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Being “Cured” but No Longer Being Yourself: Tuberculosis Sequelae and the Unseen Second Lives of Romanian Tuberculosis Survivors

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Abstract

It is well known that tuberculosis (TB) damages the physical body. Less known is the fact that the body is frequently damaged by one or more of the many side effects of TB drugs. What is even less recognized, including among doctors, is that this multi-layered damage often lasts long after a person is cured and may be irreversible. In this article I will discuss hearing loss and other sequelae (aftereffects of a disease or injury) caused by tuberculosis and its treatment and experienced by people in Romania. I argue that these harms change TB survivors’ sense of self, and that, because of how treatment is organized, medical providers, who deem them “cured” may not know about their sequelae or their struggles to return to their former lives. This article is based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork that took place in Romania mainly between 2009 and 2016 at several hospitals and clinics. This fieldwork included survey and interview methodologies, as well as participant observation, which entailed accompanying medical staff on rounds and living at a TB sanatorium for six months. The long duration of the fieldwork allowed me to see how a person experiences the entire trajectory of their illness, including its progression long after they leave the view of the medical system.
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Being “Cured” but No Longer Being Yourself: Tuberculosis Sequelae and the Unseen Second Lives of
Romanian Tuberculosis Survivors
Jonathan Stillo
Abstract
It is well known that tuberculosis (TB) damages the physical body. Less known is the fact that the body is
frequently damaged by one or more of the many side effects of TB drugs. What is even less recognized,
including among doctors, is that this multi-layered damage often lasts long after a person is cured and
may be irreversible. In this article I will discuss hearing loss and other sequelae (aftereffects of a disease
or injury) caused by tuberculosis and its treatment and experienced by people in Romania. I argue that
these harms change TB survivors’ sense of self, and that, because of how treatment is organized,
medical providers, who deem them “cured” may not know about their sequelae or their struggles to
return to their former lives. This article is based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork that took place in
Romania mainly between 2009 and 2016 at several hospitals and clinics. This fieldwork included survey
and interview methodologies, as well as participant observation, which entailed accompanying medical
staff on rounds and living at a TB sanatorium for six months. The long duration of the fieldwork allowed
me to see how a person experiences the entire trajectory of their illness, including its progression long
after they leave the view of the medical system.
It was a terrible moment when I realized I was no longer hearing my children when they called me, I
could not understand what they were asking. I did not want to see anyone anymore. A hearing specialist
told me that the only solution to hear again is a very expensive implant. This disease leads to loss of
hearing, family breakdown, loss of friends, and loss of work. In my job, communication is very
important. I wonder how I will raise my children if I can no longer work. How can I take them to the sea?
I can barely go shopping or to the park in this state. At this moment, my husband and I do not know
each other, we are like two strangers.” Maria Virginia Ianosi (Dolj County, Romania).[1]
It is well known that tuberculosis (TB) damages the physical body. TB disease usually afflicts the lungs,
creating scarring and holes in them that interfere with a person’s ability to breathe. Less known is the
fact that the body is inevitably damaged by one or more of the many side effects of TB drugs. What is
even less recognized, including among doctors, is that this multi-layered damage often lasts long after a
person is cured and may be irreversible.
In this article I will discuss hearing loss and other sequelae (aftereffects of a disease or injury) caused by
tuberculosis and its treatment and experienced by people in Romania. I argue that these harms change
TB survivors’ sense of self, and that, because of how treatment is organized, medical providers, who
deem them “cured” may not know about their sequelae or their struggles to return to their former lives.
This article is based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork that took place in Romania mainly between
2009 and 2016 at several hospitals and clinics. This fieldwork included survey and interview
methodologies, as well as participant observation, which entailed accompanying medical staff on rounds
and living at a TB sanatorium for six months. The long duration of the fieldwork allowed me to see how a
person experiences the entire trajectory of their illness, including its progression long after they leave
the view of the medical system.[2]
TB Disease and Treatment
When we think of adverse reactions to medications, we typically assume that they are rare. The label of
any prescription drug is usually full of possible side effects, but most people do not experience them. For
people with drug-resistant TB, it is entirely different. For most, it is not a question of whether they will
suffer from adverse reactions, but rather, when and from which ones out of a long list of terrible
physical and psychological side effects irreversible hearing and vison loss, tinnitus, liver, kidney and
cardiac complications, permanent nerve damage, anxiety, depression, paranoia, suicidal thoughts etc.-
that only add to the debilitating symptoms of TB disease itself, such as holes and scarring in the lungs.
