ArticlePublisher preview available

Lethal Force Usage by Law Enforcement Officers Against Hispanics, 2011-2020

Authors:
To read the full-text of this research, you can request a copy directly from the authors.

Abstract

Most research on lethal force by law enforcement officers (LEOs) has focused on firearm deaths by LEOs among certain racial groups (e.g., African Americans). Specifically, not much is known about LEOs-induced lethal injuries among Hispanics. The purpose of this study was to characterize LEOs induced fatal injuries, the methods used, among various demographic groups of Hispanics, and the years of potential life lost before the age of 80 years due to lethal force by LEOs. Data from the Web-Based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System (WISQARS) were analyzed for the years 2011-2020. LEOs killed 1,158 Hispanics; most were males (96.2%) with the majority being shot (89.9%). Two-thirds (66.9%) of those killed were Hispanics 20-39 years of age and from the Western U.S. These Hispanic deaths resulted in 53,320 YPLLs. Males and those ages 20-39 years lost the most YPLLs. The rate of fatal encounters with LEOs for Hispanics grew by 44.4% over the decade, with the highest rate in 2020. Mitigation of unnecessary Hispanic deaths by LEOs needs to include changes in law enforcement agency policies, hiring practices for LEOs, improved data collection for LEOs use of lethal force, improved mental healthcare and training for LEOs, use of less lethal strategies for citizen control by law enforcement, deference education for all young adults, and long-term changes in social forces that have created and maintained disenfranchised communities of color.
ORIGINAL PAPER
Journal of Community Health (2023) 48:819–823
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10900-023-01222-8
lens can result in perceived disrespect for authority should
any encounters with citizens include non-compliance with
instructions, “talking back”, and trying to evade encounters
with LEOs, just to name a few scenarios that could end in the
use of excessive force by LEOs. Furthermore, LEOs often
perceive their job primarily as a crime-ghting mission.
As a result, they may bring a demeanor of righteousness
to their job; an us-versus-them mentality that is reinforced
by strong in-group loyalty (“thin blue line”). Ocers often
come from communities they serve and bring with them the
miasmas (e.g., prejudice, myths, and misconceptions) that
infect some individuals in all communities [13].
In the United States (U.S.), LEOs typically kill over a
thousand citizens each year, about three individuals per
day. They shoot the equivalent of two more individuals
every day who survive for each one who is fatally shot [3].
Homicides by LEOs do not solely result from just shoot-
ings (e.g., Philando Castile, Daunte Wright), but can also
include choking (e.g. George Floyd, Eric Garner), beatings
(e.g., Tyre Nichols), and taser-induced deaths (e.g., Ron-
ald Green). What these individuals have in common is that
The primary function of law enforcement ocers (LEOs)
is to protect and serve their communities. Protection of the
public hinges, in large part, on the provision of safety and
social control of citizens through surveillance, regulation,
and discipline. Sometimes, this may extend to violence or
the use of lethal force; the reports of which have gained
widespread and frequent mass media attention in the last few
years. Despite the recent media attention, overall, too many
Americans have remained oblivious to the highly prevalent
use of lethal force by LEOs and how anomalous their use of
lethal force is in comparison to other Western countries [1].
For many LEOs, the badge, uniform, and rearm become
a source of empowerment. Egos established through this
James H. Price
jprice@utnet.utoledo.edu
1 Emeritus Professor of Public Health, University of Toledo,
43606 Toledo, OH, United States
2 Professor of Public Health, New Mexico State University,
88003 Las Cruces, NM, United States
Abstract
Most research on lethal force by law enforcement ocers (LEOs) has focused on rearm deaths by LEOs among cer-
tain racial groups (e.g., African Americans). Specically, not much is known about LEOs-induced lethal injuries among
Hispanics. The purpose of this study was to characterize LEOs induced fatal injuries, the methods used, among various
demographic groups of Hispanics, and the years of potential life lost before the age of 80 years due to lethal force by
LEOs. Data from the Web-Based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System (WISQARS) were analyzed for the years
2011–2020. LEOs killed 1,158 Hispanics; most were males (96.2%) with the majority being shot (89.9%). Two-thirds
(66.9%) of those killed were Hispanics 20–39 years of age and from the Western U.S. These Hispanic deaths resulted
in 53,320 YPLLs. Males and those ages 20–39 years lost the most YPLLs. The rate of fatal encounters with LEOs for
Hispanics grew by 44.4% over the decade, with the highest rate in 2020. Mitigation of unnecessary Hispanic deaths by
LEOs needs to include changes in law enforcement agency policies, hiring practices for LEOs, improved data collection
for LEOs use of lethal force, improved mental healthcare and training for LEOs, use of less lethal strategies for citizen
control by law enforcement, deference education for all young adults, and long-term changes in social forces that have
created and maintained disenfranchised communities of color.
