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We examine the multifaceted influence of homeownership on charitable giving through several channels: tax deductibility, household wealth, and mobility. We find that homeowners donate substantially more than renters, and tax deductibility, wealth, and mobility are important predictors of the owner-renter gap in donations. We also show that the owner-renter difference in donations cannot be fully explained by these three channels. After controlling for an extensive list of household characteristics and the three channels, homeowners still donate approximately 20% more than renters. Our results are robust to a variety of modeling and identification strategies as well as different measures of donations. Our study further reveals that the likelihood to donate correlates inversely with mobility but is insensitive to tax deductibility and wealth. In contrast, tax deductibility and wealth are important predictors of the size of contributions. Furthermore, we show the owner-renter difference in donations varies substantially by generation cohorts.
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Does Owning a Home Make Us More
Generous?
Xun Bian
*
G. Brint Ryan College of Business
University of North Texas
xun.bian@unt.edu
Feifei Zhu
Fannie Mae
feifei zhu@fanniemae.com
June 7, 2023
*
Contact Author. G. Brint Ryan College of Business, University of North Texas. 1155 Union Cir-
cle 311160, Denton, Texas #76203-5017. Email: xun.bian@unt.edu.
Acknowledgments: The views expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily those of Fannie
Mae or the Federal Housing Finance Agency. We are grateful to an anonymous referee and the Managing
Editor (Kimberly Goodwin), whose insights have markedly improved the paper. We would also like to thank
Peng Liang, Zhenguo (Len) Lin, and the participants at the 2022 American Real Estate Society (ARES) An-
nual Meeting and the Financial Management Association (FMA) 2022 Annual Meeting for helpful feedback.
All errors are, of course, our own.
Does Owning a Home Make Us More
Generous?
Abstract
We examine the multifaceted influence of homeownership on charitable giving through
several channels: tax deductibility, household wealth, and mobility. We find that
homeowners donate substantially more than renters, and tax deductibility, wealth,
and mobility are important predictors of the owner-renter gap in donations. We also
show that the owner-renter difference in donations cannot be fully explained by these
three channels. After controlling for an extensive list of household characteristics and
the three channels, homeowners still donate approximately 20% more than renters.
Our results are robust to a variety of modeling and identification strategies as well
as different measures of donations. Our study further reveals that the likelihood to
donate correlates inversely with mobility but is insensitive to tax deductibility and
wealth. In contrast, tax deductibility and wealth are important predictors of the size
of contributions. Furthermore, we show the owner-renter difference in donations varies
substantially by generation cohorts.
Keywords: charitable giving, altruism, homeownership
JEL Codes: D10, D64, R20
1
1 Introduction
Charitable giving stems from our desire to help and care for each other and is an important
part of our social and economic life. Americans have a long, and growing, tradition of
giving. According to the Giving USA Foundation, donations made to U.S. charities have been
growing consistently and reached 449.64 billion in 2019.1The vast majority of donations,
an estimated
$
309.66 billion (just a little shy of 70%) come from individuals. Therefore,
it is of paramount importance to understand how the decisions to give are made at the
household level. In this study, we examine the impact of homeownership on charitable
giving. Owning a home is arguably one of the most important parts of the American Dream.
To most of us, homeownership symbolizes financial success and provides a sense of stability.
As famously outlined in Maslow’s hierarchy of needs (Maslow (1943)), humans must first
satisfy physiological needs (e.g. air, food, shelter, etc.) and safety needs (e.g. job security,
economic stability, etc.), before seeking to achieve higher-level needs, such as love, social
belonging, and esteem. By satisfying our basic need for shelter and being a crucial milestone
of economic stability, homeownership could motivate us to arise at the higher stages of
need and inspire us to be more caring and altruistic. Of course, homeownership also comes
with significant costs. Housing expenditures, such as mortgage payments, property tax,
and insurance premiums, could impose budget constraints and possibly limit discretionary
spending such as charitable donations. Additionally, unpredictable maintenance and repairs
may motivate people to increase precautionary savings and, as a result, give less. Does
owning a home make us more generous? If so, why? We attempt to answer these questions
in this study.
It is critical to note that homeownership is a complex social construct that is intertwined
with an array of demographic and economic variables. Therefore, without a doubt, the ef-
fect of homeownership on charitable giving is multifaceted. We first look into three channels
1See https://givingusa.org/giving-usa-2020-charitable-giving-showed-solid-growth-climbing-to-449-64-
billion-in-2019-one-of-the-highest-years-for-giving-on-record/ (accessed on September 13, 2021)
2
through which homeownership may affect charitable giving: tax deductibility,wealth, and
mobility. Owning a home brings about tax benefits, promotes wealth accumulation, and
makes homeowners more likely to have stronger and long-term connections with their com-
munities. Each of those has been extensively studied as a consequence of homeownership.
However, the implications of such relations on charitable giving have been overlooked, and
we are the first to fill this gap. We show that homeowners donate substantially more than
renters, and a significant amount of the difference is attributable to the effects of homeown-
ership on tax deductibility, wealth, and mobility. We further inquire into the question: Are
homeowners more generous beyond these three reasons? The answer appears to be “yes”.
We find that a substantial portion of the owner-renter gap on donations cannot be explained
by the three channels. To address the endogeneity surrounding the selection into homeown-
ership, we apply three modeling techniques: household fixed-effect models, propensity-score
matching (PSM), and matched-sample difference-in-difference (DiD) estimators. Our results
are robust to these modeling and identification strategies. Our findings suggest that home-
ownership increases generosity, and such an effect goes beyond what can be explained by tax
deductibility, household wealth, and mobility.
We further examine two distinct dimensions of charitable giving: the likelihood to donate
and the size of donations (conditional on being a donor). First, we find that homeownership
significantly boosts both the likelihood to donate and the size of donations. Additionally,
we find that the likelihood to donate correlates inversely with mobility (measured by the
duration a household stayed in their community) but is rather insensitive to tax deductibil-
ity and household wealth. In contrast, tax deductibility and wealth play a crucial role in
predicting the size of donations. These results suggest that as opposed to how much to give,
which appears to be a decision influenced more heavily by financial considerations, whether
or not to give exhibits a stronger tie to one’s connection to local communities. We further
look into giving behaviors of different generational cohorts. We find that for baby boomers,
3
owning a home increases giving to both religious and non-religious causes. In contrast, for
Generation X, such an effect exists only for non-religious donations. Finally, we find that
millennial homeowners do not give more than their renter counterparts. Our results suggest
that the effect of homeownership on charitable giving is either age- or generation-dependent.
We are the first to examine the effect of homeownership on charitable giving by inquiring
into whether or not and why owning a home elicits more generosity. Our findings have impor-
tant public policy implications. In the United States, homeownership is heavily subsidized
through preferential tax treatments at the federal and state levels. For example, homeowners,
who itemize their tax returns, can deduct property tax and interest paid on home mortgages.
Additionally, capital gains from home sales are often exempt from taxation. Using data from
1990, Gyourko and Sinai (2003) estimate that tax benefits granted to homeowners reached
almost
$
200 billion. A natural question to ask is: Why should homeowners be given such
substantial tax advantages over renters? What justifies the subsidization of homeownership?
Public policies subsidizing homeownership may be defendable on the ground that owning a
home produces positive externalities, that is, social benefits accrued to people other than
homeowners themselves. Previous studies, over the past two decades, show that homeown-
ership produces several kinds of external benefits. First, there is evidence that living in
owner-occupied dwellings could be beneficial to children. For example, children of home-
owners stay in school longer, and they have better cognitive abilities and fewer behavior
problems (Green and White (1997) and Haurin et al. (2002)). Furthermore, homeownership
benefits neighbors and communities. Relative to renters, homeowners take better care of
their homes and produce a positive spillover effect on neighborhood appearance and, as a re-
sult, the values of nearby properties (Galster (1983) and Harding et al. (2000)). Additionally,
homeowners are more involved community members and contribute more efforts to improve
their neighborhoods (Rossi and Weber (1996) and DiPasquale and Glaeser (1999)). We join
this stream of literature by examining the external benefits of homeownership through the
4
lens of charitable giving. Our study complements previous literature by identifying an addi-
tional avenue through which homeownership produces social benefits. Our findings supply
another potential justification for encouraging homeownership.
We also look into why homeowners donate more than renters. Intertwined with many
aspects of our social and economic life, homeownership’s influence on donation is multi-
dimensional. By separating the three motives to give, tax deductibility, household wealth,
and mobility, we hope to accomplish two important purposes. First, understanding how
much homeowners’ greater generosity can be attributed to the three channels is important
in its own right. Although tax treatments, wealth, and mobility are closely related to home-
ownership in the United States, such associations are by no means intrinsic, permanent,
and universal. For example, tax rules change over time and vary substantially from place
to place. Most recently, the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) of 2017 nearly doubled the
standard deduction and, as a result, substantially reduced tax advantages of homeownership
relative to renting. Furthermore, while U.S. homeowners receive considerable tax subsidies,
this is not the case in many other countries. Therefore, understanding the role tax incentives
play in affecting donations enables us to forecast how giving behaviors may react to future
tax rule changes and comprehend how donations may vary geographically. Additionally, al-
though homeownership is shown to promote wealth accumulation, such an effect is far from
guaranteed. There are periods during which homeowners saw their net worth decimated by
falling house prices. The 2007 2009 subprime mortgage crisis is the latest example. During
this period, U.S. housing prices fell by nearly 30%, and U.S. household net worth declined
by nearly
$
13 trillion (20%) from its 2007 pre-crisis peak. Furthermore, the wealth growth
of homeowners varies tremendously across different income and racial groups. For example,
low-income and minority homeowners experience much less wealth growth relative to their
high-income and white counterparts (Loving et al. (2012) and Newman and Holupka (2016)).