In Romania, the organization of TB treatment itself can also be devastating, as it involves long periods of
hospitalization, usually at least a month for people with drug-susceptible TB, and anywhere from six
months to several years for patients with drug-resistant TB.[3] There is little benefit to these long
periods of inpatient treatment[4] but they do serious damage by removing people from their social
support networks and by preventing them from working and thus from providing for their families.[5]
Interviews with patients made clear these social and economic tolls of long hospitalization. It kept many
of them far away from their family and friends, a distance which parents and grandparents felt most
acutely as they missed their (grand)children, who needed their care. The economic situation of the vast
majority of my interviewees had already been difficult before they contracted TB, as they had struggled
to pay their bills, and, in many cases, even to heat their homes and feed their children, but
hospitalization deepened this hardship and made them desperate to go back to work.
A Second Life?
Given this multi-layered damage caused by TB disease and treatment, and especially the fact that,
during the years of my research, it was far more common for people to die than to be cured of DR-TB (in
some years, cure rates were as low as 16-20%, and among the lowest anywhere in the world),[6] it is no
wonder that, when Romanians did beat the odds and managed to get cured of DR-TB, they often
described it as starting a “second life.”
However, what many did not realize until after they returned home “cured” was that they were no
longer the same. Their “second life” came with unexpected challenges, chief among them being their
sequelae from TB disease and treatment, which can be serious and completely change a person’s life.
For example, damage to one’s lungs can make it impossible to perform physically demanding work such
as in construction or agriculture and may require one to use supplemental oxygen for the rest of one’s
life. The industrial and construction workers who had prided themselves on their ability to lift heavy
pieces of iron and stone now suffered from lung damage that left them out of breath even while walking
up and down stairs. Bakers found that they could no longer tolerate the heat of the ovens.
Hearing loss, which is caused by injectable antibiotics such as streptomycin, kanamycin, amikacin, and
capreomycin, might not be noticed by patients until they had difficulty hearing people talking to them,
by which time this loss would already be serious. Worse still, because regular hearing tests, which are
required throughout treatment with these medicines, were rarely, if ever, done in Romania (as in many
other countries), hearing loss might come as a complete surprise to many people, who were unaware
that it was even a possibility.[7],[8] Furthermore, because the drug accumulates in the ear fluid and
persists even after the medication is stopped, one’s hearing loss can continue well after one has stopped
taking the medicine.
This long-lasting side effect was experienced by many people. Cristian[9] contracted DR-TB when he was
a young man in his 20’s pursuing a university degree in engineering. He had to drop out and begin a
course of treatment which would last 2-3 years, and which included injectable antibiotics. Because of
the danger of hearing loss associated with these drugs, his hearing should have been tested at the start
of treatment and then every month. He did not receive these tests. Instead, he noticed that he was not
able to hear people as he once did.
Cristian was eventually cured of his TB thanks to drugs purchased online through donations (these drugs
were officially unavailable in Romania). However, upon his return to university, he found that he could
not hear his instructors and had to drop out again because Romanian universities do not have disability
accommodations and because a hearing aid could not address his problem. His dream of becoming an
engineer ended. He then took several retail and service jobs but, like many TB survivors specialized in
public-facing work, he had trouble hearing customers and was unable to keep these jobs. He felt
disconnected from the world and worried about his chance of finding someone to love himnot as who
he once was, but as who he was now. In just a few short years, Cristian went from a healthy university
student to a shadow of himself.
