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How to Improve Others’ Emotions: Reappraise and be Responsive

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Abstract

Unlabelled: People often try to improve others' emotions. However, it is unclear which interpersonal emotion regulation strategies are most effective and why. In 121 candid dyadic conversations between undergraduate students via video conferencing, target participants recounted a stressful event to regulator participants. Three strategies used by regulators during these conversations to change targets' emotions were obtained from the regulator after the conversation: extrinsic reappraisal, extrinsic suppression, and extrinsic acceptance. Perceived regulator responsiveness was obtained from targets to examine the social consequences of extrinsic emotion regulation and its mediating role in successful extrinsic emotion regulation. We found that regulators' extrinsic reappraisal use was associated with improved target emotions measured across two distinct classes of outcomes: targets' emotions during the conversation and targets' perception that the regulator improved their emotions. Regulators' extrinsic suppression and acceptance, in contrast, were not related with improved target emotions or perceptions of improvement. Instead, all extrinsic regulatory strategies were associated with improved targets' emotions when mediated by targets' perceptions of regulator responsiveness. Finally, observer-ratings of regulators' extrinsic reappraisal and suppression use were found to be consistent with regulators' self-ratings and follow the same pattern of results on the outcome measures. These findings provide insight into why the social regulation of emotions can succeed or fail and hold implications for interventions aimed at guiding people toward more successfully improving others' emotions. Supplementary information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s42761-023-00183-4.
Vol.:(0123456789)
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Affective Science
https://doi.org/10.1007/s42761-023-00183-4
RESEARCH ARTICLE
How toImprove Others’ Emotions: Reappraise andbe Responsive
OliviaJurkiewicz1· C.BlairMcGarrigle2· ChristopherOveis1
Received: 15 August 2022 / Accepted: 15 February 2023
© The Author(s) 2023
Abstract
People often try to improve others’ emotions. However, it is unclear which interpersonal emotion regulation strategies are most
effective and why. In 121 candid dyadic conversations between undergraduate students via video conferencing, target participants
recounted a stressful event to regulator participants. Three strategies used by regulators during these conversations to change
targets’ emotions were obtained from the regulator after the conversation: extrinsic reappraisal, extrinsic suppression, and extrinsic
acceptance. Perceived regulator responsiveness was obtained from targets to examine the social consequences of extrinsic emotion
regulation and its mediating role in successful extrinsic emotion regulation. We found that regulators’ extrinsic reappraisal use was
associated with improved target emotions measured across two distinct classes of outcomes: targets’ emotions during the conversation
and targets’ perception that the regulator improved their emotions. Regulators’ extrinsic suppression and acceptance, in contrast, were
not related with improved target emotions or perceptions of improvement. Instead, all extrinsic regulatory strategies were associated
with improved targets’ emotions when mediated by targets’ perceptions of regulator responsiveness. Finally, observer-ratings of
regulators’ extrinsic reappraisal and suppression use were found to be consistent with regulators’ self-ratings and follow the same
pattern of results on the outcome measures. These findings provide insight into why the social regulation of emotions can succeed
or fail and hold implications for interventions aimed at guiding people toward more successfully improving others’ emotions.
Keywords Interpersonal emotion regulation· Reappraisal· Responsiveness· Social support· Social regulation
Overwhelmed with his new job, Tyler divulges his fears and
doubts to his coworker Rebecca. Tyler fears failing the people
who gave him this job opportunity, and he doubts that he can
keep up with the accumulating workload. When Rebecca hears
about his distress, she considers using three different strategies
to help him. She could remind him that many people struggle
at first in a new job, so it is okay to feel this way (i.e., extrinsic
acceptance), she could scold him for being so negative at work
because it looks bad for him (i.e., extrinsic suppression), or
she could suggest that he reframe his situation as a learning
experience in which it is okay to make mistakes (i.e., extrinsic
reappraisal). Ultimately, she chooses the latter strategy, which
proves effective in easing Tyler’s negative emotions.
This example highlights the importance of interpersonal emo-
tion regulation, a process in which one person’s emotions are
regulated by another person (Dixon-Gordon etal., 2015; Zaki &
Williams, 2013). Most emotion regulation research prioritizes
understanding how the individual uses strategies to change their
own emotion experience (Gross, 2015) but overlooks the role of
other people in this process (Reeck etal., 2016). Yet, it is well
documented that other people have the capacity to change a target
person’s emotions through their communication style (Overall
etal., 2009), their emotion expression (Parkinson & Simons,
2009; Peters etal., 2014), their physical proximity (Beckes &
Sbarra, 2022), and their empathic ability (Brown & Fredrickson,
2021). That is why individuals like Tyler often depend on others
to improve how they feel (Williams etal., 2018).
The process of interpersonal emotion regulation may be
initiated by the target (i.e., intrinsic) as in the case of the
social sharing of emotions (Rimé, 2009) or may be initiated
by regulator (i.e., extrinsic; Niven, 2017) as in the example
of Rebecca and Tyler. Some conceptualizations specify that
interpersonal emotion regulation must be deliberate (Nivenet
Handling Editor: Renee Thompson
* Olivia Jurkiewicz
ojurkiew@ucsd.edu
* Christopher Oveis
oveis@ucsd.edu
C. Blair McGarrigle
blair.mcgarrigle@anderson.ucla.edu
1 University ofCalifornia, SanDiego, USA
2 University ofCalifornia, LosAngeles, USA
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al., 2009), and other work does not. We take the position here
that extrinsic emotion regulation may be either deliberate or
non-deliberate on the part of the regulator. Thus far, research
on extrinsic emotion regulation has demonstrated that indi-
viduals choose to use extrinsic reappraisal (Matthews etal.,
2021) and extrinsic suppression (Pauw etal., 2019) on others
to intentionally modify their emotions, and that this is a daily
occurrence (Liu etal., 2021). In the present study, we exam-
ine whether three extrinsic strategies (i.e., reappraisal, sup-
pression, and acceptance) might work and why by capturing
natural behavior in candid conversations in which authentic
emotions are experienced.
Similar to intrapersonal cognitive reappraisal which
works through the reinterpretation of an emotion-eliciting
situation (Gross, 1998, 2015), extrinsic reappraisal should
be effective when a regulator suggests a suitable refram-
ing of the target’s situation. An advantage of extrinsic reap-
praisal is that the regulator provides additional cognitive
resources to the target, thereby reducing the effort needed
by the target to formulate their own alternative interpreta-
tions (for a discussion on load sharing, see Coan & Sbarra,
2015). Because reappraisal is a difficult strategy for indi-
viduals to successfully execute on their own due to cogni-
tive load (Ford & Troy, 2019), any external support may be
useful. For example, listening to another’s reinterpretation
of a negative image bolsters better intrapersonal emotion
regulation (Sahi etal., 2021). On the other hand, there are
reasons to assume that extrinsic reappraisal would not be
effective, particularly if the target does not accept the cogni-
tive reframing chosen by the regulator. For example, targets
perceive written advice from regulators about using reap-
praisal as unhelpful for managing their anxiety compared
to managing their sadness (Shu etal., 2020). One possible
explanation is that targets can feel offended or demeaned by
a regulator’s reinterpretation of their emotion experience,
especially in the context of high arousal negative emotions
such as anxiety and anger (Levenson etal., 2015).
When using extrinsic suppression, a regulator sig-
nals for a target person to hide their emotion expression
through indirect means (e.g., ignoring or conveying dis-
comfort about their emotional expressions) or direct means
(e.g., telling them to hide or control their emotions). By
suppressing a target’s expressions of negative emotions,
a regulator may improve a target’s emotions by prevent-
ing detrimental social behaviors such as co-rumination
(Boren, 2014) or venting (Nils & Rimé, 2012), or a regu-
lator may improve a target’s emotions by shifting the tar-
get’s attention away from the distressing situation (Bebko
etal., 2011). On the other hand, extrinsic suppression may
result in the intensification of negative emotions due to
unresolved negative appraisals (Yih etal., 2019) and the
experience of new negative emotions due to the distressing
social interaction (Lakey etal., 1994).
In the case of extrinsic acceptance, we conceptualize this
strategy as one in which a regulator embraces the emotions
of the target without attempts to control the target’s emo-
tions which may or may not result in the target also accept-
ing their own emotions. Extrinsic acceptance may result in
greater emotion awareness and expression (Stanton & Low,
2012; Torre & Lieberman, 2018) or feelings of validation
(Paivio & Laurent, 2001), but extrinsic acceptance may be
unhelpful if the underlying negative appraisals are not effec-
tively resolved or if the regulator does not also engage in
acceptance behaviors (i.e., helping the target accept their
own emotions).
