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A Longitudinal Study of Income Inequality and Mental Health Among Canadian Secondary School Students: Results From the Cannabis, Obesity, Mental Health, Physical Activity, Alcohol, Smoking, and Sedentary Behavior Study (2016–2019)
Abstract
Purpose:
Depression and anxiety among adolescents are major public health concerns. Findings indicate that income inequality was associated with increased risk for depression and anxiety among adolescents; however, this has not been tested longitudinally. We aim to quantify the longitudinal association between income inequality and depression and anxiety among Canadian adolescents.
Methods:
We used longitudinal data on 21,141 students from three waves (2016/17-2018/19) of the Cannabis, Obesity, Mental health, Physical activity, Alcohol, Smoking, and Sedentary behavior (COMPASS) school-based study. Multilevel modeling was used to assess the association between census division (CD)-level income inequality and depressive and anxiety symptoms and odds for depression and anxiety over time.
Results:
Across CDs, the mean Gini coefficient was 0.37 (range: 0.30, 0.46). Attending schools in CDs with higher levels of income inequality was associated with higher depressive scores (ß = 0.08; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.02, 0.14) and an increased odds for depression (odds ratio = 1.55, 95% CI = 1.06, 2.28) over time. Income inequality was not significantly associated with anxiety symptoms or experiencing anxiety over time. Additional analyses showed that income inequality was associated with higher depressive scores among females (ß = 0.10; 95% CI = 0.01, 0.18) and males (ß = 0.08, 95% CI = 0.01, 0.15) and for anxiety scores among females (ß = 0.13, 95% CI = 0.04, 0.22), but not among males (ß = -0.01, 95% CI = -0.09, 0.06).
Discussion:
Findings from this study indicated that income inequality is associated with depression over time among adolescents. This study highlights key points of intervention for the prevention of mental illness in adolescents.
... Among the 25 articles, 13 assessed physical activity and sedentary behavior [6,33,35,37,[39][40][41][42][43][44][45][46][47], 4 evaluated sleep habits and quality [32,34,48,49], and 5 measured screen time [32,40,41,43,50]. Mental health was examined in 13 articles [37,[42][43][44][45][46][47][51][52][53][54][55][56], whereas the family environment was analyzed in all articles except one [6]. Fifteen studies addressed dietary habits [6,14,35,37,41,43,44,46,47,[50][51][52][53][54]56]. ...
... Table 5 demonstrates an association between parental lifestyles and the unhealthy behaviors adopted by their children. Socioeconomic factors are linked to obesity, with evidence indicating that low-income families are more likely to have obese children [36,43,51,55,56]. Youth mental health is closely related to obesity. ...
... Youth mental health is closely related to obesity. Research has shown that the risk of obesity is four times higher among youths who exhibit anxiety traits [51] and depressive symptoms [47,53,55]. Additionally, parental mental health significantly impacts their children's well-being, habits, and weight [44,45,47,52,53]. ...
Background and Objectives: Childhood obesity and being overweight are influenced by the family environment, diet, sleep, and mental health, with parents playing a key role in shaping behaviors through routines and practices. Healthy parental habits can encourage positive outcomes, while poor routines and stress often lead to unhealthy weight gain. This study analyzed the impact of parental behaviors on children’s lifestyles and habits, as well as the trend and intensity of the effect of these behaviors on different age groups. Methods: A systematic review of 1504 articles from Web of Science, PubMed, Scopus, and APA PsycNet (as of 22 July 2024) included studies on parents and children aged 4–18 years, focusing on physical activity, sleep, screen time, nutrition, and mental health. Twenty-six studies were analyzed, including 19 cross-sectional and 7 longitudinal studies. The outcomes included physical activity, sedentary behaviors, eating and sleeping habits, mental health, and BMI. Bias was assessed using JBI tools according to the GRADE framework and Newcastle-Ottawa Quality Assessment. Results: The studies involved 89,545 youths and 13,856 parents. The key findings revealed associations between parental physical activity, sleep, dietary habits, mental health, screen time, and their children’s BMIs. Parenting styles significantly influence children’s behaviors. This review highlights the crucial influence of parenting styles and behaviors on children’s physical activity, diet, sleep, and mental health, emphasizing the link between family dynamics and childhood obesity. The findings stress the importance of targeting parental habits in interventions focused on healthy routines and stress management. Longitudinal studies are needed to determine causality, while research involving diverse populations is essential to enhance the applicability of these findings.
Background
Comorbid overweight/obesity (OWO) and depression is emerging as a public health problem among adolescents. Income inequality is a structural determinant of health that independently increases the risk for both OWO and depression among youth. However, no study has examined the association between income inequality and comorbid OWO and depression or tested potential mechanisms involved. We aimed to identify the association between income inequality and comorbid OWO and depression and to test whether social cohesion mediates this relationship.