Maria had a similar experience to Cristian’s, both from a professional and social perspective. Her hearing
loss prevented her from working as a seamstress, as she needed to be able to hear her clients, and,
tragically, from communicating with her children.[10]
Stigma
Sociologist Erving Goffman describes stigma as coming from traits that are deeply discrediting,[11] such
as having (survived) certain diseases, including TB. Medical anthropologist and psychiatrist Arthur
Kleinman argues that conditions that threaten what matters most in a society will be stigmatized,[12]
and that the stigmatizers and those who suffer from the stigma are interconnected in complex ways.[13]
In Romania, TB was historically called “a disease that does not forgive” (o boală care nu iartă ) because it
threatened one’s ability to work and took the lives of many people and their whole families. Despite
effective treatments globally in use today (though one’s chances of survival from DR-TB vary
dramatically depending on where one lives) and the fact that TB is an airborne disease that can infect
anyone, TB is still incorrectly seen by many in Romania to be a disease of the poor, the Roma, or those
who consume too much alcohol. Research participants told me that they went to great lengths to hide
their TB diagnosis from employers, friends, neighbors, and sometimes even their own family for fear
that they would be rejected or shunned.
Disabilities of all kinds are also stigmatized in Romania, and there are few supports for people who have
them.[14] Specifically, hearing loss threatens what matters most because it can take away one’s ability
to get an education, to work, and to communicate with friends and family. All of these are important
values in Romanian society.
People like Cristian experienced the multi-layered effects of stigma caused by both their TB and their
hearing loss. Cristian eventually quit his retail jobs because he did not want to reveal his hearing loss and
history of TB to his supervisors. Hearing loss, particularly, threatened not only his identity as a worker,
but also as a student and future family man.
Importantly, while certain conditions and statuses carry stigma for everyone affected, people who are
already socially vulnerable are disproportionally harmed by them. Things such as wealth, social status,
and strong social support networks can insulate one from this harm whereas one who is already socially
vulnerable due to poverty and a lack of family support is more likely to experience stigma.[15] The same
argument can be made for Romanians suffering from TB and its aftereffects. Both TB and disabilities
threaten Romanian cultural expectations for men and women. Many have written about the internal
stigma that women in many parts of the world experience in relation to their inability to fulfill cultural
expectations of motherhood.[16],[17] The consequences of TB and its treatment can engender a similar
internal stigma. In interviews, both men and women with TB expressed concerns over their ability to
have children and/or to care for the children that they had. As Maria’s example suggests, women who
suffered from hearing loss found themselves forced to even relearn how to communicate with their
children upon their return home.
Some men expressed a desire to start a family while those who already had families felt a strong
expectation to financially provide for them. However, the work options for those experiencing hearing
loss and diminished lung capacity were greatly limited, excluding many types of work that had been
commonly performed by male patients, such as construction, industrial, agricultural, and informal day
(cu ziua) labor.
Absence of Support for TB Patients and Survivors
Despite all of these problems stemming from TB disease and treatment, the medical, socio-economic,
and psychological support needed for people to reintegrate in society was generally unavailable during
my research due to budget and staffing constraints.
These constraints precluded the accessibility of hearing testing and aids, cochlear implants, and lip
reading and sign language instruction for people who had lost their hearing. Similarly, there were no
supports for people who had experienced a loss of lung function, such as job retraining and portable
oxygen machines.
During most of my research, the majority of people with TB lacked psychological support entirely. The
only exceptions were two Global-Fund-supported DR-TB treatment centers in Bucharest and Piatra
Neamț. Each had one psychologist who faced the impossible task of supporting forty or more patients.
In later years, the Romanian MDR-TB Patients’ Association (ASPTMR) would provide peer support via
telephone and referrals to psychologists for a limited number of patients, and more psychologists would
be hired nationwide. However, the need is still great.
Out of the View of Doctors
In many cases, a person’s doctor may not even know that they are suffering from these issues. The fact
that Romanian doctors have to work under impossible circumstances, where even required diagnostics
and antibiotics are sometimes not available, explains why they are often solely focused on the difficult
task of curing the infection. Another explanation is that, after a person completes the inpatient phase of
their treatment, they undergo the outpatient phase in their home community, where they receive
treatment at a local clinic or through self-administration (common in rural areas) and may not be
monitored for hearing loss and other adverse reactions. For instance, because so many TB survivors like
Cristian self-diagnose their hearing loss, the frequency of this sequela is under-reported. This may result
in both patients and medical staff not fully appreciating the danger of it. Therefore, if blame is to be laid,
it should be directed not at the doctors, nurses, psychologists, and other staff, who do their best for
people with TB, but at the systemic failure that ensures that Romania’s TB program was and continues
to be under-resourced, lacking the necessary staff, stuff, space, systems, and support.
