach students
about information injustice, it does not provide us with a way to respond.
Critical Librarianship and Open Education 227
Replacing textbooks with OER and LBR is valuable for exposing students to the
voices of the marginalized, but even this does not alter the information land-
scape. To amplify the voices of those excluded from dominant narratives, we
must take advantage of the opportunities oered by open pedagogy, practices
dened by the 5Rs: reuse, revise, remix, redistribute, and retain.
OPEN PEDAGOGY ASSIGNMENTS: AMPLIFYING
“THE OTHER”
Once archivists are aware of the silence in their archives, they can take measures
to try to allow for multiple narratives to ll some of these gaps.72
[I]t is important to ll the gaps in the archival memory, in the interests of
justice. It is vital to invite every “other” in.73
As David Wiley points out, open pedagogy allows us to do far more than
“kill the disposable assignment.” He asks, “What if we changed these ‘dispos-
able assignments’ into activities which actually added value to the world? en
students and faculty might feel dierent about the time and eort they invested in
them. I have seen time and again that they do feel dierent about the eorts they
m a k e .” 74 Inspired by Quill West’s work with open pedagogy, I began to formu-
late assignments that could give students the power to counter false narratives,
especially ones about Latin American history. Below are several open pedagogy
assignments drawn from my work and that of other faculty at Pierce College.
Slideshare and other Hosting Platforms
Slideshare.net and similar content-sharing platforms
75
supply the mechanical
means of adding missing voices, stories, and perspectives into the information
landscape. In 2019, I experimented with the rst assignment using Slideshare, for
in it I saw a way to bring attention to the works of understudied Latin American
authors. Students were required to do contextual research on an author in order
to explicate a literary work such as a novel, story, book of poems, etc. en they
created a PowerPoint presentation aimed at educating a general audience. Finally,
they had to apply an open license to the PowerPoint and upload it to Slideshare.
net. (While my assignment depended on students reading full literary works,
this assignment could easily be adapted with shorter texts.)
e value of such an assignment can be seen in the diculties one student
had nding sources about Uruguayan author Carlos Martinez Moreno and his
historically based novel, El Inerno. Set in Uruguay in the 1970s, the book details
the Uruguayan government’s violence against civilians, especially the Tupama-
ros, a guerilla group that committed mostly nonviolent, creative, and sophisti-
cated actions in response to state terror.
76
e novel opens with a scene of an
American ocer training the Uruguayan government’s torturers. e ocer is
Chapter 11
228
meant to represent Dan Mitrione, the same US policeman sent to train Brazil’s
torturers. Aer his tenure in Brazil, Mitrione was sent to Uruguay to ensure the
systematization and “scientic renement” of torture techniques.77
Although the student and I scraped together enough sources to convey
the historical facts, the student’s presentation suered from a grave error: he
presented the US-backed Uruguayan government as the torture victim and the
Tupamaros as the torturers. As explained above, the opposite was true. Perhaps
the student, not having carefully read the book nor the contextual sources, relied
instead on false information he found elsewhere. Sadly, misinformation about
the novel is very easy to nd—for instance, the summary on Amazon.com, which
(like my student) casts the Tupamaros in the role of torturers rather than the
Uruguayan government. (A request to Amazon to correct that faulty summary
was made on April 21, 2020.) As disappointing as the student’s mistake was, it
shows us the beauty of open pedagogy; next time, I will assign another student
to read the novel and improve the former student’s version.
One of the more successful student presentations speaks to the transforma-
tive value of open pedagogy for Latinx students, who are traditionally under-
served by higher education. e student was doing work in the low C range.
For her project, she read I, Rigoberta by Rigoberta Menchu, a Mayan author
from Guatemala. When the student gave her presentation, I was startled by its
quality. Her overview of the historical context revealed a nuanced understanding
of Guatemalan history and the trials experienced by Mayan peoples. Aer the
presentation, the student told me how meaningful the project had been to her
personally, for she had Mayan ancestry and before reading Menchu knew very
little about the culture or history. She earned an A on her presentation, which
brought her nal grade up to a strong B.
Another excellent Slideshare presentation came, remarkably, from a high
school student in Pierce College’s Running Start program. e student exceeded
the assignment expectations by applying analysis techniques learned in class to
assist her interpretation of three poems by Chilean poet, Nicanor Parra. Most
impressive was her thorough yet succinct summary of the political, historical, and
social context of Parra’s work, which grounds her interpretations and makes the
most of her excellent scholarly sources. Her presentation can be found at this link:
https://www.slideshare.net/KalistaWales/poems-and-anti-poems-presentation.
