INDO-RUSSIA RELATIONS WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO UKRAINIAN IMBROGLIO: AN ANALYTICAL STUDY

Abstract

Russia has been a longstanding and time-tested partner for India. Development of India-Russia relations has been a key pillar of India’s Foreign policy. India and Russia have enjoyed good relations since 1947 wherein Russia helped India in attaining its goal of economic self-sufficiency through investment in areas of heavy machine-building , mining, energy production and steel plants. Later India and Soviet Union signed the Treaty of Peace and Friendship in august 1971 which was the manifestation of shared goals of the two nations as well as blueprint for the strengthening of regional and global peace and security. After the dissolution of Soviet Union, India and Russia entered into a new Treaty of Friendship and cooperation in January 1993 and a bilateral Military-Technical Cooperation agreement in 1994. As the Indian government’s response to the Russian-Ukrainian crisis received a mixed reaction, it puts a serious introspective question to Indian lawmakers: is Indian foreign policy still dependent upon the big superpowers or are we moving towards Atmanirbhar Bharat (self-reliant India)? After abstaining in UN Security Council, New Delhi again abstained from voting in United Nations General Assembly on a resolution condemning “in the strongest terms” Russia’s belligerence against Ukraine and calling on Moscow to “immediately, completely, and unconditionally withdraw all of its military forces from Ukraine’s territory within its internationally recognised borders.” In the current crisis, India has strived to maintain a non-aligned collinear, avoiding pointing a finger or naming names. This has proven to be challenging in the present predicament. It has done so by reiterating fundamental principles enshrined in the UN Charter and international law, but also appeals for a halt to violence and to return for dialogue as “the only response to addressing disagreements and conflicts, however daunting that may sound at this time.”

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INDO-RUSSIA RELATIONS WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO
UKRAINIAN IMBROGLIO: AN ANALYTICAL STUDY
1Ishfaq Ahmad Akhoon
Lecturer Political Science
Government Degree College Ajas Bandipora, Jammu and Kashmir, India
Abstract
Russia has been a longstanding and time-tested partner for India. Development of India-Russia
relations has been a key pillar of India’s Foreign policy. India and Russia have enjoyed good
relations since 1947 wherein Russia helped India in attaining its goal of economic self-sufficiency
through investment in areas of heavy machine-building , mining, energy production and steel
plants. Later India and Soviet Union signed the Treaty of Peace and Friendship in august 1971
which was the manifestation of shared goals of the two nations as well as blueprint for the
strengthening of regional and global peace and security. After the dissolution of Soviet Union,
India and Russia entered into a new Treaty of Friendship and cooperation in January 1993 and a
bilateral Military-Technical Cooperation agreement in 1994. As the Indian government’s response
to the Russian-Ukrainian crisis received a mixed reaction, it puts a serious introspective question
to Indian lawmakers: is Indian foreign policy still dependent upon the big superpowers or are we
moving towards Atmanirbhar Bharat (self-reliant India)? After abstaining in UN Security Council,
New Delhi again abstained from voting in United Nations General Assembly on a resolution
condemning “in the strongest terms” Russia’s belligerence against Ukraine and calling on
Moscow to “immediately, completely, and unconditionally withdraw all of its military forces from
Ukraine’s territory within its internationally recognised borders.” In the current crisis, India has
strived to maintain a non-aligned collinear, avoiding pointing a finger or naming names. This has
proven to be challenging in the present predicament. It has done so by reiterating fundamental
principles enshrined in the UN Charter and international law, but also appeals for a halt to
violence and to return for dialogue as “the only response to addressing disagreements and
conflicts, however daunting that may sound at this time.”
Keywords : India, Russia, Bi-lateral, Relations, Trade
INTRODUCTION
The origin of defense diplomacy between India and Russia began since 1962 and
since then is based on mutual trust and more than 70% of Indian defense equipment today
is of Russian origin. These weapons have also proved their worth at a time when India
needed them in conflicts. Defense has been a vital pillar of the relationship. Unlike other
nations, Russia has never invoked arms sanctions on India and at a critical times like the
Kargil conflict, Russia has even supplied items to India from their own military reserves.