Interventions
There are global and national interventions meant to address the negative effects of TB illness and
treatment. Research has been done showing that, of the four injectables in use globally, two have not
only been causing hearing loss, but have also failed to improve cure rates.[18] This spurred South Africa
to update their national guidelines in favor of an all-oral regimen of better tolerated drugs. Similarly, by
2018, the World Health Organization had deprioritized the injectables and, by 2020, had updated its
guidelines, only recommending the use of these drugs in people without other options and if drug
susceptibility tests show that they will be effective for the patient.[19] While some countries have
continued using these drugs (including Romania for a time), the approach to treating DR-TB has changed
globally, with Romanian TB survivors playing an important role in this change. The suffering and
economic costs at the individual and national levels caused by creating hearing loss are massive, but
people like Maria and Cristian may be the last generation of TB survivors to endure this disability.
Removing the stigma that TB carries in Romania will take a long time, but it is a work in progress. In the
mid-2000’s, when I began researching TB in Romania, patient organizations barely existed, and few TB
survivors would publicly reveal that they had had the disease. Over time, thanks to NGO’s such as
Romania’s MDR-TB Patients’ Association (ASPTMR), strengthened through local and donor support and
through their connections to international NGO’s such as STOP TB and TB Europe Coalition, it became
more common to see Romanian TB survivors in the media helping dispel myths about the disease and
showing that it was curable. In contrast, the stigma associated with disability, particularly hearing loss,
will be much harder to confront, given the lack of support for and integration of people with disabilities
of all kinds in Romania.[20] Furthermore, because advocacy tends to focus on single diseases or
disabilities, it may be difficult for TB survivors with multiple sequelae to find all the support and
belonging they need. They may also find themselves excluded from certain forms of support due to their
history with TB, a stigmatized disease.[21]
People greatly need support both during and after TB treatment to ensure that they are not only cured
but also remain as physically and mentally healthy as possible. Medical support includes consistent
monitoring of drug side effects. Socio-economic support can take a variety of forms, such as
transportation reimbursement, pensions, and job retraining. Successful peer support projects such as
those run by the MDR-TB Patients’ Association could be expanded and combined with other forms of
psychological support.
There are no happy endings. Cristian and Maria beat TB, but their struggle continues. Once the harm is
done, it cannot be undone. However, the worst effects of TB and its treatment can be mitigated through
medical, socioeconomic, and psychological support to ensure that the damage to a person’s physical
body and sense of self is minimized. Future generations of people with TB do not have to suffer the
same.
Acknowledgements:
My sincere appreciation goes to the people with TB and to the medical staff who shared their lives with
me and who made this work possible. Special thanks to Ilinca Diaconu-Stillo for her support and editing
assistance. All of the opinions and errors contained in this article are my own.
References
[1] Maria’s full story in her words appears in Adam Almeida et al., “Hear Us! Testimonials of Persons
Treated with Injectables for Drug-Resistant TB,” Public Health Action 11, no. 3 (September 2021): 149,
https://doi.org/10.5588/pha.21.0031. This article includes the stories of 14 TB survivors with hearing
loss from 12 different countries, most of whom served as coauthors.
[2] João Biehl describes this long-term view of illness progression as a look at “what happens in the
meantime.” João Biehl, Will to Live: AIDS Therapies and the Politics of Survival (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 2007), 18.
[3] Drug-susceptible TB (DS-TB) is treated with four drugs (so-called “first-line drugs”). If the person’s TB
is resistant (i.e., does not respond) to rifampicin or isoniazid (two of these four drugs), it is called multi-
drug-resistant TB (MDR-TB). MDR-TB with resistance to additional classes of drugs is called XDR-TB. The
individuals discussed in this article had either MDR- or XDR-TB. For simplicity’s sake, I will refer to their
strains of TB by the less technical term of drug-resistant TB (DR-TB).
[4] Paul Sommerfeld et al., Ambulatory Care and Infectiousness in Tuberculosis (Copenhagen: WHO
Regional Office for Europe, 2018),
https://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/388039/ambulatory-care-eng.pdf.
[5] Rucşineanu et al., The Impact of Long-Term Hospitalisation on Psychosocial Life of Persons with
Tuberculosis (Bălți, Republic of Moldova. Prepared as part of the World Health Organization EURO TB-
REP project supported by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria, 2019),
https://smitmd.wordpress.com/2019/01/31/impact-of-long-term-hospitalization-on-people-with-
tuberculosis/.