Wikipedia Revision
Another way that students can counter information injustice is by editing or
creating Wikipedia entries about individuals from marginalized groups. Long
before I learned about open pedagogy, I had been editing Wikipedia myself,
because its content oen mirrors the false narratives I nd elsewhere. I was
inspired by working with English Professor Elizabeth Stevens, who assigns
Critical Librarianship and Open Education 229
students to create or edit entries on understudied civil rights leaders and Native
American authors. Her students become very engaged in creating new knowl-
edge on these individuals, and some even end up communicating with the
authors. I give similar assignments in my Information Studies course.
Robin DeRosa and Scott Robison discuss the value of Wikipedia assignments
in their chapter of an important (and open) book on open pedagogy. Testi-
mony by Jon Beasley-Murray at the University of British Columbia conrms
my perception of students’ engagement on these assignments. Beasley-Murray
assigned his students to improve entries on Latin American literature, which he
found “especially weak.” He describes the diligence and motivation of students
who know that instead of sweating over a project destined for the recycling bin,
thousands of people may actually read their work and benet from it.78
Assigning students to edit Wikipedia carries with it a steep learning curve,
and librarians who wish to do so or aid faculty in doing so are advised to use
Wikipedia’s tutorial (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Tutorial/Editing)
and its many helpful aids.
Requesting Corrections of Faulty Information
Unfortunately, I nd examples of awed narratives every day, from my public
library’s catalog labeling Brazil’s right-wing dictatorship a “communist regime”
to Amazon’s erroneous plot summary of El Inerno to a Smithsonian exhibit
about Nueva Canción music that omits the US role in the regime that crushed
that musical movement and murdered its beloved icon, Victor Jara. Surpris-
ingly, some of the most egregious false narratives still occur in encyclopedias.
For example, I found two dierent entries in encyclopedias from Gale Virtual
Reference Library falsely stating that in 2016, Brazilian President Dilma Rous-
se was impeached for her corruption. In fact, her illegal ousting rested on the
unimpeachable oense of a common budgeting practice declared legal two days
aer her removal.79 In response to that case and eight others, I wrote database
vendors requesting corrections. In almost every case, I received gracious replies
followed up by the requested revisions.
Many librarians tell me they also regularly encounter false information. Why
not use these errors as an opportunity to create assignments in which students
write the database vendors, public libraries, etc. to request revisions? Students
can then openly license their letters and share them on a hosting platform to
improve the information landscape on those topics.
Real World Activism
My colleague Dr. Lisa Hurtado is an English professor who teaches an immi-
gration-themed course. She asks her students to research the human rights
conditions of refugee camps around the world, which includes determining the
Chapter 11
230
governments responsible for the camp in question and writing a letter to the
appropriate government entity to express concerns. e letters must be well-re-
searched and written in a positive tone. Many of Dr. Hurtado’s students have
received courteous replies from government ocials around the world. To make
this assignment open, students would simply apply an open license and mount
it on Slideshare or a similar platform.
WHY BOTHER? THE CONSEQUENCES OF
INFORMATION INJUSTICE
It is ironic that foundational critical theorist Paulo Freire is himself a victim of
information injustice. According to librarian Gr Keer, readers of Freire commonly
misinterpret him as someone who opposed using authority in the classroom.80
is is not true; it was authoritarianism to which Freire objected. His objection
arose naturally from his experience with the military dictatorship that arrested,
imprisoned, and exiled him as a traitor for teaching peasants to think about their
place in society as well as to read. e general public’s ignorance about Brazil’s
dictatorship likely contributes to the ongoing confusion about Freire’s stance on
authority. However, this misunderstanding is a relatively minor consequence.
Let us consider more serious ones.
Weis describes the result of mainstream press management of Brazil’s coup
as one that “served … U.S. interests but at the cost of misleading the public and
perpetuating the cold war mentality. is, in turn, prevented a rational assess-
ment of American foreign policy goals and perceptions, and may have resulted
in further misconceptions concerning proper U.S. policies in the ird World.”
81
Weis’ statement posits an interesting question: What would have happened if the
US public had not been misled about its government’s role in Brazil’s coup? If
a brave journalist had succeeded in puncturing the Cold War narrative, would
the US government have been able to articulate the coup that brought to power
Chile’s Augusto Pinochet, whose regime killed 30,000 people? Or to support
Argentina’s dictatorship, which killed another 30,000?
