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Indigenous Data Sovereignty and Social Work in
Australia
Jacob Prehn & Maggie Walter
To cite this article: Jacob Prehn & Maggie Walter (2023): Indigenous Data Sovereignty and
Social Work in Australia, Australian Social Work, DOI: 10.1080/0312407X.2023.2186256
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/0312407X.2023.2186256
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Published online: 17 May 2023.
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Indigenous Data Sovereignty and Social Work in Australia
Jacob Prehn and Maggie Walter
Maiam nayri Wingara; School of Social Sciences, University of Tasmania, Hobart, Australia
ABSTRACT
In this article we argue that in Australian social work context and
practice, Indigenous Data Sovereignty (ID-SOV) needs to be
operationalised by enacting the principles of Indigenous Data
Governance (ID-GOV). Failure to embed ID-SOV and ID-GOV
leaves the profession open to claims that it is complicit in
disempowering Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in
relation to data. ID-SOV is a global movement focused on
Indigenous Peoples having access to, and ownership, control, and
possession of, their data. Social work is a profession committed to
championing equal rights and challenging injustices. Therefore, it
has an obligation to decolonise existing data structures in its
workplaces. This article outlines the Australian ID-SOV movement,
including current scholarship on operationalising ID-SOV in the
form of ID-GOV, and the challenge for social work to position
itself in alliance with the ID-SOV movement and in active
participation in changing the way Indigenous data have
traditionally been collected and used in Australia
IMPLICATIONS
.The Indigenous Data Sovereignty (ID-SOV) movement demands
the data rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people
and is re-shaping the Australian data landscape.
.If social work is true to its stated commitment to Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander self-determination, the profession needs to
engage with ID-SOV and work to operationalise Indigenous Data
Governance (ID-GOV) across social work environments.
.A particular focus of this article is the importance of ID-SOV and
ID-GOV being operationalised within social work research and
policy in areas such as child protection, the criminal justice
system, health and wellbeing, and housing.
ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 25 August 2022
Accepted 26 February 2023
KEYWORDS
First Nations; Aboriginal;
Torres Strait Islander;
Indigenous Data
Sovereignty; Indigenous
Data Governance; Rights;
Support; Research; Child
Safety
The global Indigenous Data Sovereignty (ID-SOV) movement is focused on the rights of
Indigenous Peoples to govern the creation, collection, ownership, and application of data
pertaining to their lives (First Nations Information Governance Centre, 2014). The ID-
SOV movement began in 1998 in Canada, when First Nations Peoplesdata were inten-
tionally kept from them. In response, Canadian First Nations people developed the Prin-
ciples of Ownership, Control, Access, and Possession (OCAP) (Schnarch, 2004). ID-SOV
© 2023 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any
medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. The terms on which
this article has been published allow the posting of the Accepted Manuscript in a repository by the author(s) or with their consent.
CONTACT Jacob Prehn jacob.prehn@utas.edu.au
AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL WORK
https://doi.org/10.1080/0312407X.2023.2186256
networks are now active in many nations, and are particularly strong in the Anglo-colo-
nised countries of Australia, Canada, the United States and Aotearoa (New Zealand).
1
The global ID-SOV movement uses a rights-based framework and builds upon the
rights established by the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples (UNDRIP) (United Nations, 2008). The benets of this framework will only
be realised when Indigenous people have rights to the ownership, control, and appli-
cation of any data pertaining to their lives (Kukutai & Taylor, 2016a). In 2019, Indigen-
ous Peoples from a range of countries including Australia came together to develop the
CARE (Collective Benet, Authority to Control, Responsibility, and Ethics) Principles
to sit alongside the non-Indigenous FAIR (Findability, Accessibility, Interoperability,
and Reuse) Principles of the open data movement (Carroll et al., 2020; Carroll et al.,
2021).
Australian Indigenous Data Sovereignty
In Australia, ID-SOV began with a global workshop called Indigenous Data Sovereignty
held at the Australian National University (ANU) in 2016. More than 20 participants,
mostly Indigenous academics from across the CANZUS countries, worked to build
upon the OCAP Principles and to develop the foundations of the ID-SOV movement.