[6] WHO and ECDC. Review of the National Tuberculosis Programme in Romania, 1021 March 2014
(Copenhagen: WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2015), 10,
https://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0007/269269/Review-of-the-national-tuberculosis-
programme-in-Romania.pdf.
[7] Almeida et al., “Hear Us!”.
[8] Anja Reuter et al., “The Devil We Know: Is the Use of Injectable Agents for the Treatment of MDR-TB
Justified?,” The International Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung Disease 21, no. 11 (November 2017),
https://doi.org/10.5588/ijtld.17.0468.
[9] This is a pseudonym. All the necessary ethical clearances were obtained.
[10] Almeida et al., “Hear Us!,” 149.
[11] Erving Goffman, Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity (New York: Simon &
Schuster, 1963).
[12] Arthur Kleinman, The Illness Narratives: Suffering, Healing, and the Human Condition (New York:
Basic Books, 1988).
[13] Arthur Kleinman, and Rachel Hall-Clifford, “Stigma: A Social, Cultural and Moral Process,” Journal of
Epidemiology and Community Health 63, no. 6 (June 2009), https://doi.org/10.1136/jech.2008.084277.
[14] Oana-Georgiana Gîrlescu, European Semester 2020-2021 Country Fiche on Disability Equality.
Romania (Brussels: European Commission, 2021).
[15] Alison Heller, Fistula Politics: Birthing Injuries and the Quest for Continence in Niger (New
Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2018).
[16] Lenore Manderson, “‘Half a Woman’: Embodied Disruptions and Ideas of Gender Among Australian
Women,” in Chronic Conditions, Fluid States: Chronicity and the Anthropology of Illness, ed. Lenore
Manderson and Carolyn Smith-Morris (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2010).
[17] Heller, Fistula Politics.
[18] J. Peter Cegielski et al., “Aminoglycosides and Capreomycin in the Treatment of Multidrug-Resistant
Tuberculosis: Individual Patient Data Meta-analysis of 12 030 Patients From 25 Countries, 2009-2016,”
Clinical Infectious Diseases 73, no. 11 (December 2021), https://doi.org/10.1093/cid/ciaa621.
[19] WHO. Consolidated Guidelines on Tuberculosis: Module 4: Treatment: Drug-Resistant Tuberculosis
Treatment (Geneva: WHO, 2020), https://www.who.int/publications/i/item/9789240007048.
[20] Gîrlescu, Country Fiche.
[21] It is important to note that some people, especially those with congenital deafness, do not feel that
being unable to hear is a disability. However, this was not a view held by the people that I interviewed,
who saw their hearing loss as an injury that interfered with their life and sense of self.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this publication.
Article
Full-text available
For decades, second-line injectable agents (IAs) have been the cornerstone of treatment for multidrug-resistant tuberculosis (MDR-TB). Although evidence on the efficacy of IAs is limited, there is an expanding body of evidence on the serious adverse events caused by these drugs. Here, we present the results of a structured literature review of the safety and efficacy of IAs. We review the continued widespread use of these agents in the context of therapeutic alternatives—most notably the newer TB drugs, bedaquiline and delamanid—and from the context of human rights, ethics and patient-centered care. We conclude that there is limited evidence of the efficacy of IAs, clear evidence of the risks of these drugs, and that persons living with MDR-TB should be informed about these risks and provided with access to alternative therapeutic options.