Therefore, examining the wealth channel provides insights into how giving behaviors could
5
be different across time and demographic groups.
Second, controlling for tax deductibility, household wealth, and mobility and then ex-
amining whether or not homeowners still donate more enables us to measure the “core”
homeownership effect, that is, the impact of homeownership on donation in addition to
these three channels. In the U.S., homeownership comes with “perks”. Owning a home
leads to tax benefits, helps accumulate wealth, and makes homeowners more likely to bene-
fit from improvements in their communities. For those reasons, it is perhaps not surprising
that homeowners donate more. First, the deductibility of mortgage interest and property tax
makes U.S. homeowners much more likely to itemize than renters. Because charitable giving
is also deductible under itemization, homeowners, on average, enjoy a lower after-tax cost of
donation than renters. Do homeowners give more simply because it is cheaper for them to
do good? If so, the association between owning a home and greater generosity is merely an
outcome of the tax rules rather than a true external benefit resulting from homeownership.
Furthermore, owning a home promotes wealth accumulation, and the wealth effect may in-
crease giving. However, if the owner-renter difference in donation is only attributable to their
wealth gap, then as far as motivating people to give, there is little difference between owning
a home versus holding any other assets that can appreciate in value (e.g. stocks, bonds,
cryptocurrencies, etc.). It is perhaps worth noting that in the United States, gains from
home sales are often exempt from the capital gains tax, an advantage enjoyed by few other
assets. Can such preferential tax treatment be justified if the wealth effect fully explains the
owner-renter gap in donations? Finally, being less mobile, homeowners are stable residents
of their communities. With their greater financial stakes in the community, more social
interactions with their neighbors, and stronger emotional attachments to where they live,
homeowners possess stronger incentives to help improve local communities. Homeowners’
greater generosity may be, at least partially, motivated by the fact that they are more likely
to benefit from future improvements in their neighborhoods. Are homeowners more generous
6
only because they are more likely to be beneficiaries of their own generosity? To answer all
those questions, we must carefully control the three channels and examine the “core” effect
of homeownership. After controlling for tax deductibility, household wealth, and mobility,
we find homeowners still donate approximately 20% more than renters indicating a “core”
homeownership effect on charitable giving.
We also contribute to the literature by carefully examining the possible causal effect of
homeownership on donations. The choice of owning a home is not random, and the endo-
geneity issue surrounding who chooses to become a homeowner must be carefully addressed
before a causal inference can be made. We begin by estimating household fixed-effect models
controlling for a long list of economic and demographic characteristics as well as unobserved
household heterogeneity. We also conduct a propensity score matching (PSM) analysis,
which adjusts for distributional overlap in household characteristics. Our regression and
PSM analyses yield similar estimates of the homeownership effect on donations. Moreover,
we apply matched-sample DiD estimators to examine the short time window around the
transitions into homeownership. We find new homeowners start to give significantly more
than their counterfactuals (i.e. renters who are otherwise similar) after switching from rent-
ing to owning. By applying a variety of identification and modeling strategies, we obtain a
set of estimates that are largely consistent. Taken together, our findings suggest that the
positive correlation between homeownership and generosity is likely to be causal.
The remainder of the paper proceeds as follows: Section 2 reviews relevant previous re-
search, Section 3 provides an overview of the data used in our analysis, Section 4 describes
our empirical methodologies and presents our main findings, Section 5 extends our main anal-
ysis by exploring 1) religious versus non-religious donations and 2) generational differences
in donations. Section 6 offers concluding remarks.
7
2 Related Literature
Our work relates to several streams of literature. First, we join the set of studies that
examine the determinants of charitable giving. Much of the attention has been focused on
the effects of income and tax deductibility. In general, higher income and a reduced after-
tax price of donations lead to more giving (Feldstein and Clotfelter (1976) and Feldstein
and Taylor (1976)). Randolph (1995) points out that in response to the fluctuation of
income and marginal tax rates, taxpayers adjust the timing of donations to reduce the after-
tax price of giving. Therefore, permanent and transitory income should be differentiated
when modeling the effect of tax deductibility. Otherwise, the elasticity to the after-tax
price of donation would be overestimated. By separating the transitory and permanent
components of income, Auten et al. (2002) find that permanent income changes have a
substantially larger impact on donations than transitory shocks. Additionally, previous
studies also find that charitable giving correlates with many household demographic and
economic characteristics. For instance, donations appear to be positively associated with
age, education, and marriage. Furthermore, people of faith and households with children
give more (Glenday et al. (1986) and Schokkaert (2006)). Donations to different causes
appear to be correlated. For example, Brown et al. (2012) find that donations specifically
for victims of natural disasters are positively associated with other donations, with donations
to caring and needy organizations having the strongest correlation. We contribute to this
set of studies by showing that, in addition to determinants already identified in previous
literature, homeownership status also plays a critical role in shaping the decisions to give.
Furthermore, our results suggest that tax benefits granted to homeowners have two separate
effects on donations. First, as shown in previous studies, through the tax-deductibility
channel, tax breaks reduce the cost of donations for homeowners and motivate existing
homeowners to be more generous. Second, there could be an additional homeownership
channel, that is, preferential tax treatments motivating more people to become homeowners,
and homeownership elicits more generosity. We supply evidence that after controlling for
8
the after-tax cost of donation, the owner-renter difference in donation is still positive and
quite substantial.
Our study also contributes to the literature analyzing the consequences of homeownership.
This literature is vast and covers a wide range of areas.2Here, we only review previous
studies that are directly related to our analysis: the effects of homeownership on 1) wealth
accumulation and 2) mobility and civic engagement. Owner-occupied housing is both a
consumption and an investment good, and house price appreciation boosts a household’s
wealth. It is widely believed that owning a home promotes wealth accumulation. Di et al.
(2007) analyze the impact of housing tenure choices on wealth accumulation, and they find
that homeowners, especially those who owned their homes for long periods, enjoy a greater
increase in net worth. Along the same line, Turner and Luea (2009) find that family net
worth is, in general, positively associated with the length of homeownership. The authors also
document that such a wealth-accumulation effect varies by income level. Wealthy households
gain more from homeownership than their low- and moderate-income counterparts. Several
other studies confirmed the income effect and also find a race effect: White homeowners
experience more wealth increase than African-American homeowners (Loving et al. (2012),
and Newman and Holupka (2016)). We add to this literature by showing that house price
appreciation can affect charitable giving through the wealth channel. By examining how
much of the owner-renter difference in charitable giving can be explained by the wealth gap
between owners and renters, we find household wealth to be positively related to giving.
However, the wealth gap between owners and renters can only explain a rather small portion
of their difference in giving.
Empirical evidence overwhelmingly shows that relative to renters, homeowners are more
stable residents in their communities. As a result, homeowners are thought to be more en-
gaged members of their neighborhoods. Consistent with this notion, Rossi and Weber (1996)
2For a more comprehensive review of consequences of homeownership, see Dietz and Haurin (2003).
9
find that homeowners are more likely to be members of community improvement groups. Di-
Pasquale and Glaeser (1999) show that homeowners are more likely to vote in local elections
and solve local problems. However, using an exogenous instrument based on a randomized
trial, Engelhardt et al. (2010) find little evidence that switching from renting to owning
increases civic or neighborhood involvement. We look at civic engagement from a different
angle through charitable giving. By inquiring into how much of homeowners’ generosity is
due to their longer, and most likely stronger, connections with their communities, we show
that staying in a community longer increases giving by boosting the likelihood to donate.
However, a longer residency seems to have a limited impact on how much people give. In
general, our findings are consistent with previous studies that find homeownership increases
civic engagement.
3 Data
Our data comes from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID), a longitudinal survey
on a representative sample of U.S. households administrated by the Institute for Social
Research of the University of Michigan. The PSID survey was conducted annually between
1968 and 1997, and it was then shifted to a biennial frequency in 1999. For our analysis,
the PSID data possesses several important advantages. First, it is one of the few datasets
that contain information on charitable giving. Furthermore, in addition to information
on donations and homeownership status, the PSID also contains a wealth of household
demographic and economic characteristics. This is particularly important to us because to
identify the effects of tax deductibility, wealth, and mobility, variables must be constructed
to measure those factors, and the PSID data provides the necessary ingredients for us to
do that. Additionally, given the endogenous nature of homeownership choices, it is critical
to control for relevant household characteristics to minimize potential omitted variable bias.
Thanks to the richness of the PSID data, we can include a long list of control variables in
10
our analysis. Another crucial advantage of the PSID is that it tracks the same household
over time, and this allows us to do two things. First, we are able to control for unobserved
household heterogeneity by estimating household fixed-effect models. Second, it also enables
us to zero in on the short time window during which a household switched from renting to
owning with our matched-sample difference-in-difference (DiD) analysis.
Our donation data comes from the 2003 2019 PSID surveys. Households are asked how
much they donated in the last year towards the eleven different charitable causes: religious,
combo, needy, health, education, youth, culture, community, environment, world peace,
and others.3Our dependent variable, donationi
t, is calculated as the summation of the
eleven categories of donation of household ireported on survey year t. PSID also collects
information on homeownership status by asking whether or not a household owns its current
residence. We use the indicator variable homeowneri
tto capture the homeownership status
of household ireported at year t.4
One of the goals we attempt to accomplish in our study is to examine the three different
channels: tax deductibility, wealth, and mobility, through which homeownership may impact
donations. To do that, we must measure and control those factors in our models. As shown
by previous studies, charitable donations are sensitive to the after-tax price of donations.5In
the U.S., taxpayers who itemize can deduct charitable donations from their federal and state
income taxes. Therefore, for itemizers, the price of donation is approximately one minus
the household’s marginal tax rate. For non-itemizers, the price of donation is simply one,
3The PSID begins to collect information on donations in 2001. However, in the initial year, the dollar
values were reported only for the first five categories. For the other six categories, the PSID only asked
whether or not donations were made, to which the respondents answered “yes” or “no”. Since 2003, dollar
values are reported on all eleven categories. For our donation variable to have a consistent interpretation
across time and also to better capture all donations, we choose 2003 to be the starting point of our analysis.