We propose that extrinsic emotion regulation strategies
function on both the emotions of the target through shifting
their appraisals and the target’s social perceptions of the
extrinsic strategies. First, by using an extrinsic strategy, a
regulator provides a target with emotion regulation instruc-
tions or signals (e.g., to rethink, hide, or accept how they
feel); these instructions/signals can influence the target’s
cognitions and regulatory actions, potentially improving
the target’s emotions. For example, a regulator may try to
help a target downregulate their negative emotions due to a
recent breakup by telling them that they “will regret” feel-
ing like this later (i.e., extrinsic suppression, see Table1),
but if the extrinsic strategy does not effectively change the
target’s underlining appraisal (e.g., fear of being alone), we
propose that the strategy will not work. Therefore, we expect
that extrinsic reappraisal will improve targets’ emotions by
shifting appraisals, whereas extrinsic acceptance and sup-
pression will not.
Secondly, we expect that these extrinsic strategies have
social consequences which should impact whether they
improve a target’s emotions. For example, when a regulator
demonstrates their willingness to support the target’s emo-
tional needs by taking the time and effort to help them reap-
praise, the target is likely to perceive the regulator as highly
responsive (Reis & Shaver, 1988). Perceived responsiveness
includes feeling that one is cared for, understood, and val-
ued and is critical for building and maintaining healthy rela-
tionships (Gordon & Chen, 2016; Reis, 2017). In addition
to these social perceptions, perceiving one’s social partner
as responsive can improve one’s emotions (Maisel & Gable,
2009) by establishing a safe and positive social environment
(Kane etal., 2012). Thus, we propose that perceived respon-
siveness should serve as one key social mechanism through
which extrinsic action can improve a target’s emotions. In
our theorizing, extrinsic reappraisal and acceptance, but not
suppression, should result in enhanced perceived responsive-
ness because they necessarily involve demonstrating an under-
standing of and concern for the target.
In the present study, we examined whether extrinsic reap-
praisal, acceptance, and suppression predicted improved
target emotions—and whether perceived responsiveness
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might mediate improvements in target emotions—by exam-
ining naturally occurring attempts at extrinsic emotion
regulation during emotional conversations between newly
acquainted target and regulator participants. We chose to
measure these well-studied strategies because they may have
different emotion outcomes interpersonally depending on
their social consequences (Niven, in press). For instance,
if extrinsic reappraisal is associated with worse perceived
regulator responsiveness, we would also expect it to be asso-
ciated with worse target affect. To determine target emotion
improvement, we measured two types of outcomes from the
targets: their emotions during the conversation and their per-
ception of the regulators’ success at improving how they felt.
We hypothesized that greater use of extrinsic reappraisal
would predict target emotion improvement, and extrinsic
acceptance and suppression would not. We also measured
the target’s perception of the regulator’s responsiveness,
hypothesizing that targets’ perceived regulator responsive-
ness would mediate the relationship between the extrinsic
strategies and target emotion improvement.
Method
Participants
Two hundred seventy-two undergraduate students at the
University of California, San Diego participated in this
social interaction study in same-gender dyads. Participants
received course credit. A power analysis, using G*Power,
indicated that a sample size of 120 dyads (40 dyads per cell)
would be sufficient to detect a medium effect size of f = 0.3
with 80% power. We thus aimed to collect data from at least
120 dyads and more if possible, terminating data collection
Table 1 Examples of regulator extrinsic strategy use from stress sharing conversations
Each example was selected from a different regulator who rated themselves in the upper 25th percentile of using the respective extrinsic strategy.
These quotes are edited for grammar and clarity. R, regulator; T, target. View examples of these interactions at this link: https:// osf. io/ jmz69?
view_ only= fdac5 95060 8a425 aa273 ba07c cd377 ea
Extrinsic reappraisal R: See, that brought you closer to your mom… there’s always good in whatever happens. This is what I
believe.
R: I think this is a positive experience no matter what you decide to do in the future.
R: This time you are going to know what is expected and how the class is, so you will be better prepared.
R: Each person’s abilities are different…maybe you have some other skills that they don’t have…you deal
with other problems in your life better than them.
R: The market now is just bad. Don’t feel too bad about yourself. It’s not like they don’t want to hire you.
Some companies just go under, and they can’t hire anyone now.
R: [About social distancing] It’s frustrating, but I feel like in the end it’s worth it just so they don’t get sick. So
no one does.
R: That’s why I think it’s important to not compare yourself with other people because you don’t know what
their situation is.
Extrinsic acceptance R: That’s stressful as hell. It really is. The job search is demoralizing, just entering resumes just over and over
again into different websites that could’ve just been standardized. It’s tough.
R: Oh my god. You’re in the 20 series. I don’t know the professors, but I just know the 20 series is super hard.
R: It’s completely okay if you feel frustrated because it’s obviously a frustrating situation.
R: I just wanted to say I’m really sorry you had to go through that. It’s a really tough situation.
R: Yeah, I can imagine that for sure. How you prepare yourself… is definitely a stress I think many college
students are dealing with.
R: I think it totally sucks that you have to cut down on work hours, because the fact that you have a job means
that you need money.
R: I can’t imagine how hard it is for you. But I mean you’re getting through it. It’s been half a year, more than
half a year now, so that’s really commendable.
Extrinsic suppression R: Please focus on your studies because I think that’s the most important thing right now. You’ll be unhappy
for a while but I think you will regret it after like six months because “I wasted my time on someone who
broke my heart.”
R: I feel like a lot of people are also going through what you’re going through [said dismissively].
R: Yeah uncertainty, that’s pretty much all of college students [downplaying the target’s situation].
R: I mean I’m sure you did okay.
R: You’ll get over it.
T: I’m a second year so I already put time and effort into this so I have to stick with it. [Regulator changes
subject to themself] R: Yeah, for me…
[Target is stressed about financial situation] R: Oh I see…I hope you get a job by then. [Regulator does not
add any more].
R: I guess you’re experiencing a lot more stress than me… but I guess you’re in a much better position than
me to know what to expect.
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at the conclusion of the academic quarter. Twenty-six par-
ticipants were excluded due to internet connectivity issues
or other technical issues during the study. Four participants
were excluded due to knowing the other participant in the
dyad. All other participants were paired with stranger par-
ticipants. The final sample consisted of 242 participants (121
dyads; Mage = 20.83; 57.02% female; 112 Asian, 5 Black/
African American, 37 Latino/a, 2 Native American, 56
White/Caucasian, 24 multiracial, 6 not listed).
Design
Within each dyad, one participant was randomly assigned a
regulator role, and the other participant was assigned a target
role. To examine questions about extrinsic emotion regula-
tion, we used multivariate linear regression models to deter-
mine the extent that independent variables from the regula-
tor participants influenced the dependent variables from the
target participants. A sensitivity analysis using G*Power
indicated that for a two-predictor linear regression model,
the present sample size of 121 dyads would be sufficient to
detect a small effect size of f2 = 0.08 with 80% power.
We originally intended a between-subject design with
three extrinsic prohedonic goal conditions for the regulator
participants (i.e., upregulate positive emotions, downregu-
late negative emotions, and control). However, the manipu-
lation of regulator goals was deemed to have failed because
it did not influence regulators’ self-reported goals or their
use of extrinsic emotion regulation strategies (see online
supplemental material for manipulation details and relevant
analyses). Given this, and because of the rich nature of the
dataset, which involved real, ecologically valid extrinsic
emotion regulation actions that participants self-generated
to improve targets’ emotions alongside measurements from
both dyadic members, we decided it was most appropriate to
analyze the data based on participants’ natural variability in
interpersonal emotion regulation actions collapsing across
the originally intended manipulation.
Data Availability
Data, code, and online supplemental materials are available
on OSF at https:// osf. io/ kazep/.
Procedure
Overview (See Fig.1)
To get comfortable with the experimental environment and
with each other, each pair of participants first interacted
together in a 5-min fast friends task (Aron etal., 1997).
Then, the participants were assigned either the role of
the regulator or the target and given specific instructions
depending on their role for the 6-min stress sharing con-
versation, a freeform interaction in which the target shared
a stressful experience, and the regulator helped the target
deal with that situation (see “Stress Sharing Conversation”
section). At the end of the session, regulators rated their
extrinsic strategy use. This measure was collected after the
conversation to assess actual use not expected use of these
extrinsic strategies. Targets rated their emotions, the extent
that the regulator improved their emotions (i.e., extrinsic
emotion improvement), and perceived regulator respon-
siveness. Other non-focal measures such as conversation
intensity and sense of connection were also collected (see
Fig. 1 Overview of study procedure. View examples of these interactions at this link: https:// osf. io/ jmz69? view_ only= fdac5 95060 8a425 aa273
ba07c cd377 ea
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Non-focal Measures” section) and used in analyses to
account for alternative explanations.
Participants communicated with one another via the
video conferencing platform, Zoom. To enhance the rich-
ness of and standardize the experimental environment, par-
ticipants participated in a quiet and private location, turned
off the self-view feature, and used full-screen mode. We used
short and focused, candid conversations because they iso-
late the relationship between the regulators’ behavior and
the targets’ outcomes while maintaining ecological validity.
Many advantages exist for using remote video conferencing
to study social interactions such as minimizing logistical
issues and cost for the researchers and maximizing comfort
and convenience for the participants. Video conferencing has
become an incredibly common way to interact with others.