India-Russia military technical cooperation has evolved from a buyer – seller framework to
one involving joint research and production of advanced defense technologies. Brahmos
missile system as well as licensed production in India of SU-30 aircraft and T-90 tanks, are
examples of such flagship cooperation. Counter terrorism is another area where both
countries find convergence of interest. Both countries strongly condemn terrorism in all its
forms. India –Russia cooperation in the field of peaceful uses of outer space dates back to
about four decades. 2015 marked the 40th anniversary of the launch of India’s first satellite

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“Aryabhatt” on a Russian launch vehicle ‘Soyuz’. Today Russia is the most important
strategic space power for India. There is a strong tradition of Indian studies in Russia.
Apart from Hindi, languages such as Tamil, Marathi, Gujarati, Bengali, Urdu, Sanskrit,
and Pali are taught in Russian institutions. There are regular cultural initiatives to promote
people-to-people contacts between India and Russia. India-Russia nuclear cooperation goes
back to 1960s. In 1961, India had concluded research and development agreements with
Russia in Hungary for the Rajasthan Atomic Power Station[RAPS]. During the Cold War
period, Russia also supported India by supplying fuel at Tarapur in 1982 and in 1988,
agreed to help construct reactors and supply light water for reactors in Koodankulam after
Pokhran.Since the signing of “Declaration on the India-Russia Strategic partnership” in
October 2000 {during the visit of President Putin}, India-Russia ties have acquired a
qualitatively new character with enhanced levels of cooperation in almost all areas of the
bilateral relationship including political, security, defense and economy, science and
technology and culture. Under the strategic partnership, several institutionalized dialogue
mechanisms operate at both political and official levels to ensure regular interaction and
follow up on cooperation activities. During the visit of the Russian President to India in
December 2010, the strategic partnership was elevated to the level of a “Special and
Priviledged Strategic Partnership” . New Delhi needs M0scow’s support in the India’s bid
for a permanent seat on the UN security council. India and Russia are engaged in several
multilateral efforts that are greatly favoured by Russia such as the BRICS and the SCO.
Annual summit meeting is the highest dialogue mechanism under the strategic partnership.
The Russians have backed the Indian position on Kashmir. Russia has consistently
supported India on Kashmir issue. In 2019, when India abrogated Article 370, Russia
maintained that it was an “internal matter of India”.
Background
In the initial years of Indian independence, upto 1953, Stalin was not very keen about
India. Stalin did not appreciate the non-aligned posturing of India and perceived Indian
leaders as capitalist lackeys. After the death of Stalin, with the coming of Nikita
Khrushchev to power, Soviets began to view India favourably as a counter balance in
East_west confrontation. India also responded to the changing Soviet posturing. India
conducted the nuclear test and Soviets did not condemn it and, in fact, went on to support
India with the supply of heavy water for the nuclear programme. In words of PM
Narendra Modi, “India gives top priority to its relations with Russia. India this rapidly
changing world, our relation has become more relevant.”
Objectives of the study
 The research study has carried out following objectives.
 To trace the origin and development of Indo-Russia strategic partnership.
To examine the Ukrainian imbroglio and impact of war on India’s economy and
Imports.
Methodology
The methodology adopted for the study is historical, analytical and descriptive. Data
used in this paper has been collected both from and secondary sources like- official reports
from India and Iran, drafts official documents, books, magazines, journals, periodicals and
newspapers. Relevant material from internet has also been accessed.