Keywords Hispanics · Latino · Violence · Firearms · Law Enforcement · Police · Racism
Accepted: 11 April 2023 / Published online: 3 May 2023
© The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2023
Lethal Force Usage by Law Enforcement Officers Against Hispanics,
2011–2020
James H.Price1· JagdishKhubchandani2
1 3
Content courtesy of Springer Nature, terms of use apply. Rights reserved.
... This analysis involves fitting a series of joined straight lines over successive segments of time on a logarithmic scale. The Monte Carlo permutation method was conducted to test at a significance level of p = 0.05 [10,11]. Analysis of publicly available deidentified data from government databases is not considered human subjects research; no IRB approval was needed for this analysis. ...
... There are a variety of methods suggested as potential alterations for reducing unwarranted LEO killings. These methods include but are not limited to creating a national police misconduct registry, requiring body-worn cameras, de-escalation, and conflict resolution training, implicit bias reduction training, education on the nature and impact of racism, civilian oversight as a part of police behavior reviews, reconsidering over-policing in communities of color, deploying non-police responders for mental health emergencies mandatory reporting to appropriate government agencies of all use of firearm incidents, and hiring more college-educated, female, and full-time officers, [11,[18][19][20][21][22] The primary limitation of this study concerns the reliability and validity of the legal intervention mortality data of WISQARS. Police reporting of firearm deaths to the federal government is voluntary. ...
Article
Full-text available
Law enforcement officers in the U.S. are more likely to use lethal force against non-Hispanic Black citizens than on their non-Hispanic White counterparts. The purpose of this study was to assess estimates of the national prevalence of fatal firearm violence by law enforcement officers (LEOs) against non-Hispanic Black Americans. The Web-Based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System (WISQARS) from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) were analyzed using descriptive statistics and joinpoint regression from 2011 to 2020. During the decade (2011–2020) LEOs fatally shot 5,073 citizens and 1,170 were non-Hispanic Black (23%). The vast majority (96%) were males and two-thirds (66%) of those killed were ages 20–39 years. The region with the highest number of LEO fatal shootings was the Western U.S. Firearm deaths of non-Hispanic Blacks were the dominant (82%) method of LEO-induced deaths. Non-Hispanic Black Americans experience LEO firearm-related injuries and deaths at a much higher rate than their non-Hispanic White counterparts. In the context of the racial disparities among people who die following LEO-related gunshot wounds, changes to police training systems and an examination of implicit biases among LEOs should be investigated as the next step in reducing the use of lethal force practices.
Article
Federal agencies are largely underrepresented when examining the dynamics of officer-involved killings. Amid discussions of police and immigration reform is the underexplored role of U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP). Given the increased focus on reports of deaths at the U.S.–Mexico border, CBP agents’ use of deadly force warrants further scholarly attention. To address this gap in the literature, we rely on data from the Southern Border Communities Coalition and CBP to examine Latino individuals’ fatal encounters involving agents (2010–2023). We qualitatively analyze the characteristics of, and actions within, such encounters. Major findings and implications for theory and policy are discussed.
Article
Full-text available
Firearms are a substantial cause of death for pre-school children (ages 0–5 years). The purpose of this study was to characterize fatal firearm violence in this age group. The Web-Based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System (WISQARS) data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) were analyzed for the years 2010–2020. There were 1,220 firearm deaths during the study period with a 75% increase in the rate of deaths per 100,000 population. Most deaths (two-thirds) were among males. Non-Hispanic Blacks comprised 56.4% of all deaths in 2020, a 172% increase from 2010 and the rate for non-Hispanic Whites increased by 15.4% from 2010 to 2020. The majority of the deaths occurred in the South. Almost two-thirds (65.9%) of all firearm deaths were homicides, 30% were unintentional, and 4.1% were undetermined. Homicides were also the majority of deaths for non-Hispanic Blacks (64.9%), non-Hispanic Whites (60.8%), and Hispanics (81.3%). The years of potential life lost before 80 years of age were 94,105, with a plurality (43.3%) of losses occurring among non-Hispanic Black children. Sustained awareness campaigns should be implemented to make parents and guardians aware of the profound dangers of unlocked and loaded or unsafely stored firearms in the home. Child healthcare providers should counsel parents and guardians on firearm safety in households. Public health professionals should advocate for laws that can help protect children from firearm violence (e.g., Domestic Violence Restraining Orders, Child Access Prevention laws, and Extreme Risk Protection Order laws).