Young echoes Weis’ tragic thought experiment:
Most of the public favors a foreign policy based on international
law and universal human rights but has little knowledge of what the
government and U.S. corporations do overseas. If the public knew,
it would be more dicult for U.S. elites and their allies to continue
violating human rights abroad. Mainstream press coverage system-
atically fails to provide the most basic information about history and
current political realities, highlighting the importance of alternative
media not reliant on corporations or the state.82 (emphasis added)
Critical Librarianship and Open Education 231
QUESTIONS FOR FURTHER EXPLORATION
What else should the public know that it does not, thanks to persistent domi-
nant narratives? I realize that my case study was conned to the rather narrow
topic of US foreign policy in Brazil, but it raises questions for anyone concerned
about the representation of any marginalized group in the academic informa-
tion landscape. Considering the amount of information injustice in mainstream
discourse, it is time to prioritize nondominant perspectives in our collection
development policies.
Many opportunities exist for researchers to analyze the role of encyclopedia
editors in failing to update old, false, or misleading narratives. Librarians might
ask database vendors and publishing companies questions such as “Who sits
on the editorial board? Who else consults on the entries? On what schedule are
entries revised? What are the criteria for updating entries?” Within our own
libraries, we could ask, “What is the librarian’s role in disrupting faulty narratives?
How can we engage faculty and students in creating alternatives to exclusionary
narratives? Has the time arrived for librarians, faculty, and students to become
content creators?” I believe the answer to the last question is a resounding “yes.”
ENDNOTES
1. John J. J. Doherty, “No Shhing: Giving Voice to the Silenced: An Essay in Support of Critical Informa-
tion Literacy,” DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska—Lincoln. Library Philosophy and Practice,
June 2007, 6, https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/libphilprac/133/.
2. Stephen E. Bales and Lea Susan Engle, “e Counterhegemonic Academic Librarian: A Call to Action,”
Progressive Librarian, 40 (2012): 17.
3. Quill West, “Librarians in Pursuit of Open Practices,” in Open: e Philosophy and Practices at Are
Revolutionizing Education and Science, ed. Rajiv S. Jhangiani and Robert Biswas-Diener (London, UK:
Ubiquity Press, 2017), 146, https://www.ubiquitypress.com/site/books/10.5334/bbc/read/?loc=001.
xhtml.
4. James W. Loewen, Lies My Teacher Told Me: Everything Your American History Textbook Got Wrong,
2nd ed. (New York: New Press, 2018), 174, https://4.les.edl.io/0ec3/06/28/18/155729-1b8ab639-28-
4b2d-858e-4ecf1f9cbbc4.pdf.
5. Mauro J. Caraccioli, “Pedagogies of Freedom: Exile, Courage, and Reexivity in the Life of Paulo
Freire,” International Studies Perspectives 19, no. 1 (2017): 27–43, https://doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekx008.
6. Maria Helena Moreira Alves, State and Opposition in Military Brazil (Austin, TX: University of Texas
Press, 1990), 6.
7. James Naylor Green, “e Personal and the Political Under the Brazilian Military Regime,” in A Moth-
er’s Cry: A Memoir of Politics, Prison, and Torture Under the Brazilian Military Dictatorship, ed. Lina
Penna Sattamini, James Naylor Green, and Marcos P. S. de Arruda (Durham, NC: Duke University
Press, 2010) 5.
8. Green, “e Personal and the Political,” 7–8.
9. James Naylor Green, We Cannot Remain Silent Opposition to the Brazilian Military Dictatorship in
the United States (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010), 202; Joan Dassin and Jaime Wright,
Torture in Brazil: A Shocking Report on the Pervasive Use of Torture by Brazilian Military Governments,
1964–1979 (Austin, TX: Institute of Latin American Studies, University of Texas, 1998); A. J. Langguth,
Hidden Terrors: e Truth about U.S. Police Operations in Latin America (New York: Open Road Inte-
grated Media, 2018), 146.
Chapter 11
232
10. Jan Knippers Black, United States Penetration of Brazil (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania
Press, 1977), 39.
11. Green, We Cannot Remain Silent, 29.
12. Ibid., 30.
13. David MacMichael, “Brazil: General’s Coup,” in Encyclopedia of Conicts since World War II, ed. James
Ciment (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2007), 65.
14. Black, United States Penetration, 131.
15. Philip Agee, Inside the Company: CIA Diary (New York: Stonehill Publishing Company, 1975), 361–62.
16. Phyllis R. Parker, Brazil and the Quiet Intervention, 1964, quoted in Green, We Cannot Remain Silent
(Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1979), 46.