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LITERATURE REVIEW
V.D Chopra in his book Indo-Russian Relations : An Overview Russian-Indian
Relations : A View into the Third Millennium Indo-Russian Strategic Cooperation Indo-
Russian Strategic Partnership for Enhanced Cooperation The Phases in Indo-Russian
Relations Future of India-Russia Defence Cooperation India-Russia Economic Relations :
Challenges and Opportunities Trade Relations between India and Russia Economic and
Trade Relations between India and Russia Indo-Russian Nuclear Cooperation Indo-
Russian Cooperation in Marine Science and Technology Russia and South Asia : Growing
Indo-Russian Relations Indian Economic Interests in Central Asia in Post-Soviet Era
Central Asia : Russian and Indian Interests Indo-Russian Relations: Prospects and
Problems in the Twenty First Century Indo-Russian Relations : Historical Perspective
Impact of Developments in Russia on Indian National Movement Political Pluralism in
Russia - A Tentative Assessment Russia^s Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War Period
Putin, Plutocracy and Foreign Policy Russian Foreign Policy A Wind of Change is
Blowing : A Report on Russia Today Economic Transformation in Russia Putin^s Russia :
Unquiet Flows the Don Chechen Imbroglio : Prospect of Russian Disintegration ? Russia,
China and India : An Overview Russia and China : The Emerging Strategic Partnership
New Starting-Point, New Challenges-Sino-Russian Relations in the New Century.
Jasjit Singh in his book: India Russia Relations There is an apparent global power
shift from the West to the East, essentially due to the rise of India and China and, as a
consequence, the US has called for greater presence in the East in the midst of a major
economic crisis and huge defence cuts. Many, after the Cold War, considered the
international order to be unipolar; however, the rise of India and China, with Russia, Japan
and South Korea assuming significant roles, appears to indicate a shift to a polycentric
global order. Hence, the Indo-Russia dialogue assumes critical importance in the 21st
century as a result of new evolving power centres and the relative decline of some older
ones. The proceedings of the seminar highlight the requirement of a new relationship based
on the Indo-Russia framework rather than on the earlier Indo-Soviet model in the midst of
the changing regional strategic landscape. The book also draws attention to the shift in the
US policy in East Asia. The economic and military rise of China and India; the lacklustre
economic performance of Japan; the emergence of India as a nuclear weapon power; and
the relative decline of US credibility as a security provider have altered the strategic
landscape of the region. China's assertiveness and North Korea's emergence as a nuclear
power are challenging the US presence in the region and, therefore, forcing the US defence
policy to 'Look East'. .is book brings out an exciting analysis of future Indo-Russia
relations based on defence, civil nuclear energy, space and science and technology.
Wilson situates Ukraine’s February insurgence within Russia’s expansionist ambitions
throughout the previous decade. He reveals how President Putin’s extravagant spending to
develop soft power in all parts of Europe was aided by wishful thinking in the EU and
American diplomatic inattention, and how Putin’s agenda continues to be widely
misunderstood in the West. The author then examines events in the wake of the Uprising—
the military coup in Crimea, the election of President Petro Poroshenko, the Malaysia
Airlines tragedy, rising tensions among all of Russia's neighbors, both friend and foe, and
more. Ukraine Crisis provides an important, accurate record of events that unfolded in
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Ukraine in 2014. It also rings a clear warning that the unresolved problems of the region
have implications well beyond Ukrainian borders.
Gidadhubli, R. G. (1999). India-Russia Economic Relations: Issues and Prospects.
Economic and Political Weekly, 34(20), 1215–1219. Wide year-to-year fluctuations
characterise India's trade with Russia. While that country is all set to make significant sales
to India of machinery and equipment and military hardware, India has to reckon with ad
hocism in the manner of utilisation of the rupee hoard at Russia's disposal and bleak
prospects of significantly boosting exports even of 'comparative advantage' commodities.
Exports to Russia may plunge once rupee trade is completely phased out
ALAM, M. B. (2019). Contextualising India–Russia Relations: THE CHINA
FACTOR. World Affairs: The Journal of International Issues, 23(1), 48–59. This paper
examines and summarises the broad contours of India–Russia relations of the past seven
decades in multiple facets with far reaching ramifications at play. It also explains the China
factor in a contextual relationship with India and Russia and on the background of the Sino–
American equation, as China becomes a preeminent power in Asia with an ambitious agenda to
match the prowess of the US on the global front. At the end it forecasts some probable scenarii
both regionally and globally involving India, Russia and China.