In Australia, these became tangible at the inaugural Australian Indigenous Data Sover-
eignty Summit held in Canberra in 2018, cohosted by Maiam nayri Wingara people
(2021), the Australian Indigenous Data Sovereignty Collective, and the Australian Indi-
genous Governance Institute (2021). More than 40 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
delegates from across Australia, along with invited colleagues from Te Mana Raraunga
(2019), the Māori Data Sovereignty Network, attended. At the summit, Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander leaders exercised their sovereign rights and agreed upon the
denitions of key terms (Maiam nayri Wingara, 2018, p. 1):
1. In Australia, Indigenous Datarefers to information or knowledge, in any format or
medium, which is about and may aect Indigenous Peoples both collectively and
individually.
2. Indigenous Data Sovereigntyrefers to the right of Indigenous people to exercise
ownership over Indigenous Data. Ownership of data can be expressed through the
creation, collection, access, analysis, interpretation, management, dissemination,
and reuse of Indigenous Data.
3. Indigenous Data Governancerefers to the right of Indigenous Peoples to autono-
mously decide what, how, and why Indigenous Data are collected, accessed, and
used. It ensures that data on or about Indigenous Peoples reect our priorities,
values, cultures, worldviews, and diversity.
The Summit developed ve key principles of Indigenous Data Governance (ID-GOV),
with delegates asserting that Australian Indigenous people have the right to (Maiam
nayri Wingara, 2018, p. 2):
1. Exercise control of the data ecosystem including creation, development, stewardship,
analysis, dissemination, and infrastructure.
2J. PREHN AND M. WALTER
2. Data that are contextual and disaggregated (available and accessible at individual,
community and First Nations levels).
3. Data that are relevant and empower sustainable self-determination and eective self-
governance.
4. Data structures that are accountable to Indigenous Peoples and First Nations.
5. Data that are protective and respect our individual and collective interests.
Good ID-GOV empowers Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to make eective
decisions to support their communities and First Nations in the ways that meet their
needs and aspirations (Lovett et al., 2019; Maiam nayri Wingara, 2018).
Current and Historical Issues Regarding Indigenous Data
The ID-SOV movement is a response to the historical and ongoing structures of coloni-
sation, which include troubling Indigenous data practices (Lovett et al., 2019). In Austra-
lia, Palawa sociologist and distinguished academic Maggie Walter describes Indigenous
data collection as often leading to data that reproduce decit narratives, or to a phenom-
enon that Walter (2018, p. 1) terms 5D data: disparity, deprivation, disadvantage, dys-
function, and dierence. Not only do these data focus on the Indigene as the problem,
this construction of the problematic Indigenous person/family/community/nation
forms the evidence base for Indigenous-linked policies and programs. The failure of
the rst Closing the Gap (CTG) policy initiative (20082018), as well as the 200 years
of ineective and failed policies prior to CTG, suggests that policies, not the people
subject to them, are the problem (Walter & Carroll, 2021).
Walter (2018, p. 1) identied the existence of an Indigenous data paradox, by which
she means that there are vast amounts of data aboutAboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander people but very little forthem. What she describes as the too much data
space is occupied by signicant amounts of ocial government statistics and administra-
tive data about Aboriginal people produced from the standpoint of non-Indigenous Aus-
tralians. In the too little dataspace, which contains data for Indigenous Peoples, there
exists what she terms a data desert: the absence of the types of data Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander people need to make informed decisions about their lives, commu-
nities, tribes, and nations (Walter, 2018, p. 1).
Currently, much of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander data landscape is over-
populated with what Walter (2018) described as BADDR data: blaming, aggregate,
decontextualised, decit, and restricted. For social workers to avoid the BADDR data
trap, the data needs of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people must be considered
rst and foremost, that is, above any non-Indigenous data wants.Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander people need data relevant to the Indigenous lifeworld (Walter & Suina,
2019), data that are appropriately disaggregated (Davis, 2016), data that are suitably con-
textualised (Prehn et al., 2021; Walter & Carroll, 2021), data that address Indigenous pri-
orities and agendas (First Nations Information Governance Centre, 2014; Walter, 2016;
Yap & Yu, 2016), and data that are available and amendable (Walter, Lovett et al., 2021b).