Methods
We used data from the 2018–2019 Cannabis, Obesity, Mental health, Physical activity, Alcohol, Smoking and Sedentary behavior (COMPASS) project. Our sample was composed of 46,171 adolescents from 136 schools distributed in 43 census divisions in 4 provinces in Canada (Ontario, Alberta, British Columbia, and Quebec). Gender-stratified multilevel path analyses models were used to examine whether income inequality (Gini coefficient) was associated with comorbid OWO and depression and whether the association was mediated by school connectedness, a proxy measure for social cohesion.
Results
The direct effect between income inequality and OWO-depression comorbidity was not significant. However, income inequality was significantly associated with increased risk of comorbidity via social cohesion. One standard deviation increase in the Gini coefficient was associated with a 9% and 8% increase in the odds of comorbidity in females (OR=1.09; 95% CI=1.03, 1.16) and males (OR=1.08; 95% CI=1.03, 1.13).
Conclusion
Policies aimed at reducing income inequality, and interventions to improve social cohesion, may contribute to reducing the risk of OWO-depression comorbidity among adolescents.
Depression is a major public health concern among expectant mothers in Canada. Income inequality has been linked to depression, so interventions for reducing income inequality may reduce the prevalence of maternal depression. The current study aims to simulate the effects of government transfers and increases to minimum wage on depression in mothers. We used agent-based modelling techniques to identify the predicted effects of income inequality reducing programs on maternal depression. Model parameters were identified using the All Our Families cohort dataset and the existing literature. The mean age of our sample was 30 years. The sample was also predominantly white (78.6%) and had at least some post-secondary education (89.1%). When income was increased by just simulating an increase in minimum wage, the proportion of depressed mothers decreased by 2.9% (p < 0.005). Likewise, simulating the Canada Child Benefit resulted in a 5.0% decrease in the prevalence of depression (p < 0.001) and Ontario’s Universal Basic Income pilot project resulted in a simulated 5.6% decrease in the prevalence of depression (p < 0.001). We also assessed simulated changes to the mother’s social networks. Progressive income policies and increasing social networks are predicted to decrease the probability of depression.
Background
Nearly one-third of secondary school students report experiencing depressive symptoms in the past year. Existing research suggests that increasing rates of depression are due in part to increasing income inequality. The aim of this study is to identify mechanisms by which income inequality contributes to depression among Canadian secondary school students.
Methods
We used data from a large sample of Canadian secondary school students that participated in the 2017/18 wave of the Cannabis, Obesity, Mental health, Physical activity, Alcohol, Smoking, and Sedentary behaviour (COMPASS) study. The sample included 61,642 students across 43 Census divisions (CDs) in Quebec, Ontario, Alberta, and British Columbia. We used multilevel path analysis to determine if the relationship between CD-level income inequality and depression was mediated by student's psychosocial well-being and/or social cohesion.
Results
Attending schools in CDs with higher income inequality was related to higher depression scores among Canadian secondary students [unstandardized ß (ß) = 5.36; 95% CI = 0.74, 9.99] and lower psychosocial well-being (ß = −14.83, 95% CI = −25.05, −4.60). Income inequality was not significantly associated with social cohesion, although social cohesion was associated with depression scores among students (ß = −0.31; 95% CI = −0.34, −0.28).
Discussion
Findings from this study indicate that income inequality is associated with adolescent depression and that this relationship is mediated by psychosocial well-being. This study is the first of its kind in Canada to assess the mechanisms by which income inequality contributes to adolescent depression. These findings are applicable to school-level programs addressing mental health.
Objective
The primary objective of our study was to assess measurement invariance (by grade and sex) of the 7-item Generalized Anxiety Disorder (GAD-7) and 10-item Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Revised (CESD-R-10) scales in a sample of adolescents in Canada. If measurement invariance was demonstrated, our secondary objective was to estimate differences in scale scores across these subgroups.
Methods
We used data from 59,052 adolescents in Year 7 (2018–19) of the COMPASS school-based study. Measurement invariance was tested within a multigroup confirmatory factor analysis framework. Differences in scale scores were estimated using mixed linear regression which accounted for school-level clustering and adjusted for relevant confounders.
Results
Both the GAD-7 and CESD-R-10 demonstrated strict measurement invariance by sex and grade in our sample. Mean scale scores were higher among adolescents in grade 12 compared to grade 9 (βGAD-7 = 0.91, p < .001; βCESD-R-10 = 0.99, p < .001) and among female adolescents compared to males (βGAD-7 = 3.36, p < .001; βCESD-R-10 = 2.58, p < .001).