The 2019 survey is the latest PSID survey at the time when we conduct our research.
4PSID classifies mobile home owners as homeowners. However, most mobile home owners pay rent for
their lots. Due to the idiosyncrasy of their ownership arrangement, we eliminate from our sample the small
fraction of mobile home owners.
5Following previous literature, we henceforth refer to the after-tax price of donations as the price of
donations.
11
because, without deduction, each dollar of donation costs one dollar. Two challenges must
be overcome in order to estimate a household’s price of donations. First, although the PSID
collects information on itemization, it contains no information about a household’s marginal
tax rate. Following Auten et al. (2002) and Brown et al. (2012), we use the National Bureau
of Economic Research (NBER) TAXSIM program to estimate the marginal federal and state
income tax rates. Specifically, we follow the method described in Kimberlin et al. (2014) to
estimate the input parameters (e.g. marital status, ages of taxpayers, number of dependents,
wage and salary, other income, itemization, etc.) from the PSID data, and we then feed the
estimated parameters into the TAXSIM program to obtain the estimated marginal federal
and state income tax rates for each household. Another issue is that the decision to itemize
is not exogenous and could be influenced by the level of charitable donation. For example,
some taxpayers would not want to itemize if they did not donate. In this case, charitable
donations could alter the decision to itemize. Clotfelter (1980) suggests that this endogeneity
issue could potentially bias the estimated price of donations. Following Clotfelter (1980),
Auten et al. (2002), and Brown et al. (2012), we do two things to address this issue. We
first eliminate from our sample “endogenous itemizers” defined as those who would not
have chosen to itemize in the absence of charitable donation.6Second, when we estimate
marginal tax rates, we set charitable donation to be zero to obtain the “first-dollar price” of
donation, which does not depend on the amount of charitable donation. Randolph (1995)
and Auten et al. (2002) suggest that permanent and transitory income may have distinct
effects on donation. To separate permanent and transitory income, we follow Wilhelm et al.
(2008) and estimate the permanent component of family income of household iat year t,
permanentincomei
t, by averaging family income over the recent past (using up to four surveys
6Following Clotfelter (1980), Auten et al. (2002), and Brown et al. (2012), we define “endogenous item-
izers” as those who would not have chosen to itemize in the absence of charitable donation. To identify
“endogenous itemizers”, we begin with the sample of itemizers (as reported in the PSID). We first feed
their information into the TAXSIM program to determine whether or not they should itemize. We then set
their charitable donations to zero and reestimate whether or not the household would have itemized without
charitable donations. A household is an “endogenous itemizer” if they reported being an itemizer and are
predicted to itemize, but only when donations are included among itemized deductions.
12
depending on whether or not the household was in the panel over that period). To account
for the possible impact of income variability, we also control for the standard deviation of
permanent income.
Wealth can be correlated with homeownership for at least two reasons: self-selection and
wealth accumulation. First, wealthy families may be more likely to become homeowners in
the first place. The selection of wealthy families into homeownership implies the positive
relationship between homeownership and donation could be spurious. Additionally, as shown
by previous studies, owning a home promotes wealth accumulation. The wealth module of the
PSID contains extensive information on family assets and liabilities. Using that information,
the PSID calculates for each household their net worth. Specifically, this imputed value is
constructed as housing equity plus the summation of seven asset categories net of debt
(summation of eight debt categories).7We control for household net worth in some of our
specifications to disentangle the wealth effect on donation.
There is a considerable body of literature focusing on the effect of homeownership on
mobility. The consensus is that homeowners are less mobile than renters. Reduced mobility,
which could be equated with stability, provides incentives to improve one’s community.
Given a lot of donations may be made locally, we hypothesize that the positive association
between homeownership and mobility can boost donations. We employ two variables to
capture household mobility. First, we look at how many times a household reported moving
during the past six years and record it using the variable # of moves. Households with
more frequent relocations in the past may reasonably expect themselves to be more mobile
in the future. Additionally, we also construct the variable years since move, computed as
the number of years since a household’s most recent move. Staying in the same community
7Housing equity is calculated as house value minus the total outstanding balance of mortgages. The seven
asset categories are farm or business, checking and saving accounts, other real estate assets, stocks, vehicles,
annuity and IRA, and other assets. The eight debt categories are farm or business debt, other real estate
debt, credit card debt, student loans, medical debt, legal debt, loans from relatives, and other debt.
13
longer, a household is more likely to establish a stronger connection with neighbors, friends,
and local organizations and, as a result, more likely to give. To examine this channel, we
control for # of moves and years since move in some of our specifications.
Following previous literature, we also include in our models an array of economic and
demographic household characteristics that can influence donations. Specifically, we control
for household income, age of the household head (both the linear and the squared terms),
size of the household (measured as the number of persons), the number of children, sex of
the household head, employment status, marital status, race, levels of education, religious
preference, and self-reported health status. Table 1 presents the descriptive statistics of
these variables. Sample means and standard deviations are reported for our full sample as
well as the homeowner and renter subsamples. A simple mean comparison reveals that on
average, homeowners donate approximately four times more than renters on an annual basis
(
$
1,741 vs.
$
415). A similar pattern emerges when looking at religious and non-religious
donations separately. Furthermore, we define donori
tas a binary variable indicating whether
or not household imade a donation, regardless of the amount, during year t. Table 1
shows that homeowners are twice more likely than renters to be a donor in a given year.
Table 1 also reveals critical differences in household characteristics between owners and
renters. For example, homeowners, as expected, have a lower price of donations than renters.
Additionally, owning a home is associated with higher levels of income, greater net worth,
older age, higher education attainment, and lower mobility. Our empirical analysis will
control for these differences when estimating the effect of homeownership on donations.
14
4 Empirical Analysis
4.1 Regression Analysis
We begin by estimating the following household fixed-effect model to examine the rela-
tionship between donation reported in survey t+ 1 and the homeownership status reported
in survey t. To help establish causality, we make sure our homeownership variable predates
the donation. Specifically, our regression model takes the following semi-log form:
ln(donationi
t+1) = β0+β1homeowneri
t+β2Zi
t+β3Yt+β4Si
t+β5Hi+εi
t(1)
where the natural logarithm of household donation reported in survey t+ 1 is regressed on
homeownership status, homeowneri
t, together with an array of control variables Zi
t.8In all of
our specifications, we include in Zi
tthe set of demographic and economic variables described
in the previous section. Additionally, to account for unobserved time-varying and state-
specific variations of charitable, we also control for survey-year fixed effects, Yt, and state
fixed effect, Si
t. Finally, there could be unobserved attributes that make certain households
more likely to self-select into homeownership and, at the same time, lead them to donate
more. To control for unobserved household-level heterogeneity, we include in our regression
models household fixed effects, Hi.
We estimate five specifications. In the first one, we only include in Zi
thousehold de-
mographic and economic characteristics, survey-year, state, and household fixed effects but
exclude variables related to tax deductibility, wealth, and mobility. We then incrementally
add variables related to the three channels and further estimate three additional specifica-
tions (Specifications [2] - [4]). Adding variables related to the three channels step-by-step
serves two important purposes. First, it allows us to study whether or not each of those
channels is an important determinant of charitable giving and its relative significance in
8Donations are zeros for some household-year observations, and a logarithmic transformation would render
those undefined. Following previous literature, we add
$
1 to the donation before taking the natural log.
15
explaining the owner-renter difference in donations. Furthermore, we are particularly inter-
ested in if homeownership status can still predict donations after-tax deductibility, wealth,
and mobility are controlled. If so, beyond the three indirect channels, ownership must pos-
sess some additional effects on charitable giving. Additionally, we also estimate an additional
specification (Specification 5) looking at donation as a percentage of income. Redefine our
dependent variable as
%donationi
t+1 =donationi
t+1
incomei
t+1
×100,(2)
we re-estimate our baseline regression to see whether or not homeowners give a larger fraction
of their income.
Table 2 presents regression coefficients and t-values estimated from Equation (1). Survey-
year, state, and household fixed effects are included in all specifications but suppressed in
the table for brevity. Several observations can be made from Table 2. First, homeowneri
t
consistently exhibits a strong positive correlation with donation across our four specifications
(all significant at the 1% level). However, its marginal effect decreases substantially as we
add variables measuring tax deductibility, wealth, and mobility into the model. For example,
with only household characteristics plus survey-year, state, and household fixed effects being
controlled, our first specification suggests that ceteris paribus, homeowners, on average, do-
nate approximately 30% more than renters. As we add variables related to tax deductibility,
wealth, and mobility, the coefficient on homeowneri
tgradually decreases to 0.213 in Spec-
ification 4, suggesting that after the three channels are controlled for, homeowners donate
just a little over 20% more than renters. Incrementally adding tax deductibility, wealth, and
mobility to our model reveals that these three channels can explain approximately 10 per-
centage points, or one-third, of the variation that were previously captured by homeowneri
t.
Looking at % donation, we find that although the point estimate suggests a positive rela-
tionship between homeownership and giving a larger fraction of household income, such a
16
relationship appears to be statistically insignificant. Therefore, there is no evidence that
homeowners give a larger fraction of their income. This new specification also reveals some
other patterns. For example, the standard deviation of permanent income and wealth are
much stronger predictors of % donation than of ln(donation), suggesting that households
with more stable income and greater wealth donate a larger fraction of their income.
The estimated marginal effects of tax deductibility, wealth, and mobility all have expected
signs. Congruent with previous literature, we find that a reduced price of donations incen-
tivizes people to give more (significant at the 1% level in Specifications [2], [3], and [4]).