17. Black, United States Penetration, 144; Green, We Cannot Remain Silent, 19.
18. Langguth, Hidden Terrors, 280.
19. Black, United States Penetration, 42.
20. Green, We Cannot Remain Silent, 20.
21. MacMichael, “Brazil: General’s Coup,” 361.
22. Black, United States Penetration, 129.
23. Ibid.
24. Ibid., 131.
25. Green, We Cannot Remain Silent, 39.
26. MacMichael, “Brazil: General’s Coup,” 362.
27. Green, We Cannot Remain Silent, 21.
28. Ibid., 38.
29. Ibid., 47.
30. Ruth Leacock, Requiem for Revolution: e United States and Brazil, 1961–1969 (Ashland, OH: e
Kent State University Press, 2013), 252, 258.
31. Rodrigo Patto Sá Motta, “e 1964 Coup and Dictatorship in Opinion Polls,” Tempo 20 (January 2014):
19–20, https://doi.org/10.1590/TEM-1980-542X-2014203627eng.
32. Leacock, Requiem for Revolution, 221; Black, United States Penetration, 1–56; omas E. Skidmore,
Politics in Brazil, 1930–1964: An Experiment in Democracy (New York: Oxford University Press, 20070,
322.
33. Black, United States Penetration, 86.
34. Ibid., 88.
35. Rojas in Black, United States Penetration, 76.
36. Parker, Brazil and the Quiet Intervention, 1964, quoted in Green, We Cannot Remain Silent, 46.
37. “e 1964 ‘Made in Brazil’ Coup and US Contingency Support if the Plot Stalled,” quoting Merco
CIA Agents, MercoPress South Atlantic News Agency, April 15, 2012, https://en.mercopress.
com/2012/04/15/the-1964-made-in-brazil-coup-and-us-contingency-support-plan-if-the-plot-stalled.
38. Green, We Cannot Remain Silent, 241.
39. Black, United States Penetration, 28.
40. Dassin and Wright, Torture in Brazil; Langguth, Hidden Terrors, 146.
41. “Relatório da Comissão Nacional da Verdade,” Comissão Nacional da Verdade, CNV, December 10,
2014, 350, http://cnv.memoriasreveladas.gov.br/todos-volume-1/610-documentos-citados-volume-i.
html.
42. Rodrigo Cardoso, “A Life Marked by Dictatorship,” ISTOÉ (February 23, 2013), https://istoe.com.
br/277884_UMA+VIDA+MARCADA+PELA+DITADURA/.
43. Pedro Fernandes Russo, “Cooperação Para o Intercâmbio Internacional, Desenvolvimento e Ampli-
ação Das Políticas De Justiça Transicional Do Brasil,” Ministério da Justiça, Comissão de Anistia,
Prefeitura de São Paulo, November 2016, 10, https://www.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/cidade/secretarias/
upload/direitos_humanos/2016%20-%20Pedro%20Russo%20-%20Produto%202.pdf.
44. John W. F. Dulles, “Prestes, Luis Carlos (1890-1990),” in Encyclopedia of Latin American History and
Culture, 2nd ed., ed. Jay Kinsbruner and Erick D Langer, vol. 5 (Detroit, MI: Charles Scribner’s Sons,
2008), 363.
45. Todd L. Edwards, Brazil: A Global Studies Handbook (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2008), 159.
46. Edwards, Brazil: A Global Studies, 66.
Critical Librarianship and Open Education 233
47. Paul B. Goodwin, “Brazil,” in Latin America and the Caribbean, 92–102 (New York: McGraw Hill,
2013), 92.
48. Adam Lebor, “Overt and Covert,” e New York Times (November 8, 2013), https://www.nytimes.
com/2013/11/10/books/review/the-brothers-by-stephen-kinzer.html.
49. Howard Cline, “Review,” American Historical Review 67, no. 2 (1962): 455, quoted in Maicon
Vinícius da Silva Carrijo, “John Watson Foster Dulles (1913-2008): A Vocational Historian,” Estu-
dos Históricos (Rio de Janeiro) vol. 21, issue 42. scielo.br (July 2008), https://www.scielo.br/scielo.
php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0103-21862008000200001.
50. Carrijo, “John Watson Foster Dulles,” citing Paula Beiguelman, “Cultura Acadêmica Nacional e Brasil-
ianismo,” in Cultura Brasileira, Temas e Situações, ed. Alfredo Bossi (São Paulo: Ática, 1987), 199–207.
51. Jordan M. Young, “Review. Unrest in Brazil: Political-Military Crises, 1955–1964 by John W. F.
Dulles,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Aairs 13, no. 3/4 (1971): 527, https://doi.
org/10.2307/174938.
52. Carrijo, “John Watson Foster Dulles.”
53. “Todd Edwards, PhD,” Cambiar Investors, September 23, 2020, https://www.cambiar.com/people/
todd-edwards/.