For instance, Microsoft reported 270 million monthly active
users of their video conferencing platform in January 2022
(Foley, 2022); thus, another advantage of this study is that it
captures behavior that commonly occurs in the real world but
is insufficiently examined. Furthermore, video conferencing
effectively mirrors in-person interactions such that partici-
pants can see and speak to each other clearly and effortlessly.
Thus, this tool does not forgo data quality. We would expect
to see equivalent results in in-person interactions.
Fast Friends Task
The purpose of the 5-min fast friends task was for par-
ticipants to get comfortable speaking about personal top-
ics. Participants answered questions about themselves out
loud with the other participant listening, alternating who
answered first. Questions were selected from the closeness-
generating questions developed by Aron etal. (1997) and
included questions such as “Given the choice of anyone in
the world, whom would you want as a dinner guest?” and “If
you could wake up tomorrow having gained any one quality
or ability, what would it be?” All dyads received the same
questions in the same order.
Stress Sharing Conversation (See Tables1 and2)
The purpose of the 6-min stress sharing conversation was to gen-
erate a natural and emotional interaction between two participants
in which we could examine extrinsic emotion regulation when
targets’ are experiencing real and authentic emotions (see Table1
for written examples of extrinsic strategies used during the stress
sharing conversations and a link to a video of with example clips
from the study). Table2 provides a breakdown of the types of
stressors discussed during the stress sharing conversation. The
most common stressors included future uncertainty, school per-
formance, interpersonal conflict, and health/COVID-19.
For the stress sharing conversation, participants were
randomly assigned to be the regulator or the target. In the
instructions given to the participants, the regulator was
referred to as the friend, and the target was referred to as
the sharer to minimize any demand effects. Both partici-
pants were told that the role of the target is to speak about
a stressor they are experiencing in their life right now, to
discuss the details of why that experience happened, and
to share how they feel. The stressor could include anything
they perceive to be stressful at work, school, or home. Then,
both participants were told that the role of the regulator is to
talk with the target about that stressor. All regulators were
given the goal to have a natural conversation with the tar-
get participants, and they were encouraged to share their
thoughts and impressions, give advice, and ask questions.
Participants who were not in the control condition were also
told to either increase the positive emotions or decrease the
negative emotions of the target participants. Compared to
the control condition, these instructions did not successfully
change regulators’ extrinsic prohedonic goals (ps > 0.10) nor
did they significantly predict any of the outcome measures
(ps > 0.20; see online supplemental materials for the com-
plete instructions). After these instructions were given, the
target was moved to a private Zoom breakout room for 5min
to brainstorm what they wanted to discuss during the stress
sharing conversation.
Table 2 Descriptive statistics
for the conversations between
participants
Mean depth of conversation: 3.65
Mean meaningfulness of conversation: 4.18
Percent of regulators who wanted to improve target emotions: 88%
Distribution of topics of conversation
Future uncertainty (e.g., feeling lost, trouble finding a job, life transition issues): 25%
School performance (e.g., poor grades, overwhelmed with coursework): 22%
Interpersonal conflict (e.g., breakup, family dispute, strife among roommates): 16%
Health or COVID-19 (e.g., managing an illness, fear of loved ones getting sick): 10%
Financial (e.g., hospital bills, struggling to pay rent): 8%
Loneliness (e.g., feeling isolated, lacking social support): 8%
Balancing full-time employment (e.g., juggling school and work): 6%
Other (e.g., grief, housing issues, transportation problems): 5%
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Focal Measures
Regulator Extrinsic Strategy Use (See Table3)
Regulators rated the following three extrinsic emotion reg-
ulation strategies that they used to manage the emotions of
targets during the stress sharing conversation on 1 (strongly
disagree) to 7 (strongly agree) scales: extrinsic reappraisal
(
α
= .77), extrinsic suppression (
α
= .61), and extrinsic
acceptance (
α
= .80). The six-item extrinsic reappraisal and
five-item extrinsic suppression scales were adapted from
the cognitive reappraisal and the expressive suppression
facets of the emotion regulation questionnaire (Gross &
John, 2003) and from the trait-level interpersonal emotion
regulation questionnaire (Gonzalez & John,2021). The
seven-item extrinsic acceptance scale was adapted from
the trait-level interpersonal acceptance items of the inter-
personal emotion regulation questionnaire (Gonzalez &
John,2021; see Table3for exact items).
Target Emotion Improvement
Target Emotions
Targets rated the extent to which they felt positive and nega-
tive emotions during the stress sharing conversation using a
measure adapted from a previous study on emotion regulation
in social interactions (Impett etal., 2012). The five items for the
positive emotion composite (α = .87) were “proud / good about
yourself,” “compassionate / sympathetic / touched,” “grateful
/ appreciative / thankful,” “inspired / uplifted / elevated,” and
“happy / pleased / joyful.” The six items for the negative emo-
tion composite (α = .81) were “angry / irritable / frustrated,”
“anxious / nervous,” “distressed / upset,” “guilty / embarrassed
/ ashamed,” “sad / down,” and “resentful / bitter / annoyed.” All
items were measured on 1 (not at all) to 5 (very much) scales.
Extrinsic Emotion Improvement
Targets rated the extent to which regulators improved their
emotions by upregulating their positive emotions and down-
regulating their negative emotions on 1 (strongly disagree) to
5 (strongly agree) scales (“The other participant succeeded
in making me feel more positive emotions” and “The other
participant succeeded in making me feel less negative emo-
tions”). In figures and tables, these two items are referred to as
extrinsic positive emotion upregulation and extrinsic negative
emotion downregulation, respectively.
Perceived Regulator Responsiveness
Targets rated the responsiveness of the regulators using adapted
items from the Perceived Partner Responsiveness Scale (Reis
etal., 2017) relevant to short conversations between strangers
(e.g., “The other participant was responsive to my needs.”). Nine
Table 3 Individual items for the extrinsic emotion regulation strategies
Extrinsic reappraisal
1. When I wanted the other person to feel less negative emotion (such as sadness or anger), I tried to help them change what they were thinking
about.
2. When I wanted the other person to feel more positive emotion (such as joy or amusement), I tried to change what they were thinking about.
3. I influenced the other person’s emotions by suggesting alternative ways to think about the situation they are in
4. When the other person talked about their stressful situation, I helped them think about it in a way that calmed them down.
5. When I wanted the other person to feel less negative emotion, I tried to influence the way they were thinking about the situation.
6. When I wanted the other person to feel more positive emotion, I tried to change the way they were thinking about the situation.
Extrinsic suppression
1. I influenced the other person’s emotions by finding ways to keep them from expressing their emotions.
2. I acted in ways that made the other person keep their emotions to themselves.
3. When the other person was feeling positive emotions, I found ways to discourage them from expressing these emotions.
4. I managed the other person’s emotions by allowing them to feel and then release these emotions.
5. When the other person was feeling negative emotions, I tried to do things that kept them from expressing their emotions.
Extrinsic acceptance
1. I embraced the other person’s emotions, whatever they were.
2. I was comfortable with other person’s emotions.
3. I understood that the other person was going to have certain emotions at certain times and that was just fine.
4. I found it hard to come to terms with the other person’s emotions.
5. As far as influencing the other person’s emotions goes, I pretty much accepted the other person as they were.
6. Accepting the other person’s emotions was not easy for me.
7. I simply accepted the emotions of the other person as a natural response to the particular circumstances they are in.
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items were rated from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree)
by the target, and they assessed the caring, understanding, and
validation shown by the regulator (α = .92).
Non‑focal Measures
To account for alternative variables that may improve target
emotions during the stress sharing conversation, we col-
lected measures on conversation intensity, sense of connec-
tion, regulator empathy, regulator goals/perceptions, and
target trait affect.
Conversation Intensity
Both regulator and target rated the meaningfulness and depth
of the stress sharing conversation on 1 (strongly disagree) to
5 (strongly agree) scales.
Sense ofConnection
Both regulator and target rated their closeness and their
motivation to affiliate at the end of the conversation. Close-
ness was measured using the Inclusion of Other in Self scale
(Aron etal., 1992), and affiliation was measured using five
items (Van Kleef etal., 2008) including “I would like to
get to know the other participant better” and “I feel like the
other participant and I are friends” on 1 (strongly agree) to
5 (strongly disagree) scale.
Regulator Variables
Empathy
Before the start of the study, regulators rated their empathic
concern and perspective-taking using the Interpersonal
Reactivity Index (Davis, 1980) on 1 (does not describe me
well) to 5 (describes me well) scales.
Regulator Extrinsic Prohedonic Goals
Regulators rated the extent they wanted to improve the targets
positive and negative emotions during the conversation on 1
(strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree) scale.
Regulator Perception ofImproved Target Emotion
Regulators rated to what extent they believed they success-
fully improved the targets’ positive and negative emotions on
1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree) scales (“I succeeded
in making the other participant feel more positive” and “I suc-
ceeded in making the other participant feel less negative”).