Consistent with Auten et al. (2002), our point estimates suggest that the permanent compo-
nent of household income has a positive effect on donation, and the variability of permanent
income, measured by its standard deviation, appears to reduce charitable giving. However,
neither of them is statistically significant at conventional levels. As expected, wealthy house-
holds give more. Additionally, we find years since move is an important predictor of the
amount of donation (significant at the 1% level). Specifically, each additional year staying
in the same community increases donations by approximately 0.9%. Additionally, coeffi-
cients of our controlled background variables generally have expected signs. Consistent with
virtually all previous studies on charitable giving, higher income is associated with more
donations. The coefficients on age and age2point to an inverted U-shaped relationship of
age on donations. We believe this pattern could be, at least in part, due to the positive effect
of having school-age children on donation (discussed in the next paragraph). Middle-aged
households are more likely to have school-aged children. Consistent with this conjecture,
the effect of age and age2becomes less significant when we later control for the age of the
youngest child. Consistent with Glenday et al. (1986) and Schokkaert (2006), we also find
that donations increase with the number of children. Furthermore, we find married couples
donate more than their single, divorced, and separated counterparts. Finally, poor health
substantially reduces donations.
17
In our baseline regressions, We control for the number of children. It is possible that
children’s age may also be a crucial determinant of charitable giving. Unfortunately, our
dataset does not contain information about the ages of all children in a household. How-
ever, the PSID does survey families regarding the age of their youngest child. Using this
information, we estimate two additional specifications using the sample of households with
children. First, we control the age of the youngest child directly. We realize this specifica-
tion forces a linear relationship between charitable giving and the age of the youngest child.
Therefore, we also estimate a more flexible specification by including in our regression three
age groups. Following the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC)’s definition
of child development milestones, we classify the youngest child of a household into 1) in-
fant/toddlers/preschoolers (age 0-5) (the reference group), 2) middle childhood (age 6-11),
and 3) young teens/teenagers (age 12-17).9Results from both specifications are reported
in Table A2. From the first specification, we observe that having charitable givings are,
generally speaking, positively associated with the age of the youngest child. The second
specification further reveals that such an effect is primarily driven by households whose
youngest child is in middle childhood (age 6-11).
4.2 The Likelihood to Donate and the Size of Donation
We further explore two distinct dimensions of charitable giving: the likelihood to donate
and the size of donation (conditional being a donor). Studying the likelihood to donate and
the size of donations separately is important and interesting for several reasons. First, while
the size of contributions may be constrained by disposable income, whether or not to donate
is more likely to be a free choice and possibly a better indicator of people’s willingness to help
others. A gift, no matter how small, is an act of kindness and caring. As a result, relative
to how much to give, the decision of whether or not to give may be less sensitive to financial
considerations such as income, wealth, and tax deductibility. Second, the act of giving
9See https://www.cdc.gov/ncbddd/childdevelopment/positiveparenting/index.html (accessed on
January 22, 2023)
18
indicates awareness and, more importantly, a willingness to take action for a charitable
cause. It is possible that donors, in addition to giving money, are also more likely than
non-donors to engage in altruistic and socially conscious behaviors (e.g. volunteering and
recycling). In this case, holding the total amount of donation constant, having more people
donate, though each makes only a small contribution, would arguably be a more desirable
social outcome than having just a few very generous donors. For these reasons, we model
the likelihood to donate and the size of donations separately.
First, we want to know whether or not owning a home promotes the act of giving (re-
gardless of how much they give). In other words, relative to renters, are homeowners more
likely to be donors? We use the variable donori
tto indicate whether or not a household
donated, regardless of how much, in a particular year, and we model the likelihood to give
with a logit regression. Second, we are also interested in conditional on being a donor, do
homeowners donate more than renters? Because donors are by no means a random sample
of all households, we apply the two-stage Heckman sample selection model (Heckman (1974)
to correct for potential selection bias. Using our sample of all households, we estimate a
first-stage selection model of whether or not a household donates a non-zero amount via a
probit regression. We then calculate the inverse Mills ratio (λi
t) from our selection model and
include that in our second-stage regression. To help with identification, we exclude from our
second-stage regression two variables that are predictors of the likelihood of being a donor
but insignificantly associated with the size of donation: # of moves and years since move.
The rationale is that whether or not to donate depends more on a family’s connection with
their community. On the other hand, conditional on being a donor, how much to give is
more likely to be influenced by the price of donations and income.
The left-hand side panel of Table 3 reports results from our logit model examining the
likelihood to donate. Logit coefficients and t-values are reported. The right-hand side panel
shows the results of our second-stage regression from the Heckman model, which examines
19
the size of donations. Several interesting observations can be made from Table 3. First, our
results indicate that the likelihood to donate and the size of donations are influenced by tax
deductibility and mobility in very different ways. For example, price of donation is influ-
ential to the size of donations (significant at the 5% level) but insignificant in predicting the
likelihood to donate. On the other hand, years since move, which measures a household’s
duration of residency in their current community, is critical in determining the likelihood
to donate but insignificant in predicting the amount of contribution. Taken together, our
results suggest that how much to donate is more likely to be a decision made based on the
price of donations and income. On the other hand, whether or not to donate depends much
more on a household’s connection with their community. Furthermore, we also find that even
after controlling for tax deductibility, wealth, and mobility, homeownership substantially in-
creases both the likelihood to donate and the size of contribution (both are significant at the
1% level). Our estimated odds ratio suggests that owning a home raises the relative odds of
being a donor by 25.3%. Conditional being a donor, homeowners donate 16.6% more than
renters.
4.3 Propensity Score Matching (PSM) Analysis
Our regression analysis indicates that homeowners donate more than renters, and such
an effect is beyond what can be fully explained by tax deductibility, wealth, and mobility.
Although we controlled for a long list of covariates and unobserved heterogeneities through
fixed effects, it is still possible that our regression models could suffer from potential model
misspecification errors and omitted variable biases. Therefore, we also conduct a propensity
score matching (PSM) analysis, which we believe possesses several important advantages and
complements our regression analysis. First, there could be a lack of distributional overlap
between homeowners (the treated group) and renters (the control group) on observable char-
acteristics, and this can cause possible biases on the estimated marginal effects. The PSM
approach can detect the lack of covariate distribution between our owner and renter samples
20
and adjust the distribution accordingly. Second, the PSM analysis provides an alternative
way to account for observable household heterogeneity and, as a result, mitigate potential
endogeneity concerns. By matching homeowners and renters along observable dimensions,
the PSM makes the variable of interest (i.e. homeownership) the only difference between
the treated and control groups (Rosenbaum and Rubin (1983)). In addition to accounting
for observable factors, several previous studies suggest that when an extensive number of
covariates are included, a PSM analysis minimizes the systematic variation in donations due
to unobservable differences between the two groups and, therefore, approximates a random-
ized control trial (Shadish et al. (2008), Holupka and Newman (2012), Newman and Holupka
(2016)).
We conduct our PSM analysis in several steps. We first estimate the propensity score of
each household being a homeowner via the following logit model.
homeowneri
t=γ0+γ1Zi
t+γ2Si
t+ηi
t(3)
Zi
tincludes 1) all household economic and demographic variables we controlled in our regres-
sion models, 2) the variables related to tax deductibility, wealth, and mobility, and 3) state
fixed effects. Propensity scores are obtained by calculating the fitted values from Equation
(2). Dehejia and Wahba (2002) suggest that relative to matching with replacement, matching
without replacement improves the precision of the estimates. We follow this recommendation
and match, without replacement, each homeowner household-year observation with a renter
household-year observation from the same year by applying the one-to-one nearest-neighbor
matching method. By applying a year-specific matching, our matching method accounts
for unobserved time-varying factors that affect homeownership. To ensure only high-quality
matches are used for our estimation, we follow Austin (2009) and Strawinski (2013) and
impose a caliber of 1%, that is, we require the propensity scores for each matched pair to be
within 1.0% of each other. Our procedure produces a matched sample of 20,434 observations
21
(i.e. 10,217 owner-renter pairs).
We follow Rosenbaum and Rubin (1985) and Lee (2013) and conduct three diagnostic
tests to check if the overlapping and balancing conditions are met by our matched sample.
First, if our matching is successful, the treated and control groups should have similar distri-
butions of propensity scores, that is, they possess a similar estimated likelihood of becoming
homeowners. As shown in Table A3 in the appendix, the distributions of propensity scores of
the treated and control groups are almost identical to each other. Not only the treated and
control groups are very similar in their means and standard deviations, but the medians and
upper and lower quartiles are extremely close. Second, if our homeowners and their matched
renters are indeed counterfactuals of each other, we would expect the two groups to be, on
average, similar along observable dimensions. Therefore, we check if household characteris-
tics, on which our matching was based, are similar between the treated and control groups.
As reported in column [2] of Table A4 in the appendix, after the matching, the differences
in average household characteristics are very small and mostly statistically insignificant.10
Finally, we examine whether or not the variation of homeownership in our matched sample
can still be explained by controlled household characteristics. The rationale is that after
matching, the treated and control groups should be similar enough such that their difference
in homeownership choice is not attributable to observable characteristics. To ensure this
condition is satisfied, we re-estimate Equation (3) using our matched sample. As shown in
column [1] of Table A4 in the appendix, the vast majority of our household characteristics,
after matching, are statistically insignificant in explaining homeownership status. Addition-
ally, this regression yields a small pseudo R2of 0.6%, and a likelihood-ratio test produces
ap-value of 0.701. Both indicate that after matching, observable household characteristics
can no longer explain the choice of homeownership. Collectively, our diagnostic tests give us
confidence that our matching is successful.
10Two-sample t-tests are conducted on continuous variables, and two-sample χ2-tests are conducted on
categorical variables.