Sasikumar, Karthika, and Gilles Verniers. “The India-U.S. Nuclear Cooperation
Agreement: Explaining the Contentious Indian Debate.” Asian Survey 53, no. 4 (2013):
679–702.
The article states that U.S.-India civil nuclear energy agreement triggered a contentious
debate in India from 2005 to 2008. Regional political actors played crucial and unanticipated
roles in the debate
Kutty, S. N. (2019). Dealing with Differences: The Iran Factor in India-U.S.
Relations. Asia Policy, 14(1), 95–118. This article examines the India-U.S. strategic
partnership and argues that the Iran factor is not as big an impediment to the bilateral
relationship as is often assumed. The India-U.S. relationship is not as sensitive to the Iran factor
as is frequently depicted. Both sides are accommodative of each other’s strategic interests and
have so far taken the long view when dealing with their differences to avoid major disruptions
in ties Singh, S. (2019). The Indo-Pacific and India-U.S. Strategic Convergence: An
Assessment. Asia Policy, 14(1), 77–94. This article examines Indian and U.S. perceptions of
the Indo-Pacific, the extent of their strategic convergence and cooperation in this region, and the
manner in which key states in the region have responded to this seeming convergence
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
While India cannot fully disentangle itself from Russian arms transfers and
cooperation in the short term. India needs to begin decreasing its reliance on Russian
weapons and components. India needs to find alternative sources for the production and
maintenance of several weapons systems, especially high-end weapons. India has to
rebuild on its strengths and common concerns with the Russians. Both have to revitalize
their earlier agreement on sharing intelligence for a joint strategy on terrorism. Scientific
and technological relations needs to be deepen since a base already exists. More focus
needs to be given in trade and investment ties between India and Russia. India should seek
to play a more active role in the SCO as a member. Since Russia has close relations with
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Iran, India should explore the possibility of Russian involvement in Chabahar port which
will provide Afghanistan and Central Asia access to Sea. Reinventing Indo-Russian
relations should be focused by political leadership of both the countries.
India should develop its indigenous capacity for needs of weapon system. It cannot
be forgotten that no country will part with any of its critical technologies. Indo-Russia
counter terrorism agenda must seek greater institutionalization, instead of relying on
Pakistan’s rising and falling relevance in Russian considerations regarding terror networks.
In international politics, there are no permanent friends and no permanent enemies, only
national interests in such a scenario India must continue to pursue its foreign policy of
strategic hedging.
UKRAINIAN IMBROGLIO
As the Indian government’s response to the Russian-Ukrainian crisis received a mixed
reaction, it puts a serious introspective question to Indian lawmakers: is Indian foreign
policy still dependent upon the big superpowers or are we moving towards Atmanirbhar
Bharat (self-reliant India)? After abstaining in UN Security Council, New Delhi again
abstained from voting in United Nations General Assembly on a resolution condemning
“in the strongest terms” Russia’s belligerence against Ukraine and calling on Moscow to
“immediately, completely, and unconditionally withdraw all of its military forces from
Ukraine’s territory within its internationally recognised borders.” In the current crisis,
India has strived to maintain a non-aligned collinear, avoiding pointing a finger or naming
names. This has proven to be challenging in the present predicament. It has done so by
reiterating fundamental principles enshrined in the UN Charter and international law, but
also appeals for a halt to violence and to return for dialogue as “the only response to
addressing disagreements and conflicts, however daunting that may sound at this time.”
In effect, India’s direct involvement has been confined to trying to pressure the Ukrainian
and Russian governments to ensure the welfare and security of more than 20,000 Indian
nationals in Ukraine, the majority of whom are students, and to arrange a safe passage out
of the country. India’s dependence on Russia for defense is well documented, and
represents the primary reason for its evergreen response to the Ukraine crisis. Over 70
percent of India’s defense inventory is attributed to Russia. Recently India have finalized a
deal worth INR 5,000 crores for the manufacture of 7.5 AK 203 Russian Assault rifles.