Target Trait Affect
In order to account for targets’ emotions potentially influ-
encing the regulators’ extrinsic strategy choices, at the
beginning of the study, targets rated how much they felt
positive and negative affect in general (in their daily life)
on 1 (not at all) to 5 (very much) scales. The five items
for the positive emotion composite (α = .74) were “proud
/ good about yourself,” “compassionate / sympathetic /
touched,” “grateful / appreciative / thankful,” “inspired /
uplifted / elevated,” and “happy / pleased / joyful.” The six
items for the negative emotion composite (α = .85) were
“angry / irritable / frustrated,” “anxious / nervous,” “dis-
tressed / upset,” “guilty / embarrassed / ashamed,” “sad /
down,” and “resentful / bitter / annoyed.”
Observer Ratings ofExtrinsic Strategies
We obtained observer ratings of regulators’ strategy use
from three trained behavioral coders. Behavioral cod-
ers watched videos of the entire conversation and rated
both extrinsic reappraisal and extrinsic suppression on
1 (behavior is not present at all) to 5 (behavior is very
frequently present) scales (see supplemental materials for
instructions). We assessed inter-rater reliability on 13% of
the data for extrinsic reappraisal (ICC = .75) and extrinsic
suppression (ICC = .78). Six dyads were excluded due to
improper recording or uploading of the video data.
Additionally, we attempted to obtain observer ratings
of two forms of regulator extrinsic acceptance: regulators
attempt at accepting the targets’ emotions (measured through
self-report) and regulators attempt to lead the targets to
accept their emotions (not measured through self-report).
Due to low inter-rater reliability, we did not proceed with
coding these variables.
Results
Regulator Extrinsic Strategy Use andTarget Emotion
Improvement
Extrinsic Reappraisal Predicted Target Emotion
Improvement (See Fig.2)
First, we tested the relationship between regulator extrinsic
reappraisal use and extrinsic emotion improvement using uni-
variate linear regression models without control variables (for
controls, see “Examining Alternative Explanations” section).
When regulators used more extrinsic reappraisal during the
stress sharing conversation, targets reported that regulators
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were significantly more successful at upregulating their posi-
tive emotions, b = 0.32, t(119) = 3.72, 95% CI [0.15, 0.49],
p < 0.001, and at downregulating their negative emotions,
b = 0.21, t(119) = 2.32, 95% CI [0.03 0.39], p = .022.
Then, we tested the relationship between regulator extrinsic
reappraisal use and target emotions using univariate linear regres-
sion models without controls. When regulators used more extrin-
sic reappraisal, targets experienced significantly more positive
emotion, b = 0.22, t(119) = 2.69, 95% CI [0.06, 0.37], p = .008,
and less negative emotion, b = − 0.12, t(119) = − 2.47, 95% CI
[− 0.22, − 0.02], p = .015, during the stress sharing conversation.
Additionally, we examined the alternative explanation for
these results in the other causal direction—that regulators
used more extrinsic reappraisal on targets with better affect
(i.e., greater positive emotions and less negative emotions).
We did not find any support for this alternative explanation.
To examine this, we tested how target trait affects predicted
regulator extrinsic reappraisal use. We found that targets with
Fig. 2 The influence of extrinsic reappraisal on target emotion
improvement. When regulators used extrinsic reappraisal, targets
experienced significantly elevated positive emotions (A) and signifi-
cantly diminished negative emotions (B), and targets reported that
regulators were responsible for their improved positive (C) and nega-
tive (D) emotions
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less positive affect at beginning of the study received signifi-
cantly greater extrinsic reappraisal from regulators, b = − 0.32,
t(117) = − 2.04, 95% CI [− 0.62, − 0.01], p = .044. Target trait
negative affect was not significantly associated with regula-
tor extrinsic reappraisal use, b = − 0.08, t(117) = − 0.62, 95%
CI [− 0.32, 0.17], p = .54. This suggests that regulators used
more extrinsic reappraisal on those who entered the study in
a worse affective state and, on average, successfully uplifted
them during the conversation. Finally, we controlled for target
trait affect in our main analyses. When we did, we still found
that when regulators used more extrinsic reappraisal, targets
experienced significantly more positive emotion, b = 0.27,
t(117) = 3.45, 95% CI [0.11, 0.42], p < .001, and less negative
emotion, b = 0.12, t(117) = − 2.49, 95% CI [− 0.22, − 0.02],
p = .014, indicating that targets’ affect at the start of the study
could not explain the main results.
Extrinsic Suppression andAcceptance Did Not Predict
Target Emotion Improvement
Neither extrinsic suppression nor extrinsic acceptance was
significantly associated with targets’ emotions or extrinsic
emotion improvement (see Table4).
The Role ofResponsiveness inTarget
Emotion Improvement
Responsiveness Predicted Target Emotion
Improvement
When targets perceived greater regulator responsiveness,
they experienced significantly greater positive emotion,
b = 0.89, t(119) = 9.08, 95% CI [0.70, 1.09], p < .001, and
lower negative emotion, b = − 0.20, t(119) = − 2.51, 95%
CI [− 0.35, − 0.04], p = .013. When targets perceived greater
regulator responsiveness, they also reported that regulators
were significantly more successful at upregulating their posi-
tive emotions, b = 0.63, t(119) = 4.85, 95% CI [0.37, 0.89],
p < .001, and at downregulating their negative emotions,
b = 0.71, t(119) = 5.64, 95% CI [0.46, 0.96], p < .001.
Extrinsic Strategy Use Predicted Greater
Responsiveness
Targets perceived greater regulator responsiveness when
regulators used more extrinsic reappraisal, b = 0.13,
t(119) = 2.24, 95% CI [0.02, 0.24], p = .027, and more extrin-
sic acceptance, b = 0.20, t(119) = 3.47, 95% CI [0.08, 0.31],
p < .001, whereas targets perceived less regulator respon-
siveness when regulators used more extrinsic suppression,
b = − 0.14, t(119) = − 2.44, 95% CI [− 0.26, − 0.03], p = .01
(see TableS1 the correlations between specific facets of
responsiveness and extrinsic strategies).
Responsiveness asaMediator ofTarget Emotion
Improvement (See Fig.3)
To examine the extent that perceived regulator responsive-
ness mediated the relationship between regulator extrinsic
strategies and target emotion improvement, we ran multiple
mediation models using the mediation R package (Tingley
etal., 2014). We tested the significance of the indirect effects
using 1,000 bootstrapped samples. Figure3 illustrates and
reports the indirect effects of greater perceived regulator
responsiveness on target emotion improvement, measured
by the four outcomes variables (i.e., target positive emotion,
target negative emotion, regulator success at upregulating
Table 4 Means, standard deviations, and correlations of focal measures
Extrinsic positive emotion upregulation is the extent that the target perceived the regulator to successfully upregulate their positive emotions;
extrinsic negative emotion downregulation is the extent that the target perceived the regulator to successfully downregulate their negative emo-
tions
*p < .05
**p < .01
M SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Regulator-rated variables
1. Extrinsic reappraisal 4.67 1.01
2. Extrinsic acceptance 5.97 0.75 − .05
3. Extrinsic suppression 2.50 0.88 .11 − .56**
Target-rated variables
4. Positive emotions 3.08 0.90 .24** .11 − .06
5. Negative emotions 1.46 0.56 − .22* − .07 − .03 − .35**
6. Extrinsic positive emotion upregulation 3.83 0.93 .32** .09 .03 .61** − .27**
7. Extrinsic negative emotion downregulation 3.76 0.97 .21* .15 .00 .50** − .23* .61**
8. Perceived regulator responsiveness 4.10 0.65 .20* .30** − .22* .64** − .22* .41** .46**
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target positive emotion, and regulator success at downregu-
lating target negative emotion). These mediation models
suggest that regulators who used more extrinsic reappraisal
improved target emotions, partially by being perceived as a
more responsive interaction partner.
Although extrinsic suppression and extrinsic accept-
ance were not significantly associated with target emotion
improvement, these two extrinsic strategies were signifi-
cantly associated with perceived regulator responsiveness.
Therefore, we examined the mediating role of perceived
regulator responsiveness on the relationship between these
two strategies and target emotion improvement. In all mod-
els (see Fig.4), perceived regulator responsiveness fully
mediated the relationship between the extrinsic strategies
and target emotion improvement. In summary, these results
suggest that extrinsic acceptance was effective at improving
target emotion due to greater perceived regulator respon-
siveness, and that extrinsic suppression was not effective
at improving target emotion due to diminished perceived
regulator responsiveness.