22
We estimate the average treatment effect by regressing ln(donationi
t+1) on homeowneri
t
using our matched sample controlling for household characteristics, survey-year, state, and
household fixed effects. The results of our PSM analysis are reported in Table 4. We yield an
estimated treatment effect of 0.237 (significant at the 1% level), suggesting that on average,
homeowners donate 23.7% more than their otherwise similar renter counterparts. Because
we included variables related to tax deductibility, wealth, and mobility when estimating
propensity scores, our treatment effect estimate is comparable to the estimated regression
coefficient when the three channels are controlled in the model (Specification 4 in Table 2).
Comparing the two, we find the estimated marginal effect from our PSM analysis is very
similar to that produced by our household fixed-effect regression (0.237 vs. 0.213). We
further estimate the treatment effects on the likelihood to donate and the size of donations
separately. For the likelihood to donate, we estimate a logit model, using our matched sam-
ple, regressing donori
t+2 on homeowneri
tand other household characteristics. For the size of
donations, we focus only on donors in our matched sample and regress ln(donation)i
t+2 on
homeowneri
tand other household characteristics. Estimated treatment effects are positive
and highly significant (at the 1% level) for both. Our PSM results suggest that homeown-
ership raises the relative odds of being a donor by 35.3%. Conditional on being a donor,
homeowners donate 12.1% more than renters.
4.4 Matched-Sample Difference-in-Difference Estimation
We further analyze the effect of homeownership on charitable giving under a matched-
sample difference-in-difference (DiD) framework.11 Our matched-sample DiD analysis pos-
sesses several important advantages. First, while people self-select into homeownership, the
timing of becoming homeowners is arguably more random and, thus, less susceptible to po-
tential endogeneity problems. Second, by focusing on donations immediately after becoming
11Newman and Holupka (2016) applied a similar method to study the effect of homeownership on wealth
accumulation. Additionally, Barker and Miller (2009) used the difference-in-difference method to study the
effect of homeownership on child welfare.
23
homeowners, our DiD estimates capture the owner-renter difference on donations correlated
with the change of homeownership. In other words, our DiD estimators are immune to time-
invariant confounders and time-variant confounders that are group-invariant. Third, both
the wealth-accumulation effect and the mobility effect of homeownership take time to build.
By focusing on donations made at the initial stage of homeownership, our DiD estimators
remove the effects from these two channels.
Similar to our PSM analysis, we defined homeownership as the treatment. However,
instead of looking at all homeowners, we focused on households who switched from renting
to owning at year t. Specifically, our treated group includes observations reported being a
“renter”, “owner”, and “owner” respectively at time t1, t, and t+ 1.
t1t t + 1
Treated group Renter Owner Owner
Control group Renter Renter Renter
For each observation in our treatment group, we apply the propensity-score matching pro-
cedure described in Section 4.3 to match it with a similar renter counterpart from the same
year, who reported being a “renter” at time t1, t, and t+ 1. Our matching procedure aims
to create a matched sample mimicking a randomized controlled trial in which a new home-
owner, who switched from renting to owning at t, is matched with a renter who possesses
a similar propensity to become a homeowner but did not make the switch. To ensure high
matching quality, we conduct the same diagnostic tests described in the previous section to
ensure the overlapping and balancing conditions are met.12 We then estimate the following
household panel regression using our matched sample:
ln(donationi
t) = δ1treatment ×posti
t+δ2Hi+δ3Yt+εi
t(4)
where treatment indicates whether or not an observation belongs to the treatment group,
12Results of our overlapping and balancing tests are available upon request.
24
and posti
tidentifies the post-treatment period. Therefore, treatment ×posti
ttakes the value
of 1 if household ibecame homeowners at year tand stayed homeowners at year t+ 2. The
estimated δ1is our DiD estimator of the impact on charitable giving from the change of
ownership status (i.e. transitioning from owning to renting at time t). Additionally, we
also control for survey-year and household fixed effects. It is important to note that simple
standard DiD models often only control for treatment and post-treatment fixed effects, that
is, treatment and posti
tare included in Equation (3) in addition to their interaction term.
We are able to go beyond that and control for both survey-year and household fixed effects
because 1) in our treatment group, households became homeowners in different years, and 2)
some households switched between the treated and the control groups. For example, a renter
household previously in our control group may later switch to owning and enter our treated
group. The standard treatment and post-treatment fixed effects combination is nested within
our survey-year and household fixed effects combination.13 By controlling for survey-year
and household fixed effects, we achieve two important purposes. First, by allowing average
donation to vary by survey year and household, our model is more flexible and, as a result,
has a better goodness-of-fit. Second, with time-varying and household-specific variations
being absorbed by survey-year and household fixed effects, our estimated homeownership
effect is more conservative than that from the simple DiD specification.
Results from our matched-sample DiD analysis are presented in Table 5. The estimated
coefficient of T reatment ×P ost is 0.339, suggesting that switching from renting to owning
is associated with a 33.9% increase in donation (statistically at the 1% level). We further
examine the likelihood to donate and the size of donations using our matched-sample DiD
method. To model the likelihood to donate, we replace ln(donationi
t) in Equation (3) with
the indicator variable donori
tand estimate a linear probability model. To model the size of
donations (conditional on being a donor), we re-estimate Equation (3) using only donors in
13Gormley and Matsa (2011) used a similar approach to study corporate responses to the liability risk
from workers’ exposure to newly identified carcinogens. As a robustness check, we also estimated the simple
DiD specification with treatment and post indicators. The results are similar.
25
our matched sample. Our results suggest that switching from renting to owning increases
the likelihood of being a donor by 3.6%, and conditional on being a donor, homeowners
donate 25.3% more than renters (both are significant at the 1% level). In summary, results
from our matched-sample DiD analysis are consistent with our regression and PSM analyses.
Switching from renting to owning is associated with a significant increase in giving after the
change, and such an increase is a result of both a greater likelihood to donate as well as an
increased size of contributions.
5 Further Explorations
5.1 Religious vs. Non-Religious Donations
We further explore several interesting dimensions of charitable giving and their relations
to homeownership. In this section, we separate religious and non-religious donations to see
if they are impacted by homeownership differently. Doing so helps further pinpoint the
channels through which homeownership affects charitable giving. Religious donation is con-
sistently the largest category of charitable giving. According to the Giving USA Foundation,
religious congregations received the largest share, approximately 32%, of all charitable giv-
ing made to U.S. charities. The significance of religious donations is even more evident in
our data when focusing only on donations made by households. During our sample period,
religious donations, on average accounts for 48% of total household giving each year. It is
possible that homeowners might just be more religious than renters, and, as a result, they
give more to religious causes. Although we control for religious preference, this may not fully
capture the intensity of religiosity. In this case, we could mistake religiosity for generosity. If
being more religious is the only reason why homeowners are more generous than renters, we
should observe a positive relationship only between homeownership and religious donations.
The association between homeownership and non-religious donations could be non-existent
or even negative. Being more religious may lead homeowners to donate less to other causes
26
if religious and non-religious donations are subject to the same budget constraint. Alter-
natively, if homeownership increases generosity in general, its impact should spread across
both religious and non-religious donations.
We re-estimate our household fixed-effect models separately for religious and non-religious
donations, and the results are reported in Table 6. We see that homeownership is associated
with greater levels of both religious and non-religious donations (both are significant at the 1%
level), and the marginal effects are quite similar between the two types (14.0% versus 13.4%).
Examining the coefficients on variables related to tax deductibility, wealth, and mobility, we
find the three channels appear to influence religious and non-religious donations similarly
except for the fact that religious donations appear to be more sensitive to the variability of
permanent income. We further conduct the propensity-score matching analysis and matched-
sample DiD analysis separately for religious and non-religious donations. The results are
respectively reported in Tables 7 and 8. Consistent with results from our regression analysis,
the estimated treatment effects from our PSM method are both significantly positive and
similar in their magnitudes (with the marginal effect being slightly stronger on non-religious
donations). Our matched-sample DiD estimates are also in line with our regression and PSM
results. Switching from renting to owning is associated with respectively an 18.9% and 26.9%
increase in religious and non-religious donations (both are statistically at the 1% level).
We also take a more detailed look at non-religious donations. Instead of combining non-
religious donations into a single category, we re-estimate our baseline regression separately
for each donation category. Results are reported in Table A1 in the Appendix. Nine out of
ten categories of non-religious donations exhibit a positive relationship with homeownership
(as indicated by their positive coefficients). Donations towards needy (significant at the
1% level), culture (significant at the 5% level), and environmental causes (significant at the
5% level) exhibit statistically significant associations with homeownership. In general, our
by-category analysis confirms our finding that homeownership increases charitable donations.
27
5.2 The Effect of Age/Generation on Owner-Renter Difference
The effect of homeownership on donation could vary through one’s life cycle. In this
subsection, we examine the influence of homeownership on charitable giving for different
generation cohorts. To define generation cohorts, we adopt the following definitions used by
Pew Research Center (Dimock (2019)).
Generation Cohort Definition
Boomers (and older) born on or before 1964
Generation X born between 1965 and 1980
Millennials (and younger) born on or after 1981
Based on the age of the household head, we stratify our full sample into three generation-
cohort subsamples. We then re-estimate our regression models separately for “boomers”,
“Generation X”, and “millennials”.14
Results are reported in Table 9. Looking at total donations, we find a substantial owner-
renter gap in donations for the two older generation cohorts: boomers and Generation X,
and the estimated marginal effects appear to be similar between these two cohorts. Specif-
ically, homeowners in the boomers and the Generation-X groups donate respectively 22.6%
and 24.9% more than renters from the same cohort (both are significant at the 1% level).