BADDR data are of little relevance to the needs of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
people (Jelfs, 2016;Walter,2016). In a time whendata saturate our daily lives, discussion has
increasingly turned to issues relating to data consent, use, rights,and storage. The Australian
AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL WORK 3
Indigenous data ecosystem
2
is immense, and includes data created or held by individuals,
Indigenous communities, Indigenous and non-Indigenous organisations, governments,
research institutions, and commercial entities (Kukutai & Taylor, 2016b). Many of these set-
tings involve the social work profession and social workers in areas such as child safety,
criminal justice, health and wellbeing, and housing.
As the term ID-SOV suggests, the movement is led by Indigenous Peoples exercising
their sovereignty over their own and their peoplesdata. The major role for non-Indigen-
ous allies (such as the social work profession and social workers) is to provide support to
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to achieve Data Sovereignty by decolonising
existing structures that disempower and marginalise Indigenous people from their data
(Jelfs, 2016; Pool, 2016; Rowe et al., 2015; Wilks et al., 2018). The point is that most Indi-
genous-related data are still collected and held by non-Indigenous organisations and enti-
ties. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, even Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander social workers, cannot change these troubling data practices by themselves.
The challenge for social work is whether their commitment to Indigenous rights includes
working within their own organisations to change the way Indigenous data are conceptu-
alised, collected, and analysed, questioning which Indigenous data are used, what they are
used for, and why (Walter, 2018). For ID-SOV, the answer to those questions must always
be to benet Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in terms that the latter have
dened.
Operationalising Indigenous Data Sovereignty in Australian Social Work
Social work must consider how the principles of ID-SOV and ID-GOV apply to the pro-
fession, and to the institutions and organisations in which social workers conduct
research and work as practitioners. As detailed in the Australian Association of Social
Works(2020)Code of Ethics, the social work profession and its workers have a key
role to play in reducing social disadvantage, in supporting Indigenous Peoples to
achieve life outcomes that are equitable with their non-Indigenous counterparts, and
in empowering Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people to achieve their hopes,
dreams, and aspirations. It is our argument that ID-SOV and ID-GOV are central com-
ponents of manifesting these ambitions.
The operationalisation of ID-SOV through ID-GOV is key to prioritising Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander data needs within social work (Kukutai & Taylor, 2016b). In its
ordinary English sense, to operationaliseis to put into eect, to realise(Oxford
English Dictionary, 2022, p. 1). In social research, operationalisation is the process of
dening how concepts work, and whether concepts are present or absent; how you oper-
ationalise depends on the type of work you are doing (Natalier, 2019). Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander Peoples have already dened the concepts of ID-SOV and ID-
GOV, and now social work must operationalise ID-SOV by putting the ve principles
of ID-GOV into action (Maiam nayri Wingara, 2018).
The breadth of where and when is as wide as the areas of social work practice, but
current priorities include social work research (Paine et al., 2021; Walter & Suina,
2019), policy (Walter, Kukutai et al., 2021a), so-called child safety(Hunter et al.,
2020; Krakouer, 2019; Krakouer et al., 2021), the health and wellbeing sector (Lovett,
2016;Lovett et al., 2021), and the criminal justice system (Cunneen, 2016). All of
4J. PREHN AND M. WALTER
these systems collect, maintain, and use vast amounts of data, the majority of which con-
tributes to the dominant narrative of Indigenous decit. Often the data users in these
systems are consumed with simplistic, binary, comparative analysis between Indigenous
and non-Indigenous people. While these data do identify that Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander people experience considerably worse outcomes across many measures,
the types of data First Nations people needto overcome disadvantage and grow
strong through being empowered to make data-driven decisionsis largely absent
(Walter & Carroll, 2021).
Operationalising ID-SOV in Australian social work requires that the ve ID-GOV
principles be put into practice: that Indigenous people have control of the data ecosys-
tem, that data structures are accountable to Indigenous Australians, and that data are
contextualised, disaggregated, relevant, protective, and respectful. In so-called child pro-
tection, this could mean having an Indigenous Data Governance Committee for Indi-
genous data at the state or territory level, or at a level that is more appropriate for
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples. An Indigenous Data Governance Commit-
tee could be similar to that used in the Mayi Kuwayu National Study of Aboriginal &
Torres Strait Islander Wellbeing (MK Study, 2022). The Family Matters Report 2020
by Hunter et al. (2020) identies ID-SOV as key to interpreting Indigenous data in a
meaningful way. However, we suggest that social work and the child protection system
need to go a step further by including ID-GOV at the data conceptualisation phase.