Examining Alternative Explanations
Due to the cross-sectional nature of our data, we tested
multiple alternative explanations that could account for an
independent increase in both regulator extrinsic reappraisal
use and target emotions. First, we expected that conver-
sation intensity (i.e., meaningfulness and depth), sense of
connection (i.e., closeness and affiliation), and regulator
empathy (i.e., empathic concern and perspective-taking; see
TableS2 for descriptive statistics) would be associated with
target emotions. Thus, we controlled for these variables in
linear regression models to predict target emotions, and we
found that regulator extrinsic reappraisal use remained a
significant predictor of target emotions (see Table5). Our
findings suggest that regulator extrinsic reappraisal use is a
critical predictor of improved target emotions irrespective
of conversation intensity, sense of connection, and regu-
lator empathy. Furthermore, extrinsic reappraisal did not
significantly correlate with conversation intensity, sense of
Fig. 3 Greater perceived regulator responsiveness significantly medi-
ated the relationship between extrinsic reappraisal and target positive
emotion (A), regulator success at upregulating target positive emotion
(C), and regulator success at downregulating target negative emotion
(D). Greater perceived regulator responsiveness marginally medi-
ated the relationship between extrinsic reappraisal and target negative
emotion (B). *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001
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Fig. 4 The mediating role of perceived regulator responsiveness on
target emotion improvement for extrinsic suppression and extrinsic
acceptance. Lower perceived regulator responsiveness fully medi-
ated the relationship between greater extrinsic suppression and wors-
ened target emotion (A, B) and between greater extrinsic suppression
and the unsuccessful improvement of target emotion (C, D). Greater
perceived regulator responsiveness fully mediated the relationship
between greater extrinsic acceptance and better target emotion (E, F)
and between greater extrinsic acceptance and the successful improve-
ment of target emotion (G, H). Dashed lines refer to non-significant
relationships. *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001
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connection, or regulator empathy (see Table S3) which indi-
cates that these variables did not mediate the effectiveness
of extrinsic reappraisal.
Another alternative explanation is that, at the end of the
conversation, regulators were motivated to endorse greater
extrinsic reappraisal use when they perceived that they
improved target emotions. We controlled for this motivational
bias by asking regulators to what extent they perceived that
they improved target emotions at the end of the conversation.
We found that when we included this in predicting target emo-
tions, regulator extrinsic reappraisal use remained significant,
and there was no significant interaction (see TableS4). In
other words, regulator extrinsic reappraisal use was positively
associated with better target emotions whether or not regula-
tors perceived that they improved target emotions.
A final alternative explanation is that a regulator who
used extrinsic reappraisal also held the extrinsic prohe-
donic goal to improve the target’s emotions, and it was
this goal that drove other behaviors which resulted in
improved target emotions (see Tamir etal., 2019 for the
distinction between goals and strategies in emotion regu-
lation). In this study, 88% of regulators had the goal to
improve target emotions, and having this goal positively
correlated with greater extrinsic reappraisal use and
extrinsic acceptance use but negatively correlated with
greater extrinsic suppression use (see online supplemen-
tal). When we included regulators’ extrinsic prohedonic
goal in the linear regression models to predict target
emotions, we found that this goal was not significantly
associated with target emotions and did not significantly
interact with regulator extrinsic reappraisal use, and reg-
ulator extrinsic reappraisal use remained significant (see
TableS5). In summary, the positive relationship between
extrinsic reappraisal use and target emotions was not con-
founded by regulators’ goals.
Observer Ratings ofExtrinsic Reappraisal
andSuppression
Observer ratings of both regulator extrinsic reappraisal
use (M = 2.81, SD = 1.41) and regulator extrinsic suppres-
sion use (M = 1.99, SD = 1.16) positively correlated with
regulators’ self-ratings of these strategies, respectively
(r(113) = .40, p < .001 and r(113) = 0.38, p < .001). Fur-
thermore, we obtained similar results when using observer
ratings to predict emotion outcomes and perceived partner
responsiveness (see TableS10) such that observer-rated
extrinsic reappraisal was positively associated with better
target emotion outcomes and greater perceived regulator
responsiveness and that observer-rated extrinsic suppres-
sion was not significantly associated with target emotion
outcomes but was negatively associated with perceived
regulator responsiveness.
Table 5 Regressions predicting
target emotions from extrinsic
reappraisal with control
variables
t, target-rated; r, regulator-rated
*p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001
Target negative emotion Target positive emotion
Predictors B SE t p B SE t p
Conversation intensity
Meaningfulness (t) − 0.05 0.46 − 0.78 .43 0.18 0.08 2.40 .02*
Meaningfulness (r) − 0.04 0.07 − 0.50 .62 − 0.17 0.10 − 1.71 .09
Depth (t) 0.09 0.88 1.66 .10 0.05 0.06 0.85 .40
Depth (r) 0.10 0.05 1.58 .12 − 0.17 0.07 − 2.24 .03*
Sense of connection
Closeness (t) − 0.01 0.06 − 0.25 .80 0.25 0.06 4.35 .00***
Closeness (r) 0.01 0.05 0.21 .83 0.02 0.06 0.43 .67
Affiliation (t) − 0.14 0.08 − 1.67 .10 0.30 0.09 3.20 .001**
Affiliation (r) − 0.11 0.09 − 1.21 .23 0.01 0.11 0.11 .91
Regulator empathy
Empathic concern − 0.00 0.11 − 0.00 .00 0.18 0.12 1.48 .14
Perspective taking − 0.04 0.11 − 0.41 .69 0.19 0.12 1.50 .14
Extrinsic reappraisal − 0.15 0.05 − 2.76 .01** 0.14 0.06 2.23 .03*
Fit F df p R2F df p R2
2.03 11,105 .03* .09 13.26 11,105 .00*** .05
Multicollinearity VIFs < 1.94 VIFs < 1.94
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Discussion
In the present study, we examined the effectiveness of
three extrinsic strategies in candid dyadic conversations.
These strategies are exhaustively studied in the intraper-
sonal context. However, whether these strategies would
show similar consequences in an interpersonal setting is a
pressing question. We demonstrated that extrinsic emotion
improvement can successfully happen in short conversa-
tions between newly acquainted people without receiving
any specific instruction on how to regulate the emotions of
others. We found that greater use of extrinsic reappraisal
was directly associated with improved target emotions,
whereas extrinsic suppression and acceptance were not.
Emotion improvement was measured by asking target par-
ticipants about their emotions and about the regulators’
success at improving their emotions. We found convergent
findings on all four distinct measures in our focal analyses.
Although extrinsic suppression and acceptance had
no direct association with improved target emotions,
all extrinsic strategies had an indirect association with
improved target emotions through perceived regulator
responsiveness. As predicted, responsiveness mediated
improved target emotions such that extrinsic acceptance
and reappraisal enhanced responsiveness, whereas extrin-
sic suppression diminished responsiveness. It is possible
that the effectiveness of these strategies could also be
moderated by responsiveness; however, our data does not
suggest this (see TableS6). Instead, we found that these
extrinsic actions were associated with distinct social per-
ceptions which impacted their relationship to improving
others’ emotions. Finally, we found that observer-ratings
of extrinsic reappraisal and extrinsic suppression corre-
sponded with regulator self-ratings and that there was a
similar pattern of results on target emotion outcomes.
Limitations andFuture Directions
Some limitations should be considered when interpreting
these findings. First, this study is correlational in nature;
while the present findings fit within the causal framework of
our theorizing and the observational data provides additional
support for our hypotheses, the present results do not speak
directly to causality. It is possible that the regulators’ use
of extrinsic reappraisal is in response to the way in which
targets disclose their distress. Therefore, future research
should manipulate extrinsic reappraisal to determine its
effectiveness.
Second, it is important to note that not all regulator par-
ticipants had the same (if any) interpersonal goals. Thus,
attempts at changing targets’ emotions may have been
conversational-directed depending on the targets’ disclosure
instead of goal-directed. This raises the question—what
trigger regulators to have these goals? In future research, it
would be useful to examine whether regulators set these goals
because of their own motivations or because of the type of
disclosure by the target. For example, a target person may
seek emotional support but receive problem-oriented support
(Liu etal., 2021) because of the way they present their dis-
tress. In other words, the regulator’s goals may be shaped by
the target (i.e., non-deliberate intrinsic emotion regulation).
Finally, although we found that extrinsic reappraisal was
directly associated with improved target emotions, we do not
know which specific reappraisal tactics were most effective.
Reappraisal can work both by changing the construal of the
situation or by changing the goals for the situation (Uusberg
etal., 2019), and one of these reappraisal tactics may work
better than the other in the interpersonal context. Further-
more, these reappraisal tactics could interact with intrinsic
interpersonal emotion regulation goals (i.e., when an indi-
vidual desires to change their own emotions through the help
of others). Often, people seek out others for emotional help
(Campos etal., 2011; Williams etal., 2018). Yet, people may
avoid individuals who challenge their thinking regardless
of whether it could help them in the long run (Behfar etal.,
2020). This mismatch between the extrinsic tactics that the
regulator uses and what the target wants may impact the
effectiveness of extrinsic reappraisal. In future research, it
will be important to identify which types of extrinsic reap-
praisal people seek out or avoid.
In this study, extrinsic acceptance was measured by ask-
ing regulators if they accept the emotions of the target.
Although we conceptually believe that this may lead to
regulators helping targets accept their emotions, this may
not necessarily be the case. In future research, it is critical
to examine if this link exists between regulators’ accept-
ance of targets’ emotions and their attempts to aid targets in
accepting their emotions. These attempts at helping a target
accept their emotions are possibly an effective interpersonal
emotion regulation strategy which was not directly measured
in this study.