Article
Full-text available
This study examines the effects of agency education requirements on racial differences in police-related fatalities (PRFs) across 235 large US cities between 2000 and 2016. We estimated Poisson pseudo-maximum likelihood (PPML) regression models with multiple fixed effects using data from the Fatal Encounters database, Bureau of Justice Statistics’ Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics survey, and other publicly available databases. Results show that adopting agency college degree requirements is generally associated with decreases in PRFs over time, with significant reductions observed for PRFs of Black and unarmed citizens. Our study suggests mandating at least an associate’s degree for entry-level officers should equate to lower rates of Black people and unarmed persons killed by police actions and more balance in the racial distribution of PRFs. Police leaders and local governments should consider these findings when crafting policies to protect against fatal police-citizen encounters. Publicly available link: https://link.springer.com/epdf/10.1007/s11896-022-09534-6
Article
Full-text available
Background Police shootings are unevenly spatially distributed, with substantive spikes throughout the USA. While minorities are disproportionately the victims of police force, social or structural factors associated with this distribution are not well understood. The objective of this work was to evaluate police shootings in relation to victim race or ethnicity and residential segregation and racial diversity. Methods Validated crowdsourced data from the Washington Post’s Fatal Force (2015–2020) were linked with census tract-level data from the American Community Survey. Residential minority dissimilarity, interaction, and a racial and ethnic diversity metric were calculated in order to assess the potentially variant importance of evenness in distribution, exposure likelihood, and general representation. Logistic and multinomial regression was used to model associations between segregation and diversity, adjusted for other ecological characteristics. Analyses were stratified by victim race or ethnicity (Black, Asian, or Hispanic). Results Across all races combined, the odds of a police shooting in a particular census tract were associated with non-Hispanic Black dissimilarity (OR = 0.98, 95% CI 0.97, 0.99) and racial and ethnic diversity (1.046, 95% CI 1.044, 1.060). Areas with higher racial diversity had a higher likelihood of having a police shooting event with Black victims (OR = 1.092, 95% CI 1.064, 1.120) or Asian victims (OR = 1.188, 1.051, 1.343) than less diverse areas. Higher non-Hispanic Black interaction was associated with a lower likelihood of having a police shooting event with Black victims (OR = 0.914, 95% CI 0.833, 0.946) than lower interaction areas. Higher Hispanic dissimilarity was associated with a lower likelihood of having a police shooting event with a Hispanic victim (OR = 0.398, 95% CI 0.324, 0.489) than lower dissimilarity areas. Conclusions The variant effects of residential segregation are only seen when victims are analyzed separately by race. There appears to be a protective effect for Hispanic populations in Hispanic communities, while the reverse is true of Black individuals. We urge law enforcement responsible for locations with segregated communities to monitor individual interactions that police have with residents as well as the patterns of frequency and context of those interactions.
Article
Full-text available
Objectives: Data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) show that firearm deaths are increasing in the USA. The aims of this study were to determine the magnitude of potential years of life lost due to firearms and to examine the evolution of firearm deaths on the basis of sex, race, and geographical location within the USA. Methods: Data was extracted (2009-2018) from the National Vital Statistics Reports from the CDC and the Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System database. Years of potential life lost was calculated by the CDC standard of subtracting the age at death from the standard year of 80, and then summing the individual years of potential life lost (YPLL) across each cause of death. Results: The YPLL in 2017 and 2018 was higher for firearms than motor vehicle crashes (MVCs). In 2018, the YPLL for firearms was 1.42 million and 1.34 million for MVC. Males comprised the majority (85.4%) of the 38 929 firearm deaths. White males had the most YPLL due to suicide, with 4.95 million YPLL during the course of the 10-year period; black males had the most YPLL due to homicide with 3.2 million YPLL during the same time period. The largest number of suicides by firearms was in older white males. Firearm-related injury deaths were highest in the South, followed by the West, Midwest, and Northeast, respectively. Conclusion: Firearms are now the leading cause of YPLL in trauma. Firearm deaths have overtaken MVC as the mechanism for the main cause of potential years of life lost since 2017. Suicide in white males accounts for more YPLL than homicides. Deaths related to firearms are potentially preventable causes of death and prevention efforts should be redirected. Level of evidence: Level III-Descriptive Study.