For Moscow, Delhi is its largest importer of arms, and for India, Russia is the largest
exporter when it comes to arms transfer. Between 2000 and 2020, Russia accounted for
66.5 percent of India’s arms imports. Of the $53.85 billion spent by India during that
period on arms imports, $35.82 billion went to Russia. During the same period, imports
from the United States were worth $4.4 billion, and from Israel $4.1 billion. In light of
India’s overdependence on Russia, Minister for Commerce and Industry Piyush Goyal has
called upon India’s start-ups to become self-reliant in energy and defense.
Bilateral Relation
The first concern between India and Russia is rapidly expanding ties between India
and USA , which started with the Indo-U.S nuclear deal in 2008. The growing defense
relationship between India and USA .. Russia’s decision to supply Pakistan with the Mi-35
Hind Attack Helicopters has alarmed the Indian defense establishment. Indian Armed
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Forces often complain about spare parts and maintenance of Russian equipments. Part of
blame is on Indian defense and foreign policy negotiations that failed to develop a deeper
perspective on life cycle of products. Russia has also made efforts for strategic outreach
towards China since Ukraine crisis. Russia has proposed Russia-India-China forum. India
is hesitant about this because of unresolved issues with China. Lack of involvement of the
private sector has resulted in higher costs of transactions. Russian firms imports goods
from China or Europe as transport takes one to two weeks compared to 40-50 days from
India. Further, there are difficulties in interaction between Russian public sector companies
and Indian private companies.Closer ties between Beijing and Moscow will give China
greater influence over Russian policy. Then China could pressure Russia to halt the sale of
new systems or the transfer of spare parts to India. This would greatly reduce Indian
military capabilities until India could pivot to other suppliers such as the US or Israel.
China could also pressure Russia to recognize Chinese claims over disputed territory in
northern and northeastern India or to change its traditionally pro-India stance on Kashmir.
Relatedly, China could influence Russia to increase its partnership with Pakistan,
especially in energy, as China has invested in the development of Pakistan’s economy and
infrastructure as part of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. The Russian invasion of Ukraine
poses a serious threat to Indo–Russian relations due to the potential for closer Sino–
Russian alignment and the potential for the war to undermine the Indo–Russian arms
relationship.
Ukraine was a member of the Soviet Union until 1991 when it disintegrated, and
Russia has tried to maintain the country in its orbit since then. In 2014, a separatist
insurgency started in Ukraine’s eastern industrial heartland, Donetsk Basin. Russia further
gained a maritime advantage in the region due to its invasion and annexation of Crimea. As
a result, both the US and the EU have pledged to safeguard the integrity of Ukraine’s
borders. So India is balancing between Russia and US amidst growing tensions. India is
not considered as neutral by the western block on Ukraine.
India’s recent abstention at UNSC on Ukraine issue indicates that it will continue to
maintain favorable relations with both the countries whilst prioritizing its own interest. US
accommodated India’s stance on Russia stating that America’s relation with India has not
been impacted by the ongoing tensions with Russia, seems to suggest that India is so far
successfully navigating between both the great powers. Although India and the US have
quite contradictory responses towards the Russia-Ukraine crisis. India and US have
underscored their commitment to continue to build on the momentum of recent years and
not lose sight of the larger strategic picture also imports most of spare parts and weapons .
CONCLUSION
The war will also not change Russian or Indian interest in creating a multipolar
world. Thus there will remain some mutual interest, even if Russia and India drift apart due
to the erosion of the Indo–Russian arms relationship and/or greater Russia–China
alignment. If the eventual impact of the war on Russia–China alignment or the Indo–
Russian arms trade remains minimal, this shared interest could sustain a strong Indo–
Russian relationship. And if these factors severely strain Indo–Russian relations, this
common concern will provide a reason for some engagement between New Delhi and
Moscow, potentially limiting the damage to the India–Russia relationship.
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