Future research should compare the emotional and
social consequences of other interpersonal strategies such
as advice-giving, humor, and affection (Niven etal., 2009).
These strategies may work better than extrinsic reappraisal
depending on the situation. For instance, extrinsic reap-
praisal may help someone deal with rejection, whereas
advice-giving may work better at helping someone manage
the emotions involved in social conflict. An important fac-
tor to consider in future research is the controllability of the
situation (Ford & Troy, 2019) and if extrinsic reappraisal
works better for situations with low controllability (e.g.,
grief) like its intrapersonal counterpart.
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Acknowledgements The authors thank Kylie Cassutt and Navya Yar-
rabothula for their work on this project.
Additional Information
Funding This work was not supported by any funding.
Competing Interests On behalf of all authors, the corresponding author
states that there is no conflict of interest.
Data Availability The experiment reported in this article was not for-
mally preregistered. Data, code, and online supplemental materials are
available on OSF at https:// osf. io/ kazep/, and a preprint is available at
https:// psyar xiv. com/ ejdth.
Author Contribution All authors contributed meaningfully to study
design, data collection/analysis, and paper writing.
Ethics Approval The experiment reported was approved by UCSD
Social and Behavioral Sciences IRB (#IRB00000355).
Informed Consent Informed consent was obtained from all participants.
Supplementary Information The online version contains supplemen-
tary material available at https:// doi. org/ 10. 1007/ s42761- 023- 00183-
4.Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons
Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing,
adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format,
as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the
source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate
if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this
article are included in the article's Creative Commons licence, unless
indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not
included in the article's Creative Commons licence and your intended
use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted
use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright
holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http:// creat iveco mmons.
org/ licen ses/ by/4. 0/.
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... experienced or expressed emotions, and three particular strategies have garnered significant empirical attention: reappraisal, distraction, and expressive suppression. The existing literature in the contexts of regulating one's own emotions suggests that reappraisal is a putatively effective strategy linked to better personal well-being (Aldao et al., 2010) and may also be effective in contexts of regulating others' emotions (Jurkiewicz et al., 2023), although mixed patterns have also been observed (Horn & Maercker, 2016;Zhao, Sisson, Smith, et al., 2024). Distraction has been shown to be effective in downregulating one's own negative emotions in the short term (Denson et al., 2012), but has not been extensively examined in regulating others' emotions, to our knowledge. ...
... Suppression has been considered effective in changing one's outward expression of emotion, but not one's internal experience of emotion (Gross, 2015), and is often linked with worse personal wellbeing (Aldao et al., 2010) as well as lower social connection (Sasaki et al., 2022). Existing studies have examined the role of suppressing one's own emotions in dyadic social interactions (e.g., Peters & Jamieson, 2016), yet this strategy has not shown clear benefits or costs when used to regulate others' emotions (e.g., Jurkiewicz et al., 2023). Overall, there are multiple reasons for why regulation strategies that focus on changing someone else's emotions could be "lost in translation" (Dixon-Gordon et al., 2015)-for example, an attempt can be missed by the target, fail to change the target's emotion, or be perceived by the target as invalidating or unsupportive, and so forth. ...
... change-focused strategies derived from the process model of emotion regulation that have been frequently studied in regulating one's own emotions, but much less in regulating others' emotions, where outcomes could differ. For example, reappraisal has been considered to be largely adaptive when used for oneself (Aldao et al., 2010), but when used to regulate others' emotions, has been linked to both well-being benefits (e.g., Jurkiewicz et al., 2023;Pauw et al., 2018) and well-being costs (Zhao, Sisson, Smith, et al., 2024). The present findings showed that regulators who used reappraisal to help a target reported the targets experienced higher well-being over time, but targets did not report higher well-being themselves. ...
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While most people want to feel happy, valuing happiness can paradoxically make people unhappy. We propose that such costs may extend to interpersonal contexts, given that valuing happiness may shape how people (i.e., regulators) manage others’ (i.e., targets’) emotions (i.e., extrinsic interpersonal emotion regulation). While valuing happiness could motivate regulators to reduce targets’ distress using effective forms of emotion regulation, it may also push them to be intolerant toward targets’ distress and, in turn, predict worse target well-being. The current investigation examines how two approaches to happiness (i.e., happiness aspiring and happiness concern) predict how regulators manage their children’s and romantic partners’ distress—two fundamental close relationship types that allow us to address the robustness of our findings. We obtained longitudinal reports across a year from socioculturally diverse regulators (N = 279, including partially overlapping groups of 155 parents and 248 partnered individuals) and cross-sectional reports from partners. We found that people who aspired to be happy were more successful at using reappraisal and distraction to manage targets’ emotions, while those who were concerned about happiness were less successful at accepting targets’ emotions (i.e., confirmed by partners’ reports). In turn, more successful use of reappraisal and distraction predicted better target well-being, and less successful acceptance of targets’ emotions predicted poorer target well-being across the next 8 months. These findings underscore the importance of understanding individual differences that shape consequential forms of interpersonal emotion regulation, thereby illuminating who is most likely to help their loved ones and who may be putting them at risk.
... First, a potentially important IER strategy is interpersonal acceptance. We conceptualize interpersonal acceptance as acknowledging or validating the other's emotions without trying to change them (Hayes, 2004;Jurkiewicz et al., 2023). Both experimental and ecological momentary assessment research on intrapersonal acceptance typically shows that this is an effective strategy to improve emotional outcomes (Heiy & Cheavens, 2014;Pauw et al., 2020;Shallcross et al., 2010;Webb et al., 2012), though findings are not unequivocal (Wojnarowska et al., 2020). ...
... Both experimental and ecological momentary assessment research on intrapersonal acceptance typically shows that this is an effective strategy to improve emotional outcomes (Heiy & Cheavens, 2014;Pauw et al., 2020;Shallcross et al., 2010;Webb et al., 2012), though findings are not unequivocal (Wojnarowska et al., 2020). While we are aware of only one study examining interpersonal accep-tance (Jurkiewicz et al., 2023), it is similar to two widely studied concepts: emotional support and responsiveness. Emotional support includes providing comfort, care and validating the way the other person feels, and is typically perceived as beneficial (Rimé, 2009). ...
... Furthermore, both experimental and ambulatory assessment research on intrapersonal reappraisal has consistently shown a wide range of benefits, including the experience of more positive and less negative affect (Aldao et al., 2010;Heiy & Cheavens, 2014;Webb et al., 2012). Similarly, interpersonal reappraisal -also termed cognitive support or social reappraisal -has been shown to positively impact emotional wellbeing (Batenburg & Das, 2014;Jurkiewicz et al., 2023;Nils & Rimé, 2012). However, the relational consequences of interpersonal reappraisal are less clear. ...
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People often get support from others in regulating their emotions, a phenomenon known as interpersonal emotion regulation (IER). However, the relative effectiveness of specific IER strategies for improving emotional and relational wellbeing in daily life is unclear. Here, we report two preregistered, ecological momentary assessment studies, in which we examined how the use of six key IER strategies relates to emotional and relational wellbeing among romantic couples in daily life. Study 1 focused on enacted IER as reported by the regulator, whereas Study 2 focused on perceived IER as reported by the regulated partner. Using a dyadic experience sampling design (6 beeps/day for 7 days), Study 1 (N = 136) showed that when people reported to have given advice or encouraged their partner to suppress their emotions, their partners experienced impaired emotional wellbeing. When people reported to have distracted their partner, their partner experienced enhanced positive affect and felt closer to their partner. The use of interpersonal reappraisal, acceptance and ignoring was unrelated to partners’ momentary wellbeing. Using a dyadic daily diary design (1 beep/day for 12 days), Study 2 (N = 361) showed that perceptions of one’s emotions being ignored by the partner were associated with impaired emotional and relational wellbeing on the same day. The perceived use of other IER strategies was unrelated to momentary wellbeing. Taken together, the present set of studies illuminates how IER processes shape people’s emotions and relationships in ecologically valid settings. Our findings indicate that enacted and perceived regulatory behaviors are associated with differential outcomes, highlighting the complex nature of interpersonal emotion dynamics.
... However, outside the leadership function, Little et al. (2013) found that when customer service representatives use this strategy, they exacerbate clients' negative emotions. Other studies did not find meaningful changes in the emotional experience of Intra-team conflict to interpersonal strain students and adults (Jurkiewicz et al., 2023;Nozaki and Mikolajczak, 2023). Thus, the negative effects of modulating others' emotional responses may depend on complex interactions between team leaders and members' characteristics (Niven, 2016), the situation and strategy-related factors (e.g. ...
... For instance, an experimental study by Thiel et al. (2015) showed that interpersonal MER can reduce stress in crisis conditions, but only when paired with high empathetic concern on the part of the leader. Among students, Jurkiewicz et al. (2023) also found that this strategy can improve targets' negative emotions only when the regulator is perceived as responsive (i.e. conveying understanding, validation and caring). ...