Article
Full-text available
Background The burden of fatal police violence is an urgent public health crisis in the USA. Mounting evidence shows that deaths at the hands of the police disproportionately impact people of certain races and ethnicities, pointing to systemic racism in policing. Recent high-profile killings by police in the USA have prompted calls for more extensive and public data reporting on police violence. This study examines the presence and extent of under-reporting of police violence in US Government-run vital registration data, offers a method for correcting under-reporting in these datasets, and presents revised estimates of deaths due to police violence in the USA. Methods We compared data from the USA National Vital Statistics System (NVSS) to three non-governmental, open-source databases on police violence: Fatal Encounters, Mapping Police Violence, and The Counted. We extracted and standardised the age, sex, US state of death registration, year of death, and race and ethnicity (non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black, non-Hispanic of other races, and Hispanic of any race) of each decedent for all data sources and used a network meta-regression to quantify the rate of under-reporting within the NVSS. Using these rates to inform correction factors, we provide adjusted estimates of deaths due to police violence for all states, ages, sexes, and racial and ethnic groups from 1980 to 2019 across the USA. Findings Across all races and states in the USA, we estimate 30 800 deaths (95% uncertainty interval [UI] 30 300–31 300) from police violence between 1980 and 2018; this represents 17 100 more deaths (16 600–17 600) than reported by the NVSS. Over this time period, the age-standardised mortality rate due to police violence was highest in non-Hispanic Black people (0·69 [95% UI 0·67–0·71] per 100 000), followed by Hispanic people of any race (0·35 [0·34–0·36]), non-Hispanic White people (0·20 [0·19–0·20]), and non-Hispanic people of other races (0·15 [0·14– 0·16]). This variation is further affected by the decedent's sex and shows large discrepancies between states. Between 1980 and 2018, the NVSS did not report 55·5% (54·8–56·2) of all deaths attributable to police violence. When aggregating all races, the age-standardised mortality rate due to police violence was 0·25 (0·24–0·26) per 100 000 in the 1980s and 0·34 (0·34–0·35) per 100 000 in the 2010s, an increase of 38·4% (32·4–45·1) over the period of study. Interpretation We found that more than half of all deaths due to police violence that we estimated in the USA from 1980 to 2018 were unreported in the NVSS. Compounding this, we found substantial differences in the age-standardised mortality rate due to police violence over time and by racial and ethnic groups within the USA. Proven public health intervention strategies are needed to address these systematic biases. State-level estimates allow for appropriate targeting of these strategies to address police violence and improve its reporting. Funding Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, National Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities, and National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute.
Article
Full-text available
Mounting evidence suggests that law enforcement organizational factors contribute to higher incidence and racial disparities in police killings. To determine whether agency policies contribute to race-specific civilian fatalities, this exploratory study compared fatality rates among agencies with and without selected policies expected to reduce killings. A cross-section of 1085 fatalities in the 2015–2016 The Counted public-use database were matched to 481 agencies in the 2013 Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics (LEMAS) database. Negative binomial regression estimated incidence rate ratios (IRR) adjusted for agency type, number of officers, percent female personnel, median income, percent with a bachelor’s degree, violent crime rate, and population size, with inference using robust standard errors. Agencies with greater proportions of full-time personnel (range 43–100%) had lower rates of all (IRR = 0.85; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.77–0.93) and non-White civilian killings (IRR = 0.85; CI = 0.73–0.99). Mission statements predicted lower rates of all (IRR = 0.70; CI = 0.58–0.84) and White killings (IRR = 0.60; CI = 0.40–0.90). Community evaluation and more types of personnel incentives predicted lower rates of White (IRR = 0.82; CI = 0.68–0.99) and non-White killings (IRR = 0.94; CI = 0.89–1.00), respectively. Increasing video use predicted higher rates of White killings (IRR = 1.13; CI = 1.01–1.28). No policies were significantly associated with Black civilian killings. Law enforcement policies that help reduce police killings may vary across racial groups with the least benefit for Black civilians. Impact evaluations and meta-analyses of initiatives aimed to mitigate fatalities should be explored, particularly policies to address anti-Black bias. A national registry tracking all police killings and agency policies is urgently needed to inform law enforcement policies aimed to mitigate civilian fatalities.