Article
Background: As new drugs are developed for multidrug-resistant tuberculosis (MDR-TB), the role of currently used drugs must be reevaluated. Methods: We combined individual-level data on patients with pulmonary MDR-TB published during 2009-2016 from 25 countries. We compared patients receiving each of the injectable drugs and those receiving no injectable drugs. Analyses were based on patients whose isolates were susceptible to the drug they received. Using random-effects logistic regression with propensity score matching, we estimated the effect of each agent in terms of standardized treatment outcomes. Results: More patients received kanamycin (n = 4330) and capreomycin (n = 2401) than amikacin (n = 2275) or streptomycin (n = 1554), opposite to their apparent effectiveness. Compared with kanamycin, amikacin was associated with 6 more cures per 100 patients (95% confidence interval [CI], 4-8), while streptomycin was associated with 7 (95% CI, 5-8) more cures and 5 (95% CI, 4-7) fewer deaths per 100 patients. Compared with capreomycin, amikacin was associated with 9 (95% CI, 6-11) more cures and 5 (95% CI, 2-8) fewer deaths per 100 patients, while streptomycin was associated with 10 (95% CI, 8-13) more cures and 10 (95% CI, 7-12) fewer deaths per 100 patients treated. In contrast to amikacin and streptomycin, patients treated with kanamycin or capreomycin did not fare better than patients treated with no injectable drugs. Conclusions: When aminoglycosides are used to treat MDR-TB and drug susceptibility test results support their use, streptomycin and amikacin, not kanamycin or capreomycin, are the drugs of choice.
Chapter
Scholarly attention and public health priorities related to women's health have typically focused on pregnancy, childbirth, and other aspects of women's reproductive health, and by extension, risks to the lives of women and their children. The chronic conditions that affect women uniquely or primarily-conditions that are not fatal, infectious, or exotic, nor with significant population impact-conventionally hover in the peripheral vision of most researchers; they rarely appear in government health policies or national audits of women's health. Yet globally, women are affected routinely by common and persistent gynecological conditions that do not require urgent medical attention, are often managed by home remedies, and unlike various cancers, are not life threatening. The conditions that I discuss in this chapter, largely evident by menstrual anomaly, are of this category. They have aroused limited interest among medical and psychological researchers, virtually none among anthropologists. But as I explore, they cause considerable suffering on an everyday basis to women worldwide, including as a consequence of their longer-term physical and social effects.
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The concept of stigma has undergone important shifts in definition and characterisation since its initial articulation by Erving Goffman in the 1960s. Here, we contend that the study of stigma has focused too heavily on psychological approaches and has neglected to sufficiently incorporate understandings of stigma and stigmatised individuals as embedded in local moral contexts. What exactly is encompassed by the conceptual umbrella of stigma is far more than a compelling theoretical question, since definitions of stigma directly inform efforts to empirically research and combat stigma. The modern idea of stigma owes a great deal to Goffman, who viewed stigma as a process based on the social construction of identity. Persons who become associated with a stigmatised condition thus pass from a “normal” to a “discredited” or “discreditable” social status.1 In his original discussion of stigma, Goffman included both psychological and social elements, but his ideas have primarily been used in the analysis of the psychological impact of stigma on individuals. This has created an understanding of the psychology of the stigmatised, focusing on the …
João Biehl describes this long-term view of illness progression as a look at "what happens in the meantime
João Biehl describes this long-term view of illness progression as a look at "what happens in the meantime." João Biehl, Will to Live: AIDS Therapies and the Politics of Survival (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007), 18.
Ambulatory Care and Infectiousness in Tuberculosis (Copenhagen: WHO Regional Office for
  • Paul Sommerfeld
Paul Sommerfeld et al., Ambulatory Care and Infectiousness in Tuberculosis (Copenhagen: WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2018), https://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/388039/ambulatory-care-eng.pdf.
The Impact of Long-Term Hospitalisation on Psychosocial Life of Persons with Tuberculosis (Bălți, Republic of Moldova. Prepared as part of the World Health Organization EURO TB-REP project supported by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria
  • Rucşineanu
Rucşineanu et al., The Impact of Long-Term Hospitalisation on Psychosocial Life of Persons with Tuberculosis (Bălți, Republic of Moldova. Prepared as part of the World Health Organization EURO TB-REP project supported by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria, 2019), https://smitmd.wordpress.com/2019/01/31/impact-of-long-term-hospitalization-on-people-withtuberculosis/.
Review of the National Tuberculosis Programme in Romania
  • Ecdc Who
WHO and ECDC. Review of the National Tuberculosis Programme in Romania, 10-21 March 2014 (Copenhagen: WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2015), 10, https://www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0007/269269/Review-of-the-national-tuberculosisprogramme-in-Romania.pdf.
  • Oana-Georgiana Gîrlescu
Oana-Georgiana Gîrlescu, European Semester 2020-2021 Country Fiche on Disability Equality. Romania (Brussels: European Commission, 2021).