... This study also extends the experimental results of Thiel et al. (2015), in which the interpersonal emotional suppression of the leader helped reduce job stress during organizational crises but only when accompanied by high empathy. In this regard, our findings emphasize that the leader's interpersonal MER can be a detrimental strategy in managing ITC s if not implemented with empathetic responsiveness (Cohen and Arbel, 2020;Jurkiewicz et al., 2023). Moreover, our results complement the study by Thiel et al. (2018), in which the interpersonal emotional reappraisal by the leader (i.e. a problemfocused rather than an emotion-focused strategy as in the case of interpersonal response modulation; Little et al., 2016) buffered the detrimental impact of conflicts on team cooperation. ...
Article
Purpose By integrating the conservation of resources and the emotion-as-social-information theories, this study aims to question whether the leader’s effort to calm down when team members perceive intra-team conflict (ITC) may have a counterproductive effect on their interpersonal functioning. Specifically, the authors investigated whether team members with higher individual perceptions of ITC would be more likely to experience interpersonal strain (ISW) when their team leaders downregulate or suppress their emotional responses (i.e. high interpersonal modulation of emotional responses [MER]). A further objective of the study was to examine whether this exacerbating effect would be conditional on the leader’s sex. Design/methodology/approach Data were collected from 236 white collars nested in 48 teams (Msize = 6.23; SDsize = 2.69) and their respective team leaders (56.7% men) of a large organization providing financial services. Findings Multilevel model results showed that team members confronted with higher ITC experienced higher ISW levels, especially when the leader’s interpersonal modulation of team members’ emotional responses was high (vs low). This effect was stronger when the interpersonal modulation was enacted by women (vs men) team leaders. Originality/value This study moves an important step forward in the conflict and ISW literature, as it is the first to identify a leader’s MER and sex as key boundary conditions under which ITC is related to team members’ ISW. The implications of these findings for theory and practice are discussed.
... In support of this idea, in a dyadic study of romantic couples, Levy-Gigi and Shamay-Tsoory (2017) found that regulators who scored higher in cognitive empathy (i.e., the ability to take on others' perspectives), a facet of agreeableness, selected strategies that were more effective at regulating praisal (Gross, 1998); and acceptance strategies, such as active listening and making the target feel valued (Niven et al., 2009). López-Pérez and colleagues (2017a) further found that agreeableness was negatively related to the use of the response-focused strategy of suppression, which is typically ineffective for managing others' feelings (Jurkiewicz et al., 2023;Little et al., 2013). Supplementing these findings, studies focusing on the cognitive and affective empathy facets of agreeableness also report positive correlations with antecedent-focused strategies and negative correlations with response-focused strategies (Little et al., 2012;Trujillo et al., 2022). ...
... their partners' distress while viewing images of negative valence.Brown et al. (2021) further reported evidence of more effective regulation of partner distress among individuals higher in affective empathy, although it was unclear if this was due to the use of particular strategies or if their mere presence was comforting.Furthermore, López-Pérez et al. (2017a, Study 2) found that agreeableness, and also extraversion, positively correlated with the use of two classes of broadly adaptive regulatory strategies(Jurkiewicz et al., 2023;Little et al., 2013;Sahi et al., 2023): antecedent-focused strategies, such as situation modification and cognitive reap- ...
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People vary in the effectiveness with which they can change the way that others feel, yet we know surprisingly little about what drives these individual differences in interpersonal emotion regulation success. This paper provides a framework for describing ‘success’ in interpersonal emotion regulation and synthesizes extant theory and research regarding how personality and cognitive ability relate to interpersonal emotion regulation success. In doing so, our review brings together work from several related fields to offer an integrative framework to generate and guide future research that aims to understand why some people are proficient at influencing the emotions of others and why some are not, often suffering additional unintended consequences, such as diminished work or relationship success.
... Rather, they vary based on the strategies that are selected to regulate emotion and, at least in the case of extrinsic interpersonal emotion regulation, the motives that underlie the regulation attempt. Strategies that focus on the underlying cause of emotion (referred to as "antecedent-focused," Gross, 2013, or "problem-oriented," Niven, in press), such as asking others for advice (intrinsic) or trying to help someone to see a situation from another perspective (extrinsic), appear to be particularly effective for eliciting desired outcomes, such as changes in emotion (e.g., Jurkiewicz et al., 2023;Lepore et al., 2004). However, people typically report preferring that others use strategies that demonstrate care and understanding (referred to as "socio-affective," Pauw et al., 2018, or "relationship-oriented," Niven, in press), such as empathic listening and validation (D. ...
Article
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Interpersonal emotion regulation occurs when people try to manage their own or others’ feelings or emotional expressions via social interactions. Research on this distinctive form of emotion regulation has grown exponentially over the last 15 years. In this article, we draw from literature across different disciplines, including multiple subdisciplines within psychology (e.g., social, clinical, developmental, organizational, sports), neuroscience, and sociology, to reflect on what is currently known about interpersonal emotion regulation. Our analysis focuses on the process through which interpersonal emotion regulation unfolds, its outcomes, and the development of abilities and difficulties in interpersonal emotion regulation through the lifespan. We also introduce this special issue, which presents a collection of 17 articles that advance our knowledge about these aspects of interpersonal emotion regulation in multiple ways. Finally, we chart the path forward by considering some of the most important challenges and opportunities for researchers aiming to deepen our understanding of interpersonal emotion regulation.
... Much of the past research captured how different emotion regulation strategies relate to people's well-being by focusing on one-to-one associations between specific strategies and indicators of individual distress, such as depression, anxiety, and stress (e.g., Aldao et al., 2010;Cameron & Overall, 2018;MacCann et al., 2019;Marroquín et al., 2011;Pauw et al., 2023); and relational well-being, such as relationship satisfaction, relationship quality, or closeness (e.g., Butler, 2017;Cameron & Overall, 2018;MacCann et al., 2019;Pauw et al., 2023;Walker et al., 2023a, b). While the efficacy of a regulatory strategy depends on several factors such as context (e.g., Aldao & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2012;Aldao & Tull, 2015), research indicates that intra-and interpersonal emotion regulation strategies characterized by high engagement (e.g., intrapersonal expressive engagement) are generally associated with decreased levels of individual distress and increased levels of relational well-being for both the regulator (actor-effect), and their partner (partner-effect; e.g., Aldao et al., 2010;Jurkiewicz et al., 2023;MacCann et al., 2019;Olderbak et al., 2023;Walker et al., 2023b;Webb et al., 2012). ...
Article
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How do couples differ from other couples in how they regulate their own and their partner's emotions? Although research on emotion regulation is blooming, insights into joint emotion regulation profiles-that is, the overlap between partners' specific strategies to regulate themselves and their partner-remain limited. To address this gap, we identified joint intra-and interpersonal emotion regulation profiles in 120 mixed-sex couples; clustering couples together based on both partners' reported intra-and interpersonal emotion regulation strategies. Additionally, we examined associations between profile-membership and well-being indicators. The identified joint emotion regulation profiles differed in three ways: (1) degree of regulation (e.g., no use of any vs high use of all strategies), (2) strategies predominantly used; and (3) degree of similarity-or lack thereof-between partners. Together, these findings provide the first insights into the role of joint emotion regulation profiles in the health of couples and their relationships, highlighting the unique roles played by both partners in regulating their own and their partner's emotions. Further research is needed to assess if these results generalize to inclusive samples and daily life.
... L. Brown et al., 2022;Wells et al., 2022). Furthermore, when regulators use affect-improving EIER, they are perceived as more responsive (Jurkiewicz et al., 2023)-that is, they make targets feel cared for, understood, and valued (Gordon & Chen, 2016;Reis, 2017). As a result, responsiveness makes social interactions more satisfying and meaningful, ultimately building better relationships (Canevello & Crocker, 2010;Reis & Gable, 2015). ...
Article
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Improving others’ emotions is cognitively and emotionally demanding, potentially increasing stress levels and decreasing well-being. However, the opposite could also occur: Attempts at improving others’ emotions—that is, affect-improving extrinsic interpersonal emotion regulation—could enhance regulators’ affective well-being and shield against physiological stress because we theorize that engaging in regulatory action to improve others’ emotions can strengthen relationships, activate self-regulation, and elicit prosocial reward. In two studies, we test the consequences on regulators when they help others regulate their emotions. In Study 1, a 7-day diary study (N = 205, 1,434 observations) of significant social interactions, regulators who reported they improved the emotions of others to a greater extent experienced more emotions, both positive and negative, during their interactions. They also experienced an increase in positive affect from pre- to post-diary, no change in negative affect, and better affective well-being at the end of the study. In Study 2, a within-subject observational laboratory study (N = 94, 47 dyads, 235 observations), we found that during the minutes when regulators displayed greater behaviorally coded attempts at improving targets’ emotions, regulators also experienced a corresponding buffering of increased physiological stress measured by pre-ejection period reactivity. These findings empirically support the role of improving others’ emotions in affective well-being over time and the protection against physiological stress when encountering others’ negative emotions. This work also contributes a theoretical framework for understanding why regulating others’ emotions is important for well-being.