This is because once the data are already collected, the ability to ask the types of questions
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people need answers to is limited. Having ID-SOV
and ID-GOV embedded in the child protection system begins to change the data land-
scape to meet the needs of Indigenous people, their families, and their communities.
The criminal justice system is another site of extreme over-representation of Aborigi-
nal and Torres Strait Islander people. The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare
(2022) states that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander youths aged 1017 years are 16
times more likely to be under youth justice supervision than non-Indigenous Australians,
while Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adults are 12 times more likely to be impri-
soned. Although this binary comparison of Indigenous and non-Indigenous data high-
lights the ongoing impact of colonisation and its damaging eects on Indigenous
people (Cunneen, 2016; Cunneen & Rowe, 2014), there are few to no data for Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander people on strengths-based factors that contribute to people and
communities being safe and healthy. Social workers practising in the criminal justice
system can support Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and contribute to ID-
SOV and ID-GOV by decolonising existing data structures that disempower and margin-
alise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people from their data and the types of data
they need for meaningful change to be achieved (Jelfs, 2016; Pool, 2016; Rowe et al.,
2015). Through the process of decolonisation, the empowerment of Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander people regarding their data can occur. This will contribute to
enabling Australias First Nations Peoples to begin to Indigenise the data ecosystem to
reect their worldviews and achieve their data needs and aspirations.
The social work profession must challenge and not be complicit in contributing to
BADDR data trends (Walter, Lovett et al., 2021b) and the 5D Indigenous data phenom-
enon (Walter, 2016). Therefore, we call on the social work profession and social workers
to:
AUSTRALIAN SOCIAL WORK 5
1. Advocate for the principles of ID-SOV and ID-GOV to be enacted across their organ-
isations and in their research.
2. Decolonise existing data structures that marginalise Indigenous people from their
data.
3. Empower Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples to Indigenise the data
ecosystem.
4. Include Indigenous Data, ID-SOV, and ID-GOV in:
(i) the Australian Association of Social Work Code of Ethics
(ii) the Australian Association of Social Works(2021)Australian Social Work Edu-
cation Accreditation Standards (ASWEAS)
(iii) professional development delivered by the AASW and other entities.
Conclusion
This article has argued that Australian social work must operationalise ID-SOV through
enacting the principles of ID-GOV. To do otherwise makes the profession complicit in
disempowering Indigenous Peoples regarding their data. To date, the centrality of data
to the lives of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people has been largely overlooked
in social work. This relates especially to the areas of child protection, the criminal
justice system, housing, and health and wellbeing, and to the research, policy, and prac-
tice guidelines that are produced in these areas. The ID-SOV movement, steered by
strong Indigenous leadership, must have allies in the social work profession to support
them in their work.
Notes
1. This group of nations is sometimes collectively referred to as the CANZUS countries
because of their shared history and the ongoing structure of colonisation.
2. A data ecosystem is a data environment and all of its components.
Disclosure Statement
No potential conict of interest was reported by the author(s).
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8J. PREHN AND M. WALTER
... Initially criticized for its deficit-based approach perpetuating stereotypes (Bennett & Gates, 2022), the revised CTG policy prioritizes Indigenous leadership and participation in decision-making processes. Social work education equips students with the skills to advocate for such reforms, aligning with the profession's commitment to human rights and social justice (Prehn & Walter, 2023). ...
... Despite these pressures, educators in Austria and Australia strive to uphold core ethical foundations by adhering to national and global ethical standards while fostering an environment where emerging social workers critically engage with ethical dilemmas and develop their professional identity (Prehn & Walter, 2023). ...
... In Austria, history recalls the complicity of social workers, 'Fürsorgerinnen', during the Nazi regime, actively participating in the regime's oppressive and inhumane policies (Gumpinger, 2008). In Australia, the participation of social workers in hegemonic, authoritarian legislation, social policy, and practice became known as the Stolen Generations with the devastating separation of families and communities (Bennett & Gates, 2022;Prehn & Walter, 2023). The involvement of social work in the Stolen Generations child removals has caused profound and lasting pain and trauma, the effects of which are still felt today. ...