However, millennial homeowners do not give significantly more than their renter counter-
parts. Separating religious versus non-religious donations further reveals some interesting
differences between generation cohorts. First, our results suggest that relative to renters in
the same group, millennial homeowners do not give significantly more to either religious or
non-religious causes. Furthermore, Generation-X homeowners donate 23.4% more to non-
religious causes (significant at the 1% level). However, such an effect is insignificant for
religious donations. In contrast, homeowners in the boomer group give more to both reli-
gious and non-religious causes. Relative to renters in the same age cohort, they make 22.4%
14Henceforth, we use the term “boomers” to mean boomers and older. Similarly, we use the term “mil-
lennials” to mean millennials and younger.
28
more religious donations and 13.5% more non-religious donations.
Results from our PSM analysis (reported in Table 10) are consistent with our regres-
sion results. The owner-renter gap in donations continues to be small and insignificant
for the millennial group. Both boomers and Generation-X homeowners donate more than
renters. However, Generation X homeowners’ greater generosity seems to be primarily di-
rected towards non-religious causes, while boomer homeowners give more to both religious
and non-religious causes. Turning to our DiD estimates (reported in Table 11), consistent
with results from our regression and PSM analysis, we find no significant difference in dona-
tion between millennial owners and renters. Furthermore, our DiD estimates also show that
relative to renters in the same cohort, boomers and Generation X homeowners both donate
more to non-religious causes. There are two possible interpretations of our findings. First,
what we document here could be a life-cycle effect. As people age, their giving behaviors
will change, and younger generations will eventually behave more like older generations. For
example, millennial homeowners may not give more (relative to renters) now but may be-
come more generous as they age. Alternatively, we could have identified some generational
differences, that is, different generation cohorts possess distinct tastes for charitable giving.
In this case, millennial homeowners may not give more even as they become older. In this
case, homeonwership could be losing its charm of eliciting generosity from millennials. Both
are plausible interpretations, and data on charitable giving spanning a generation’s entire
life cycle is needed to distinguish them empirically.
6 Concluding Remarks
In this study, we examine the multifaceted influence of homeownership on charitable giving
through several channels: tax deductibility, household wealth, and mobility. We find that
homeowners donate more than renters, and the three channels are important predictors of
the owner-renter gap in donations. We also show that the owner-renter difference cannot be
29
fully explained by these three channels. After controlling for an extensive list of household
characteristics and the three channels, homeowners still donate approximately 20% more
than renters. To address the endogeneity surrounding the selection into homeownership,
we apply three modeling techniques: household fixed-effect models, propensity-score match-
ing (PSM), and matched-sample difference-in-difference (DiD) estimators. Our results are
robust to these modeling and identification strategies. Our findings suggest that homeown-
ership increases generosity, and such an effect goes beyond what can be explained by tax
deductibility, household wealth, and mobility.
We further examine two distinct dimensions of charitable giving: the likelihood to donate
and the size of donations. We show that owning a home significantly boosts both the
likelihood to donate and the size of donations. Additionally, we find that the likelihood to
donate correlates inversely with mobility but is insensitive to tax deductibility and wealth.
In contrast, tax deductibility and wealth are important predictors of the size of donations.
We further look into giving behaviors of different generational cohorts. We find that for
baby boomers, owning a home increases giving to both religious and non-religious causes.
In contrast, for Generation X, such an effect exists only for non-religious donations. Finally,
we find that millennial homeowners do not give more than their renter counterparts.
The importance of our findings is twofold. First, by documenting that the owner-renter gap
in charitable donations cannot be fully explained by tax deductibility, household wealth, and
mobility, our findings suggest that at least a part of the greater generosity of homeowners
(about 20% according to our estimation) is directly linked to homeownership itself. This
means homeownership raises charitable giving not just due to its fringe benefits (i.e. tax
deductions). In other words, the linkage between homeownership and charitable giving is
rooted deeper than just the tax treatment of housing. Our findings imply that anything
(other than just tax rules) that affects housing tenure choices, such as housing and mortgage
market conditions, household consumption and risk preferences, and racial disparities, can
30
all influence charitable giving through the homeownership channel.
Second, charitable givings are positively associated with social capital. For example, the
United States Congress Joint Economic Committee (JEC) publishes a county-level social
capital index, and one important component of the JEC Social Capital Index is the per-
centage of the adult population (i.e. 25 and older) who made donations in the past year.15
Communities with more people donating are better communities. Abundant social capital
in a community is linked to improved intergenerationally mobility (Chetty et al. (2014)),
more innovations (Hasan et al. (2020)), lower mortgage delinquency rates (Li et al. (2020)),
and fewer infections during the COVID-19 pandemic (Makridis and Wu (2021)). Our study
documents a positive relationship between homeownership and the likelihood to donate, a
crucial indicator of social capital. Therefore, it is perhaps reasonable to think that home-
ownership rates could be a critical determinant of community social capital and all social
outcomes influenced by it.
15see https://www.jec.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/republicans/socialcapitalproject. Ac-
cessed on March 5, 2023.
31
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35
Table 1: Summary Statistics
Full Sample Homeowner Renter
Variables Mean Std. Dev. Mean Std. Dev. Mean Std. Dev.
Total donation 1165.888 3222.356 1741.444 3999.510 415.384 1438.825
Religious donation 450.646 1892.912 672.778 2382.284 160.995 840.775
Non-religious donation 715.242 2269.355 1068.666 2815.583 254.389 1073.820
Donor (Y/N) 0.548 0.498 0.710 0.454 0.338 0.473
Price of donation 0.936 0.119 0.900 0.137 0.984 0.063
Permanent income 62557.181 74338.206 82895.681 88091.435 36036.539 37022.578
Std. Dev. of permanent income 20363.465 48793.690 25476.297 58831.119 13696.522 29895.646
Wealth 239202.314 1109745.389 401789.645 1440846.169 27194.519 225738.558
# of moves 0.911 1.019 0.498 0.797 1.451 1.025
Years since move 11.264 13.313 15.812 14.173 5.335 9.182
Income 68173.997 95502.379 90665.235 116798.817 38846.264 41300.748
# of persons 2.655 1.492 2.817 1.410 2.443 1.567
# of children 0.827 1.181 0.779 1.112 0.890 1.262
Age 46.867 15.660 51.157 14.820 41.273 14.945
Male-headed household 0.705 0.456 0.813 0.390 0.563 0.496
Female-headed household 0.295 0.456 0.187 0.390 0.437 0.496
White 0.596 0.491 0.723 0.447 0.431 0.495
African-American 0.349 0.477 0.225 0.417 0.512 0.500
Asian-American 0.012 0.109 0.014 0.116 0.010 0.099
Other race 0.042 0.201 0.038 0.192 0.048 0.213
None, atheist 0.138 0.345 0.113 0.317 0.170 0.376
Catholic 0.197 0.397 0.228 0.420 0.155 0.362
Jewish 0.019 0.136 0.023 0.151 0.013 0.114
Protestant 0.619 0.486 0.614 0.487 0.625 0.484
Other non-Christian: Muslim, Rastafarian, etc. 0.013 0.115 0.011 0.105 0.017 0.128
Greek/Russian/Eastern Orthodox 0.002 0.047 0.002 0.050 0.002 0.042
Other 0.012 0.110 0.008 0.090 0.018 0.132
Less than high school 0.175 0.380 0.121 0.326 0.246 0.431
High school graduate 0.303 0.460 0.293 0.455 0.316 0.465
Some college 0.258 0.437 0.249 0.432 0.269 0.443
College graduate 0.157 0.364 0.196 0.397 0.106 0.308
Some post graduate 0.107 0.309 0.140 0.347 0.063 0.243
Married 0.548 0.498 0.729 0.445 0.313 0.464
Single 0.211 0.408 0.076 0.265 0.387 0.487
Widowed 0.059 0.235 0.063 0.244 0.052 0.223
Divorced or separated 0.182 0.386 0.132 0.338 0.248 0.432
Employed 0.709 0.454 0.735 0.441 0.675 0.468
Unemployed, looking for work 0.066 0.248 0.028 0.166 0.114 0.318
Unemployed, not looking for work 0.084 0.278 0.047 0.212 0.133 0.340
Retired 0.141 0.348 0.190 0.392 0.077 0.267
Health condition - excellent 0.182 0.386 0.195 0.396 0.164 0.370
Health condition - very good 0.340 0.474 0.365 0.481 0.309 0.462
Health condition - good 0.309 0.462 0.304 0.460 0.315 0.465
Health condition - fair 0.129 0.335 0.104 0.306 0.161 0.368
Health condition - poor 0.040 0.195 0.031 0.174 0.051 0.219
N 51,224 28,991 22,233
36
Table 2: Household Fixed-Effects Model
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5]
Homeowner 0.304*** 0.236*** 0.234*** 0.213*** 0.182
(7.78) (5.54) (5.49) (4.98) (1.08)
Price of donation -0.519*** -0.520*** -0.527*** 0.092
(-4.36) (-4.36) (-4.42) (0.20)
ln(permanent income) 0.067 0.065 0.061 0.300*
(1.61) (1.58) (1.47) (1.83)
ln(Std. Dev. of permanent income) -0.012 -0.012 -0.009 -0.166***
(-0.72) (-0.73) (-0.52) (-2.50)
Wealth 0.025* 0.024* 0.304***
(1.73) (1.70) (5.35)
# of moves -0.011 0.001
(-0.59) (0.02)
Years since move 0.009*** 0.014*
(4.04) (1.69)
ln(income) 0.041*** 0.024* 0.024* 0.024* 0.064
(3.67) (1.82) (1.81) (1.82) (1.23)
# of person -0.045** -0.062*** -0.062** -0.063*** -0.181*
(-1.98) (-2.58) (-2.57) (-2.62) (-1.91)
# of children 0.081*** 0.094*** 0.094*** 0.096*** 0.296***
(3.14) (3.48) (3.47) (3.55) (2.77)
Age 0.078** 0.052 0.052 0.054 0.006
(2.42) (1.44) (1.44) (1.49) (0.04)
Age2-0.001*** -0.001*** -0.001*** -0.001*** -0.001***
(-13.21) (-11.23) (-11.26) (-11.43) (-2.81)
Female-headed household 0.840 0.858 0.856 0.846 0.333
(0.34) (0.35) (0.35) (0.35) (0.03)
African-American 0.245 0.589** 0.588** 0.571** 0.775
(1.00) (2.23) (2.22) (2.16) (0.74)
Asian-American -0.089 -0.153 -0.155 -0.208 -0.871
(-0.25) (-0.40) (-0.41) (-0.55) (-0.58)
Other race 0.127 0.151 0.150 0.140 0.138
(1.09) (1.23) (1.22) (1.14) (0.29)
Catholic -0.208 -0.302 -0.297 -0.285 1.090
(-0.68) (-0.91) (-0.90) (-0.86) (0.83)
Jewish -0.483 -0.077 -0.077 -0.161 1.589
(-0.60) (-0.09) (-0.09) (-0.19) (0.48)
Protestant -0.332* -0.283 -0.285 -0.286 0.504
(-1.80) (-1.36) (-1.37) (-1.38) (0.61)
Other non-Christian -0.126 -1.056* -1.056* -1.073* 0.003
(-0.25) (-1.76) (-1.76) (-1.79) (0.00)
Greek/Russian/Eastern Orthodox -0.859 -1.964 -1.960 -2.076 0.372
(-0.50) (-0.80) (-0.80) (-0.84) (0.04)
Other -0.687*** -0.601** -0.603** -0.604** 0.811
(-2.92) (-2.17) (-2.18) (-2.18) (0.74)
Continued
37
Table 2: Household Fixed-Effects Model - Cont.