Article
Police are the default first responders in most mental health crisis intervention models worldwide, resulting in a heavy burden on police, perceived criminalization of individuals with complex mental health needs, and escalation of aggression that resort to violence. Models, such as crisis intervention teams (CIT), and co‐response programmes aim to improve service user experiences and outcomes by providing mental health training to police, or pairing law enforcement officers with mental health clinicians, respectively. Despite these efforts, mental health‐related calls continue to result in negative outcomes, and activists and policymakers are advocating for non‐police models of crisis intervention. Evidence‐based practice in mental health crisis intervention is urgently needed. The present review’s main objective was to examine, synthesise and compare outcomes across police, co‐responder and non‐police models of mental health crisis intervention internationally using a rapid review framework. A systematic search of four electronic databases of studies published between 2010–2020 and a grey literature search was conducted, yielding (n = 1008) articles. A total of 62 articles were included in the present review. Studies were largely observational, lacking control groups and were of low‐moderate quality with a high potential for bias. Overall, there is little evidence to suggest that the CIT model impacts crisis outcomes. Co‐responder models evidenced improved outcomes compared to police only models, however, evidence was often mixed. Non‐police models varied significantly, and studies tended to be too low quality to make comparisons or draw conclusions, however, research on youth models and crisis resolution home treatment suggested positive outcomes. Findings highlight the need for high‐quality studies and policies to facilitate the implementation and evaluation of novel approaches not involving police. Cross‐sectorial collaboration and service user input are urgently needed to inform, develop, test and disseminate effective models of crisis intervention acceptable to service users.
Article
An estimated 60 million Americans encounter police annually and more than one million are threatened or subjected to police use of force during these encounters. Much research exists on the efficacy for crime control of the policing practices that produce those encounters, but outside of formal consequences such as incarceration, the criminology of police harms has been slower to emerge. In this review, we describe the slow violence that contemporary policing practices disproportionately inflict on people of color. These wide-ranging harms constitute cultural trauma and shape health, well-being, academic performance, government participation, community membership, and physical space. As a result, routine policing practices help create and maintain the racial and class status quo. We close by considering the limits of popular reforms given those harms and urge researchers to take a broader approach by studying nonpolicing alternatives to public safety alongside crime control efficacy and incorporating more critical perspectives to build a more comprehensive assessment of modern policing practices. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Criminology, Volume 5 is January 2022. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.
Article
Introduction Violent encounters with police represent a significant cause of morbidity and mortality in the USA, especially among Black, Indigenous, and People of Colour (BIPOC). This study characterises trends in fatal police shootings overall and by armed status and quantifies inequities in mortality burden and years of life lost (YLL) across racial/ethnic groups. Methods Longitudinal study of Washington Post data on fatal police shootings in the USA using generalised linear-mixed models to capture trends with time and relative rates. Results This study shows that the rate of fatal police shootings for Black, Indigenous, and People of Colour (BIPOC) is constant from 2015 to 2020. Further, BIPOC have significantly higher death rates compared with Whites in the overall victim pool (Native American RR=3.06, Black RR=2.62, Hispanic RR=1.29) and among unarmed victims (Black RR=3.18, Hispanic RR=1.45). Native American (RR=3.95), Black (overall RR=3.29, unarmed RR=3.49) and Hispanic (RR=1.55, unarmed RR=1.55), victims had similarly high rates of YLL relative to Whites. Conclusion Fatal police shootings are a public health emergency that contribute to poor health for BIPOC. Urgent attention from health professionals is needed to help drive policy efforts that reduce this unjust burden and move us towards achieving health equity in the US.
Article
Literature has documented racial and ethnic disparities in resident fatalities by the police and police fatalities by residents. Yet, there has been a lack of research on police-resident relationships within Hispanic communities. Additionally, research has rarely considered the relevance of social context for fatal police-resident encounters or examined resident and police fatalities concurrently. We use data on 7,125 fatal police-resident encounters nested within 1,739 agencies and 1,506 U.S. census-designated places from 2000–2016 to examine whether macro-level racial and ethnic composition distinguishes resident fatalities and police fatalities. Results indicated that the odds of resident fatalities relative to police fatalities were significantly higher in majority Hispanic than majority white places. Racial disparities persisted in mixed-race places with at least 20% Hispanic residents. Furthermore, disparities were only observed in highly disadvantaged places, suggesting that racial and ethnic composition and structural disadvantage must be considered concomitantly to contextualize fatal police-resident encounters.