... These frontiers span a range of disciplines under both the social sciences (e.g., anthropology, economics, education, history, psychology, sociology) and the formal and natural sciences (e.g., environmental science, medicine, mathematics) (Kukutai & Taylor 2016b;). Additionally, IDSov should be integrated throughout organisations and institutions (Marley 2020;Prehn & Walter 2023;Sporle, Hudson & West 2020;Walter 2016), and at local, regional, state, and national levels (Lovett, Jones & Maher 2021;Williamson et al. 2023). Embracing IDSov across these various domains is essential for fostering an accurate, empowering representation of Indigenous peoples and their communities. ...
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This chapter explores the dynamic interplay between social research and the Indigenous Data Sovereignty (IDSov) movement. In the fields of data and society, IDSov aims to disrupt colonial paradigms, emphasising the urgent need for Indigenous1 peoples and communities to reclaim authority over their data to define their narratives and futures (Kukutai & Taylor 2016b; Walter, Kukutai et al. 2021). Quality data are the backbone of a society, informing, empowering, and facilitating progress across diverse aspects of human life. However, current data landscapes are marked by historical and ongoing imbalances, where marginalised populations, such as Indigenous minorities in Anglo-colonised nations like Canada, Australia, Aotearoa (New Zealand), and the United States2, experience significant challenges attaining the data they need (Walter & Anderson 2013). In this context, the argument for IDSov gains prominence as it addresses the immediate need for Indigenous communities to assert control over their data and establish their own data systems. This effort is crucial for rectifying historical and ongoing injustices and empowering Indigenous voices to shape their narratives. As societies become increasingly digitised and interconnected online, IDSov emerges as a vital means for Indigenous peoples to preserve and strengthen their cultural identities while leveraging emerging technologies to achieve individual and communal aspirations (Kukutai & Taylor 2016a; Walter et al., 2021).
... Greg: "Research" initiated by non-Aboriginal agencies and universities has a history of perpetuating deficit-based narratives of First Nations peoples and reflecting the interests of the researchers not the communities (Lovett et al., 2020;Prehn & Walter, 2023;Williamson et al., 2021). I was using this project to support my Ph.D. (Smith, 2023). ...
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This conversation between an Aboriginal Elder, an Aboriginal senior manager/practitioner, and a non-Aboriginal narrative therapist/groupworker centres on a social research project they undertook with men residing in an Aboriginal men’s alcohol and other drug recovery service in Melbourne, Australia. The men were invited to contribute accounts of what was important in their lives and the practices that supported positive developments in their time at the facility. The men, manager, and a community Elder directed a research process that prioritised the use of these accounts to contribute to the lives of other men. The men resident at the facility provided access to transcripts of narrative therapy counselling and groupwork sessions, which were then examined using a narrative inquiry methodology. The men described the importance to them of identities as Aboriginal men, fathers, and family and community members. They gave accounts of how the service had contributed to significant developments in these identities. Key themes included the Aboriginal-managed nature of the service, providing an environment free from judgment, supporting recovery, healing, and re-connection with culture. Relationships with staff differed from those experienced by the men in other services: including respect for culture, being “on the same level,” sharing of experiences, and different approaches to role boundaries. As an outcome of the research, training materials were produced from the words of participants to promote respectful support and therapeutic practices. The project also illuminated the contributions that people subject to therapy, casework, and research make to the professional and personal lives of practitioners and researchers. In the words of Elder Les Stanley, “In a research project like this, everyone changes.”
... Brearley (2015) promotes a quality-of-care of each other that we believe infuses our relationships within the NRC and influences the way we work with, and learn from, each other as important. We also recognise the work on Indigenous Data Sovereignty as fundamental to a transformative change required in social work research practice with Indigenous people (Prehn & Walter, 2023). In addition, the NRC is firm on the benefits that Indigenous ideas bring to collaborative research partnerships (Bennett & Gillieatt, 2022). ...