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5]
High school graduate -0.160** -0.139 -0.138 -0.135 -0.558
(-1.97) (-1.59) (-1.59) (-1.55) (-1.62)
Some college -0.094 -0.066 -0.066 -0.058 0.008
(-1.03) (-0.68) (-0.68) (-0.60) (0.02)
College graduate -0.241** -0.175 -0.175 -0.172 -0.540
(-2.10) (-1.43) (-1.43) (-1.41) (-1.12)
Some post graduate -0.271** -0.239* -0.239* -0.235* -0.732
(-2.14) (-1.77) (-1.77) (-1.74) (-1.37)
Single -0.383*** -0.376*** -0.377*** -0.382*** 0.124
(-5.25) (-4.40) (-4.41) (-4.46) (0.37)
Widowed -0.164 -0.182 -0.182 -0.176 -0.655
(-1.12) (-1.21) (-1.21) (-1.17) (-1.10)
Divorced or separated -0.568*** -0.587*** -0.586*** -0.574*** -0.351
(-7.96) (-7.89) (-7.89) (-7.72) (-1.19)
Unemployed, looking for work -0.024 -0.033 -0.033 -0.033 0.104
(-0.51) (-0.66) (-0.66) (-0.65) (0.52)
Unemployed, not looking for work -0.010 0.002 0.002 0.003 0.120
(-0.18) (0.04) (0.04) (0.05) (0.54)
Retired -0.058 -0.039 -0.039 -0.037 0.700
(-1.08) (-0.71) (-0.71) (-0.66) (3.20)***
Health condition - very good 0.017 0.014 0.014 0.014 -0.097
(0.50) (0.38) (0.36) (0.38) (-0.65)
Health condition - good 0.013 0.010 0.010 0.012 0.080
(0.33) (0.24) (0.24) (0.27) (0.47)
Health condition - fair -0.108** -0.114** -0.113** -0.108** 0.022
(-2.10) (-2.09) (-2.07) (-1.98) (0.10)
Health condition - poor -0.305*** -0.315*** -0.314*** -0.305*** -0.388
(-3.89) (-3.83) (-3.82) (-3.70) (-1.19)
Survey-year fixed effects Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Household fixed effects Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
N 57,945 51,224 51,224 51,224 51,224
R-squared 71.54% 72.01% 72.01% 72.03% 35.19%
t-values in parentheses.
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
38
Table 3: Household Fixed-Effects Model Likelihood to Donate and the Size
of Donation
[1] [2]
Dependent variable Donor (Y/N) Size of donation
Logit Coef. Odds Ratio Coef.
Homeowner 0.225*** 1.253 0.166***
(3.96) (3.02)
Price of donation -0.146 0.864 -0.351**
(0.85) (-2.39)
ln(permanent income) -0.037 0.964 -0.038
(0.57) (-0.57)
ln(Std Dev of permanent income) 0.005 1.005 -0.003
(0.21) (-0.17)
Wealth 0.018 1.018 0.021
(0.49) (1.43)
# of moves -0.016 0.984
(0.62)
Year since move 0.009*** 1.009
(3.09)
Inverse Mills ratios (λ) -0.423*
(-1.94)
Household Characteristics Yes Yes
Survey-year fixed effects Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes
Household fixed effects Yes Yes
N 51,224 51,224
R-squared / pseudo R-squared 31.14% 72.02%
t-values in parentheses.
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
39
Table 4: Propensity-Score Matching (PSM) Estimates
Dependent variable Total donation Donor (Y/N) Size of donation
Homeowner 0.237*** 0.302*** 0.121***
(4.00) (3.73) (3.55)
N 20,434 20434 10,474
R-squared 74.96% 20.6% 80.85%
Propensity score estimated based on:
Tax deductibility Yes Yes Yes
Wealth Yes Yes Yes
Mobility Yes Yes Yes
Household characteristics Yes Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
t-values in parentheses.
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
40
Table 5: Matched-Sample Difference-in-Difference (DiD) Estimates
Dependent variable Total donation Donor (Y/N) Size of donation
T reatment ×P ost 0.339*** 0.036** 0.253***
(3.47) (2.28) (3.94)
N 6,383 6,383 3,037
R-squared 71.22% 65.88% 78.34%
Propensity score estimated based on:
Tax deductibility Yes Yes Yes
Wealth Yes Yes Yes
Mobility Yes Yes Yes
Household characteristics Yes Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
t-values in parentheses.
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
41
Table 6: Household Fixed-Effects Model Religious vs. Non-Religious
Donations
[1] [2]
Dependent variable Religious
donation
Non-religious
donation
Coef. Coef.
Homeowner 0.140*** 0.134***
(3.55) (3.28)
Price of donation -0.482*** -0.527***
(-4.40) (-4.63)
ln(Permanent income) 0.035 0.062
(0.91) (1.58)
ln(Std. Dev. of permanent income) -0.042*** 0.003
(-2.71) (0.19)
Wealth 0.016 -0.002
(1.20) (-0.16)
# of moves -0.002 -0.020
(-0.10) (-1.13)
Years since move 0.006*** 0.006***
(3.21) (2.84)
Household Characteristics Yes Yes
Survey-year fixed effects Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes
Household fixed effects Yes Yes
N 51,224 51,224
R-squared 73.57% 67.23%
t-values in parentheses.
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
42
Table 7: Propensity Score Matching (PSM) Estimates Religious vs.
Non-Religious Donations
Dependent variable Religious
donation
Non-religious
donation
Treatment: Homeowner = Yes 0.159*** 0.167***
(3.04) (3.03)
N 20,434 20,434
R-squared 77.39% 71.19%
Propensity score estimated based on:
Tax deductibility Yes Yes
Wealth Yes Yes
Mobility Yes Yes
Household characteristics Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes
t-values in parentheses.
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
43
Table 8: Matched-Sample Difference-in-Difference (DiD) Estimates Religious
vs. Non-Religious Donations
Dependent variable Religious
donation
Non-religious
donation
T reatment ×P ost 0.189** 0.269***
(2.32) (2.90)
N 6,383 6,383
R-squared 75.18% 65.29%
Propensity score estimated based on:
Tax deductibility Yes Yes
Wealth Yes Yes
Mobility Yes Yes
Household characteristics Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes
t-values in parentheses.
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
44
Table 9: Household Fixed-Effects Model Generational Differences
Panel A: Dependent Variable = Total Donation
[1] [2] [3]
Dependent variable Boomers Generation X Millennial
Homeowner 0.226*** 0.249*** 0.049
(3.26) (3.55) (0.53)
Price of donation -0.335** -0.638*** -0.971***
(-2.07) (-3.00) (-2.90)
ln(Permanent income) 0.137** -0.041 0.076
(2.21) (-0.56) (0.83)
ln(Std. Dev. of permanent income) -0.060** 0.038 0.037
(-2.47) (1.22) (1.05)
Wealth 0.028* 0.009 0.022
(1.79) (0.26) (0.25)
# of moves -0.028 0.006 -0.039
(-0.91) (0.21) (-0.97)
Years since move 0.007*** 0.011** 0.001
(2.76) (2.49) (0.09)
Household Characteristics Yes Yes Yes
Survey-year fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
Household fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
N 24,839 16,249 10,136
R-squared 71.60% 68.28% 72.28%
Panel B: Dependent Variable = Religious Donation
[1] [2] [3]
Dependent variable Boomers Generation X Millennial
Homeowner 0.224*** 0.046 0.079
(3.32) (0.73) (1.10)
Price of donation -0.337** -0.526*** -1.008***
(-2.14) (-2.78) (-3.85)
ln(Permanent income) 0.081 0.023 -0.065
(1.35) (0.35) (-0.90)
ln(Std. Dev. of permanent income) -0.061** -0.013 -0.013
(-2.54) (-0.48) (-0.46)
Wealth 0.004 0.060* 0.079
(0.27) (1.89) (1.10)
# of moves -0.020 -0.004 0.024
(-0.68) (-0.16) (0.76)
Years since move 0.004 0.010** -0.002
(1.52) (2.55) (-0.31)
Household Characteristics Yes Yes Yes
Survey-year fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
Household fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
N 24,839 16,249 10,136
R-squared 73.08% 70.56% 75.55%
Continued
45
Table 9: Household Fixed-Effects Model Generational Differences - Cont.