54. Green, We Cannot Remain Silent, 39.
55. Ibid.
56. Clarence W. Hall, “e Country at Saved Itself,” Readers Digest (November 1964): 135.
57. Green, We Cannot Remain Silent, 39.
58. Hall, “e Country at Saved Itself” (back cover).
59. Michael W. Weis, “Government News Management, Bias and Distortion in American Press Coverage
of the Brazilian Coup of 1964,” e Social Science Journal 34, no. 1 (1997), https://doi.org/10.1016/
s0362-3319(97)90018-5.
60. Weis, “Government News Management.”
61. Kevin Young, “Washing U.S. Hands of the Dirty Wars: News Coverage Erases Wash-
ington’s Role in State Terror,” NACLA, July 22, 2013, https://nacla.org/news/2013/7/22/
washing-us-hands-dirty-wars-news-coverage-erases-washington%E2%80%99s-role-state-terror.
62. Young, “Washing U.S. Hands.”
63. Rodney G. S. Carter, “Of ings Said and Unsaid: Power, Archival Silences, and Power in Silence,”
Archivaria 61 (September 2006): 217, https://archivaria.ca/index.php/archivaria/article/view/12541.
64. Louis Althusser, “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses (Notes towards an Investigation),” trans.
Ben Brewster, Louis Althusser Archive, transcribed from Lenin and Philosophy, and Other Essays (New
York: Monthly Review Press, 1971), https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/althusser/1970/ideol-
ogy.htm.
65. Bales and Engle, “e Counterhegemonic Academic,” 18.
66. Bales and Engle, “e Counterhegemonic Academic.”
67. Doherty, “No Shhing: Giving Voice,” 7.
68. Wayne A. Wiegand, “Tunnel Vision and Blind Spots: What the Past Tells Us about the Present;
Reections on the Twentieth-Century History of American Librarianship,” e Library Quarterly
69, no. 1 (1999), https://doi.org/10.1086/603022; “Reections on the Twentieth-Century History of
American Librarianship,” quoted in Douglas Raber, “Librarians as Organic Intellectuals: A Gramscian
Approach to Blind Spots and Tunnel Vision,” e Library Quarterly 73, no. 1 (2003): 33, https://doi.
org/10.1086/603374.
69. Ashley P. Ireland, “Queering Library Instruction for Composition: Embracing the Failure,” in Critical
Library Pedagogy Handbook. Lesson Plans, vol. 2., ed. Saya Umoja Noble, Nicole Pagowsky, and Kelly
McElroy (Chicago: Association of College & Research Libraries, 2016), 145.
70. Lisa Hooper, “Breaking the Ontological Mold: Bringing Postmodernism and Critical Pedagogy into
Archival Educational Programming,” in Critical Library Instruction: eories and Methods, ed. Maria T.
Accardi, Emily Drabinski, and Alana Kumbier (Duluth, MN: Library Juice Press, 2010), 33.
71. Bales and Engle, “e Counterhegemonic Academic.”
72. Carter, “Of ings Said,” 217.
73. Ibid., 225, quoting Verne Harris.
Chapter 11
234
74. David Wiley, “What Is Open Pedagogy?,” Improving Learning (blog), October 31, 2013, https://open-
content.org/blog/archives/2975.
75. A selection of platforms can be found here: Open Resources/Merlot, https://www.aordablelearning-
georgia.org/open_resources/platforms.
76. Langguth, Hidden Terrors, 206.
77. Black, United States Penetration, 147–48; Langguth, Hidden Terrors, 280.
78. Robin De Rosa and Scott Robison, “From OER to Open Pedagogy: Harnessing the Power of Open,” in
Open: e Philosophy and Practices at Are Revolutionizing Education and Science, ed. Rajiv S. Jhang-
iani and Robert Biswas-Diener (London, UK: Ubiquity Press, 2017), https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.
ctv3t5qh3.
79. Katia Guimarães, “Dilma Rousse Has Been Acquitted 5 Times since Her
Impeachment,” BrasilWire (August 31, 2017), https://www.brasilwire.com/
dilma-rousse-has-been-acquitted-5-times-since-her-impeachment/.
80. Gr Keer, “Barriers to Critical Pedagogy in Information Literacy Teaching,” in Critical Library Peda-
gogy Handbook. Lesson Plans, vol. 1., ed. Saya Umoja Noble, Nicole Pagowsky, and Kelly McElroy
(Chicago: Association of College & Research Libraries, 2016), 69.
81. Weis, “Government Management.”
82. Young, “Washing U.S. Hands.”
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