... With regard to shared ownership and custody, in addition to the Charter and related literature on the recordkeeping rights of children, there is opportunity to draw from adjacent work in the realm of Indigenous data sovereignty. Prehn and Walter (2023) have called upon social work and the child protection system "to go a step further [than recognising Indigenous data sovereignty] by including [Indigenous data governance] at the data conceptualisation phase. This is because once the data are already collected, the ability to ask the types of questions Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people need answers to is limited. ...
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Just as archival scholarship has increasingly engaged in conversations around care and holistic considerations of the agency of records subjects, the child welfare systems of the modern Western world have been moving towards conversations that aim to centre and celebrate the voice of the child in new and important ways. However, too often are these conversations held back by the enormity of the issue and the overhaul that would have to take place for philosophy to match with practice. In this paper, I suggest that part of the problem is that we have been trying to make these changes philosophy first, placing a new way of thinking on top of an old way of doing—an approach that will never generate change. Leaning in to using speculation to imagine what the new recordkeeping of a caring system might look like, I propose that the act of recordkeeping is the fulcrum that could make caring child welfare a reality and illustrate some of the avenues through which we might pursue instigating the systemic changes needed if we are to see the agency and perspectives of children prioritised in child welfare and protection practices.
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Defining safety and wellbeing measurements for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children and young people can be difficult due to its subjectivity. This article discusses findings from yarning circles held with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples discussing these very definitions. It is argued through the findings; Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander knowledge must be incorporated when defining safety and wellbeing measures such as connection to culture, family and housing.
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It is the purpose of this chapter to critically evaluate, through an Indigenous Data Sovereignty (IDSov) lens, a variety of racism measures utilised within one of the most successful national (Australian) longitudinal studies engaging with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, that being the Footprints in Time: Longitudinal Study of Indigenous Children (LSIC). The LSIC has engaged with a wide diversity of measures that cross many disciplines, and has currently extended for over 15 years of data collection centring on Indigenous children and their carers, families, and schools. This extensive longitudinal database should be celebrated as a pioneering example of ethical research that has profoundly and reciprocally engaged with Aboriginal and Torres Islander families and communities over time. Yet there have been times when the perspectives of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and non-Indigenous leadership within LSIC have not fully aligned. This chapter will focus on how this epistemic conflict may have impacted the application of varying measures of racism and discrimination within the LSIC surveys (and arguably contributed to epistemic racism itself). As a result, it will highlight the need for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander ownership, control, and governance over measures that are meant to represent our lived experiences today.
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Australia Day, celebrated on January 26, is rooted in Australia's colonial history and causes pain for many of Australia's First Peoples. This study was the first to investigate predictors of Australians’ attitudes toward the date, while exploring whether intervention may improve attitudes toward a date‐change. An Australian community sample ( N = 559) were recruited through social media for an anonymous survey. Participants indicated their support for date‐change, and responded to a variety of demographic (e.g., Age) and sociodemographic (e.g., Racism) questions, then being randomly allocated to an intervention statement, indicating their final attitudes post‐intervention. Findings suggest sociodemographic factors were more important predictors than demographics, with Racism ( b*** = .50), Traditionalism ( b** = .18), Patriotism ( b* = .13), and Age ( b* = .10) significantly predicting participants’ date‐change resistance. Racism demonstrated the most predictive strength, underscoring the importance of a date‐change, with those open to change often identifying any alternative date should not offend First Peoples. In addition, intervention produced significant improvement in participants’ date‐change attitudes, among those who were able to become more open to a date‐change; however, differences were not present between intervention conditions. This illuminates the factors predicting Australians’ attitudes toward Australia Day, while demonstrating a potential path toward date‐change through intervention.
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As big data, open data, and open science advance to increase access to complex and large datasets for innovation, discovery, and decision-making, Indigenous Peoples’ rights to control and access their data within these data environments remain limited. Operationalizing the FAIR Principles for scientific data with the CARE Principles for Indigenous Data Governance enhances machine actionability and brings people and purpose to the fore to resolve Indigenous Peoples’ rights to and interests in their data across the data lifecycle.