Panel C: Dependent Variable = Non-religious Donation
[1] [2] [3]
Boomers Generation X Millennial
Homeowner 0.135** 0.234*** -0.082
(2.05) (3.44) (-0.96)
Price of donation -0.523*** -0.508** -0.492
(-3.40) (-2.46) (-1.58)
ln(Permanent income) 0.124** -0.071 0.155*
(2.11) (-1.00) (1.81)
ln(Std. Dev. of permanent income) -0.053** 0.044 0.043
(-2.29) (1.46) (1.28)
Wealth 0.003 -0.025 0.041
(0.20) (-0.71) (0.48)
# of moves -0.008 -0.011 -0.063*
(-0.27) (-0.37) (-1.69)
Years since move 0.006** 0.005 0.006
(2.50) (1.11) (0.84)
Household Characteristics Yes Yes Yes
Survey-year fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
Household fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
N 24,839 16,249 10,136
R-squared 68.77% 61.89% 65.63%
t-values in parentheses.
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
46
Table 10: Propensity-Score Matching (PSM) Estimates Age/Generation
Differences
Panel A: Dependent Variable = Total Donation
Boomers Generation X Millennials
Treatment: Homeowner = Yes 0.266*** 0.206** 0.046
(2.83) (2.25) (0.29)
N 9,582 7,514 3,002
R-squared 74.33% 73.65% 83.04%
Propensity score estimated based on:
Tax deductibility Yes Yes Yes
Wealth Yes Yes Yes
Mobility Yes Yes Yes
Household characteristics Yes Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
Panel B: Dependent Variable = Religious Donation
Boomers Generation X Millennials
Treatment: Homeowner = Yes 0.257*** 0.007 0.161
(2.95) (0.09) (1.31)
N 9,582 7,514 3,002
R-squared 75.89% 77.14% 85.83%
Propensity score estimated based on:
Tax deductibility Yes Yes Yes
Wealth Yes Yes Yes
Mobility Yes Yes Yes
Household characteristics Yes Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
Panel C: Dependent Variable = Non-religious Donation
Boomers Generation X Millennials
Treatment: Homeowner = Yes 0.124 0.176** 0.035
(1.47) (1.99) (0.25)
N 9,582 7,514 3,002
R-squared 72.77% 67.70% 79.94%
Propensity score estimated based on:
Tax deductibility Yes Yes Yes
Wealth Yes Yes Yes
Mobility Yes Yes Yes
Household characteristics Yes Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
t-values in parentheses.
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
47
Table 11: Matched-Sample Difference-in-Difference (DiD) Estimates
Age/Generation Differences
Panel A: Dependent Variable = Total Donation
Boomers Generation X Millennials
T reatment ×P ost 0.381* 0.456*** 0.136
(1.81) (2.71) (0.68)
N 1,940 2,325 1,836
R-squared 74.05% 68.53% 73.01%
Propensity score estimated based on:
Tax deductibility Yes Yes Yes
Wealth Yes Yes Yes
Mobility Yes Yes Yes
Household characteristics Yes Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
Panel B: Dependent Variable = Religious Donation
Boomers Generation X Millennials
T reatment ×P ost 0.145 0.294** -0.067
(0.76) (2.14) (-0.43)
N 1,940 2,325 1,836
R-squared 76.09% 73.31% 75.96%
Propensity score estimated based on:
Tax deductibility Yes Yes Yes
Wealth Yes Yes Yes
Mobility Yes Yes Yes
Household characteristics Yes Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
Panel C: Dependent Variable = Non-religious Donation
Boomers Generation X Millennials
T reatment ×P ost 0.305 0.372** 0.143
(1.60) (2.36) (0.77)
N 1,940 2,325 1,836
R-squared 69.49% 63.18% 68.81%
Propensity score estimated based on:
Tax deductibility Yes Yes Yes
Wealth Yes Yes Yes
Mobility Yes Yes Yes
Household characteristics Yes Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes Yes
t-values in parentheses.
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
48
Appendix
Table A1: Household Fixed-Effects Model By Donation Categories
Combo Community Culture Education Environment Health Needy Other World Youth
Homeowner 0.019 0.026 0.043*** 0.038 0.036** 0.018 0.162*** 0.019 0.027 -0.024
(0.53) (1.55) (2.39) (1.46) (1.98) (0.62) (4.14) (0.79) (1.47) (-0.99)
Price of donation -0.564*** 0.063 0.121*** -0.048 0.026 -0.205*** -0.202* -0.011 -0.032 0.086
(-5.56) (1.34) (2.42) (-0.66) (0.50) (-2.51) (-1.85) (-0.16) (-0.63) (1.29)
ln(permanent income) 0.008 0.002 0.033* 0.026 0.019 0.073*** 0.043 0.014 0.009 0.019
(0.23) (0.12) (1.93) (1.02) (1.08) (2.56) (1.15) (0.59) (0.53) (0.84)
ln(Std Dev of permanent income) -0.029** 0.002 0.004 0.001 -0.001 -0.018 0.001 0.005 0.000 -0.002
(-2.00) (0.33) (0.51) (0.08) (-0.14) (-1.53) (0.07) (0.54) (0.05) (-0.24)
Wealth -0.006 -0.006 0.030 0.001 0.006 0.002 -0.013 0.012 0.000 0.014*
(-0.46) (-1.00) (4.96) (0.14) (1.04) (0.19) (-0.97) (1.48) (-0.08) (1.78)
# of moves 0.006 0.002 0.001 -0.006 0.013 -0.010 -0.007 -0.027*** -0.006 0.010
(0.36) (0.34) (0.13) (-0.54) (1.59) (-0.76) (-0.40) (-2.60) (-0.79) (1.01)
Year since move 0.001 0.000 0.002** 0.001 0.002*** 0.003* 0.004* 0.003*** 0.000 -0.002
(0.81) (0.15) (2.02) (0.81) (2.40) (1.84) (1.89) (2.51) (0.35) (-1.63)
Household Characteristics Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Survey-year fixed effects Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Household fixed effects Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
N 51,224 51,206 51,203 51,181 51,190 51,106 50,942 51,164 51,192 51,173
R-squared 51.67% 33.62% 58.17% 55.05% 53.44% 52.26% 49.41% 30.45% 40.58% 42.01%
t-values in parentheses.
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
49
Table A2: Household Fixed-Effects Model Children’s Age
[1] [2]
Homeowner 0.175*** 0.177***
(2.61) (2.64)
Price of donation -0.551*** -0.551***
(-2.72) (-2.71)
ln(permanent income) 0.103 0.099
(1.32) (1.26)
ln(Std Dev of permanent income) -0.003 -0.004
(-0.11) (-0.12)
Wealth 0.011 0.013
(0.27) (0.31)
# of moves -0.017 -0.018
(-0.60) (-0.65)
Year since move 0.003 0.003
(0.63) (0.65)
Age of youngest child 0.018***
(2.64)
Middle childhood (youngest child) 0.098**
(1.96)
Young teens/teenagers (youngest child) 0.117
(1.59)
Household Characteristics Yes Yes
Survey-year fixed effects Yes Yes
State fixed effects Yes Yes
Household fixed effects Yes Yes
N 21,694 21,694
R-squared 75.18% 75.17%
t-values in parentheses.
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
50
Table A3: Distribution of Estimated Propensity Scores
# Mean Std. Dev. Min Q1 Median Q3 Max
Renter 10217 0.576 0.257 0.000 0.376 0.596 0.791 1.000
Owner 10217 0.576 0.257 0.000 0.376 0.597 0.791 1.000
51
Table A4: Tests of Overlapping and Balancing Conditions
[1] [2]
Variable Coef. tstat. / χ2stat.
Price of donation -0.014 0.62
(0.11)
Permanent income 0.028 0.33
(0.74)
Std. Dev. of permanent income 0.002 -0.16
(0.14)
Wealth 0.093** -2.56
(2.45)
# of moves -0.004 -0.82
(0.24)
Years since move -0.003** 2.49
(2.16)
ln(income) -0.010 0.79
(0.45)
# of persons -0.052** 0.89
(2.16)
# of children 0.065** -0.46
(2.35)
Age -0.005 -0.47
(0.82)
Age20.000 -0.72
(0.85)
Female-headed household 0.029 2.42
(1.28)
African-American 0.034 0.64
(0.76)
Asian-American -0.057
(0.59)
Other race 0.009
(0.16)
Catholic -0.026 3.79
(0.43)
Jewish 0.003
(0.03)
Protestant -0.0005
(0.01)
Other non-Christian 0.159
(1.37)
Greek/Russian/Eastern Orthodox -0.231
(0.87)
Other 0.055
(0.44)
Continued
52
Table A4: Tests of Overlapping and Balancing Conditions - Cont.
[1] [2]
Variable Coef. tstat. / χ2stat.
High school graduate 0.023 0.84
(0.89)
Some college -0.015
(0.58)
College graduate 0.013
(0.38)
Some post graduate -0.033
(0.82)
Single 0.021 1.91
(0.57)
Widowed -0.073
(1.34)
Divorced or separated 0.014
(0.44)
Unemployed, looking for work -0.034 6.84
(0.64)
Unemployed, not looking for work 0.068
(1.54)
Retired 0.026
(0.53)
Health condition - very good -0.025 1.98
(0.89)
Health condition - good -0.012
(0.44)
Health condition - fair 0.026
(0.73)
Health condition - poor 0.016
(0.27)
Intercept 0.288
(1.58)
N 20434
pseudo R-squared 0.6%
t-values in parentheses.
*** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
53
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