... support (Jurkiewicz et al., 2023;Rimé et al., 2020). Emotional support-sometimes called socioaffective support-includes providing comfort, care, and validating the sharer's feelings (Morelli et al., 2015;Reis & Gable, 2015;Rimé, 2009). ...
Article
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When in distress, people often seek help in regulating their emotions by sharing them with others. Paradoxically, although people perceive such social sharing as beneficial, it often fails to promote emotional recovery. This may be explained by people seeking—and eliciting—emotional support, which offers only momentary relief. We hypothesized that (1) the type of support sharers seek shapes corresponding support provided by listeners, (2) the intensity of sharers’ emotions increases their desire for emotional support and decreases their desire for cognitive support, and (3) listeners’ empathic accuracy promotes support provision that matches sharers’ desires. In 8-min interactions, participants (N = 208; data collected in 2016–2017) were randomly assigned to the role of sharer (asked to discuss an upsetting situation) or listener (instructed to respond naturally). Next, participants watched their video-recorded interaction in 20-s fragments. Sharers rated their emotional intensity and support desires, and listeners rated the sharer’s emotional intensity and their own support provision. First, we found that the desire for support predicted corresponding support provision. Second, the intensity of sharers’ emotions was associated with an increased desire for emotional and cognitive support. Third, the more accurately listeners judged sharers’ emotional intensity, the more they fulfilled sharers’ emotional (but not cognitive) support desire. These findings suggest that people have partial control over the success of their social sharing in bringing about effective interpersonal emotion regulation. People elicit the support they desire at that moment, explaining why they perceive sharing as beneficial even though it may not engender emotional recovery.
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Theoretical models of interpersonal extrinsic emotion regulation (the regulation of others’ emotions) recognize many different regulation strategies, yet existing assessments do not assess a wide number of strategies at a granular level. In the present research, we develop the Regulation of Others’ Emotions Scale (ROES) to capture eight extrinsic emotion regulation strategies (expressive suppression, downward social comparison, humor, distraction, direct action, cognitive reframing, valuing, and receptive listening). Studies 1 (N = 321) and 2 (N = 121) identified eight strategies that differ in how much they require engagement with the target person. Studies 3 (N = 310) and 4 (N = 150 dyads) found evidence for test-retest reliability, structural validity, and correlations with other constructs (i.e., discriminant, convergent, and criterion-related validity). Results suggest that three high-engagement strategies have the strongest links to regulator and target outcomes (such as well-being and relationship quality), with the strongest effects for valuing, then cognitive reconstrual, then receptive listening. The discussion focuses on the two broad contributions of the current research: a new instrument assessing multiple strategies, and the integration of two different theoretical frameworks for the regulation of others’ emotions.
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How do people choose how to regulate others’ emotional responses? We extended previous work on how the intensity of an emotional situation influences which strategies people choose to regulate their emotions (i.e., intrapersonal emotion regulation choice) to also consider the effect of intensity on which strategies people choose to regulate other people’s emotions (i.e., interpersonal emotion regulation choice). Studies 1a and 1b found that the intensity of the emotional situation influenced whether participants chose distraction or reappraisal in both intrapersonal and interpersonal regulation contexts, but also that the effect of intensity differed between the contexts (participants choose reappraisal more frequently for others in intense situations than for themselves). However, this difference was stronger (or only found) when participants helped the other person to control their emotions first. Two further studies examined whether differences in perceived intensity (Study 2) and/or the anticipated effort or effectiveness of the strategies (Study 3) could explain the difference between intrapersonal and interpersonal contexts. Together, the findings suggest that the regulation strategies that people choose depend on the intensity of the emotional situation, the target of regulation, and whether people choose how to regulate their own emotions before choosing how to regulate another person’s emotions, with preliminary evidence that differences between intrapersonal and interpersonal emotion regulation choice may be associated with differences in the anticipated effort and effectiveness of regulation between these contexts.
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People often turn to others for help with regulating their emotions, a process known as interpersonal emotion regulation (IER). Emerging research has begun to document the importance of IER in well-being. However, the basic elements of IER in daily life are still not clearly understood. We aimed to better understand the characteristics of adults' everyday IER. In this 2-week experience sampling study (five surveys daily), 87 adults (mean age = 45.5 years) reported on whether, from whom (i.e., sharing partner role type and gender), and why (i.e., IER goals) they sought IER. They also indicated which IER strategies their sharing partners used, including putatively supportive (i.e., reappraisal, problem solving, affection, encouraging sharing) and unsupportive (i.e., invalidation, blaming) strategies. Results showed that most people engaged in IER. Using multilevel modeling, we found that people tended to seek IER from close versus non-close others and were more likely to seek emotion-oriented (e.g., empathy) relative to problem-oriented goals (e.g., advice). Sharing partners were more likely to provide (a) supportive than unsupportive strategies, with reappraisal, problem solving, and affection being most frequently endorsed, and (b) problem-oriented supportive strategies (e.g., problem solving) than emotion-oriented supportive strategies (e.g., affection). We also explored gender and age differences in IER. This research contributes to the broader emotion regulation literature by elucidating everyday IER behaviors in adults. Findings highlight the ubiquity of IER as well as people's tendencies when seeking and providing IER. Supplementary information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s42761-021-00044-y.
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Little is understood about how emotion regulation strategies typically used to regulate one's own emotions can be used to help others in distress, a process we refer to as social emotion regulation. We integrated research on social support, the self-regulation of emotion, and appraisal theories to hypothesize that different kinds of support and emotion regulation strategies should be differentially helpful for others, depending on the kind of emotion they are experiencing. Specifically, we predicted that helping others to actively modify their situation, as opposed to their appraisals and emotional responses, will be more effective for those experiencing anxiety as anxiety is a response to appraising threat in one's environment. However, helping others to modify their appraisals and emotions should be more effective for those experiencing sadness as sadness is a response to an irrevocable loss. To test this, we created a novel paradigm in which regulation targets were recruited online to write about personal events causing anxiety or sadness and regulation providers were recruited to provide written help to the targets. Study 1 supported the hypothesis using strategies drawn from the social support literature (advice vs. emotional support). Study 2 used strategies drawn from the literature on the self-regulation of emotion (situation modification vs. reappraisal) to demonstrate that as predicted, different strategies are believed to be differentially helpful depending on the target's emotion and when adjusting for individual differences in social and affective functioning, targets judge social emotion regulation strategies to be differentially helpful when implemented by providers. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).
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Decades of research has pointed to emotion regulation (ER) as a critical ingredient for health, well-being, and social functioning. However, the vast majority of this research has examined ER in a social vacuum, despite the fact that in everyday life individuals frequently regulate their emotions with help from other people. The present collection of preregistered studies examined whether social help increases the efficacy of reappraisal, a widely studied ER strategy that involves changing how one thinks about emotional stimuli. In Study 1 (N = 40 friend pairs), we compared the efficacy of reinterpreting the content of negative stimuli alone (solo ER) to listening to a friend reinterpret the stimuli (social ER). We found that social ER was more effective than solo ER, and that the efficacy of these strategies was correlated within individuals. In Studies 2 and 3, we replicated effects from Study 1, and additionally tested alternate explanations for our findings. In Study 2 (N = 40 individuals), we failed to find evidence that social ER was more effective than solo ER due to a difference in the quality of reinterpretations, and in Study 3 (N = 40 friend pairs), we found that social help did not significantly attenuate negative affect in the absence of reappraisal. In sum, we found that social help selectively potentiates the efficacy of reappraisal, and that this effect was not merely the outcome of social buffering. Together, these results provide insight into how social relationships can directly lend a hand in implementing ER strategies. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).
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Finding the elevator out of order en route to a top-floor meeting can feel frustrating. On second thought, however, the situation can be reconstrued as a minor setback and repurposed as an opportunity to get some exercise by taking the stairs. This is how an emotional response to a situation can be changed by thinking differently about the situation-a phenomenon known as reappraisal (Buhle et al., 2013; Gross, 1998; Lazarus, 1966; McRae, 2016). In this article, we propose an integrative framework for understanding reappraisal. We start with a brief overview of the history and the current state of reappraisal research. Next, we sketch a working model of appraisal and use it to reveal the basic psychological mechanisms of reappraisal. We then introduce the core propositions of our framework. First, reappraisal can involve changing how a situation is construed as well as changing which goals this construal is compared to. Second, reappraisal can be characterized in terms of the appraisal shifts it produces along appraisal dimensions. Third, Abstract What psychological mechanisms enable people to reappraise a situation to change its emotional impact? We propose that reappraisal works by shifting appraisal outcomes-abstract representations of how a situational construal compares to goals-either by changing the construal (reconstrual) or by changing the goal set (repurposing). Instances of reappraisal can therefore be characterized as change vectors in appraisal dimensional space. Affordances for reappraisal arise from the range of mental models that could explain a situation (construal malleability) and the range of goals that the situation could serve (goal set malleability). This framework helps to expand our conception of reappraisal, assess and classify different instances of reappraisal, predict their relative effectiveness, understand their brain mechanisms, and relate them to individual differences.
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