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Predictive risk modelling using administrative data is increasingly being promoted to tackle complex social policy issues, including the risk of child maltreatment and recurring involvement with child protection systems. This paper discusses opportunities and risks concerning predictive risk modelling with administrative datasets to address Indigenous Australian overrepresentation in Australian child protection systems. A scoping review using five databases, and the Google search engine, examined peer‐reviewed and grey literature on risks associated with predictive risk models (PRMs) for racial and ethnic populations in child protection systems, such as Indigenous Australians. The findings revealed a dearth of research, especially considering Indigenous populations. Although PRMs have been developed for Australian child protection systems, no empirical research was found in relation to Indigenous Australians. The implications for utilising administrative data to address Indigenous Australian overrepresentation are discussed, focusing on methodological limitations of predictive analytics, and notions of fairness and bias. Participatory model development, transparency and Indigenous data sovereignty are crucial to ensure the development of fair and unbiased PRMs in Australian child protection systems. Yet, while PRMs may offer substantial benefits as decision support tools, significant developments – which fully include Indigenous Australians – are needed before they can be used with Indigenous Australians.
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Concerns about secondary use of data and limited opportunities for benefit-sharing have focused attention on the tension that Indigenous communities feel between (1) protecting Indigenous rights and interests in Indigenous data (including traditional knowledges) and (2) supporting open data, machine learning, broad data sharing, and big data initiatives. The International Indigenous Data Sovereignty Interest Group (within the Research Data Alliance) is a network of nation-state based Indigenous data sovereignty networks and individuals that developed the ‘CARE Principles for Indigenous Data Governance’ (Collective Benefit, Authority to Control, Responsibility, and Ethics) in consultation with Indigenous Peoples, scholars, non-profit organizations, and governments. The CARE Principles are people– and purpose-oriented, reflecting the crucial role of data in advancing innovation, governance, and self-determination among Indigenous Peoples. The Principles complement the existing data-centric approach represented in the ‘FAIR Guiding Principles for scientific data management and stewardship’ (Findable, Accessible, Interoperable, Reusable). The CARE Principles build upon earlier work by the Te Mana Raraunga Maori Data Sovereignty Network, US Indigenous Data Sovereignty Network, Maiam nayri Wingara Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Data Sovereignty Collective, and numerous Indigenous Peoples, nations, and communities. The goal is that stewards and other users of Indigenous data will ‘Be FAIR and CARE.’ In this first formal publication of the CARE Principles, we articulate their rationale, describe their relation to the FAIR Principles, and present examples of their application.
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Indigenous Data Sovereignty, in its proclamation of the right of Indigenous peoples to govern the collection, ownership , and application of data, recognises data as a cultural and economic asset. The impact of data are magnified by the emergence of Big Data and the associated impetus to open publicly held data (Open Data). Aboriginal and Tor-res Strait Islander peoples, families and communities, heavily overrepresented in social disadvantage related data will also be overrepresented in the application of these new technologies. But, in a data landscape Indigenous peoples remain largely alienated from the use of data and its utilization within the channels of policy power. Existing data infrastructure , and the emerging Open Data infrastructure, neither recognise Indigenous agency, worldviews nor consider Indigenous data needs. This is demonstrated in the absence of any consideration of Indigenous data issues Open Data discussions and publication. So, while the potential benefits of this data revolution are trumpeted, our marginalised social, cultural and political location suggest we will not share equally in these benefits. This paper discusses the unforeseen (and likely unseen) consequences of the influence Open data and Big Data and discusses how Indigenous Data Sovereignty can mediate risks while providing pathways to collective benefits.
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In the Australian higher education sector, the challenges to successful engagement and retention experienced by Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander students and communities are considerable. They persist despite many well-intentioned attempts to address this issue and to strengthen equity in participation in the sector. Implicated in this is the absence of a culturally-informed data quality framework for the sector, and the resulting persistence of associated issues such as confusion with data ownership; consistency; standards; usage; and storage. In this paper we argue it is essential that rigorous inquiry be carried out into the type and nature of data required or sought in the higher education sector on, for and with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. This inquiry must involve Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander educators, researchers, evaluators and communities to bring into effect their aspirations for data sovereignty including stewardship and ownership of data, and for culturally beneficial outcomes relating to the use and application of data. It also mandates a collaborative approach with existing government and independent organisations, and Indigenous and non-Indigenous researchers from higher education institutions, working together towards the development and implementation of an agreed-upon and decolonised Indigenous data framework for the sector.