Conclusions
Findings support the validity of the GAD-7 and CESD-R-10 for screening risk of generalized anxiety and depression among Canadian adolescents, and further indicate that differences observed in scale scores across subgroups reflect actual differences in risk for generalized anxiety and major depression, respectively.
Background:
Increasing rates of mental health problems among adolescents are of concern. Teens who are most in need of mental health attention are reluctant to seek help. A better understanding of the help-seeking in this population is needed to overcome this gap.
Methods:
Five databases were searched to identify the principal barriers, facilitators and interventions targeting help-seeking for common mental health problems in adolescents aged 10-19 years. The search was performed in June 2018 and updated in April 2019. Two independent screening processes were made using the eligibility criteria. Quality assessment of each study was performed, and findings summarised using a narrative synthesis.
Results:
Ninety studies meet the inclusion criteria for this review for barrier and facilitators (n = 54) and interventions (n = 36). Stigma and negative beliefs towards mental health services and professionals were the most cited barriers. Facilitators included previous positive experience with health services and mental health literacy. Most interventions were based on psychoeducation, which focused on general mental health knowledge, suicide and self-harm, stigma and depression. Other types of interventions included the use of multimedia and online tools, peer training and outreach initiatives. Overall, the quality of studies was low to medium and there was no general agreement regarding help-seeking definition and measurements.
Conclusion:
Most of the interventions took place in an educational setting however, it is important to consider adolescents outside the educational system. Encouraging help-seeking should come with the increased availability of mental health support for all adolescents in need, but this is still a major challenge for Child and Adolescent Mental Health Services. There is also a need to develop shared definitions, theoretical frameworks and higher methodological standards in research regarding help-seeking behaviours in adolescents. This will allow more consistency and generalisability of findings, improving the development of help-seeking interventions and ensuring timely access to mental health treatments.
Mental health disorders in children and adolescents are highly prevalent yet undertreated. A detailed understanding of the reasons for not seeking or accessing help as perceived by young people is crucial to address this gap. We conducted a systematic review (PROSPERO 42018088591) of quantitative and qualitative studies reporting barriers and facilitators to children and adolescents seeking and accessing professional help for mental health problems. We identified 53 eligible studies; 22 provided quantitative data, 30 provided qualitative data, and one provided both. Four main barrier/facilitator themes were identified. Almost all studies (96%) reported barriers related to young people’s individual factors, such as limited mental health knowledge and broader perceptions of help-seeking. The second most commonly (92%) reported theme related to social factors, for example, perceived social stigma and embarrassment. The third theme captured young people’s perceptions of the
therapeutic relationship with professionals (68%) including perceived confidentiality and the ability to trust an unknown person. The fourth theme related to systemic and structural barriers and facilitators (58%), such as financial costs associated with mental health services, logistical barriers, and the availability of professional help. The findings highlight the complex array of internal and external factors that determine whether young people seek and access help for mental health difficulties. In addition to making effective support more available, targeted evidence-based interventions are required to reduce perceived public stigma and improve young people’s knowledge of mental health problems and available support, including what to expect from professionals and services.
Adolescents in the United States live amid high levels of concentrated poverty and increasing income inequality. Poverty is robustly linked to adolescents' mental health problems; however, less is known about how perceptions of their social status and exposure to local area income inequality relate to mental health. Participants consisted of a population-representative sample of over 2,100 adolescents (ages 10-16), 395 of whom completed a 14-day ecological momentary assessment (EMA) study. Participants' subjective social status (SSS) was assessed at the start of the EMA, and mental health symptoms were measured both at baseline for the entire sample and daily in the EMA sample. Adolescents' SSS tracked family, school, and neighborhood economic indicators (|r| ranging from .12 to .30), and associations did not differ by age, race, or gender. SSS was independently associated with mental health, with stronger associations among older (ages 14-16) versus younger (ages 10-13) adolescents. Adolescents with lower SSS reported higher psychological distress and inattention problems, as well as more conduct problems, in daily life. Those living in areas with higher income inequality reported significantly lower subjective social status, but this association was explained by family and neighborhood income. Findings illustrate that adolescents' SSS is correlated with both internalizing and externalizing mental health problems, and that by age 14 it becomes a unique predictor of mental health problems. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).
Objectives In this study, we aim to test whether changes in community income inequality influence adolescent emotional
distress. We take advantage of the unique combination of data and history available in Iceland. This affluent welfare
society has experienced extreme shifts in income inequality, allowing us to test whether changes in community income
inequality are related to changes in adolescent emotional distress.
Methods Combining adolescent survey data (n = 24,107) with tax registry data on 76 neighborhood communities, we used
a multilevel approach to model the data as longitudinal in order to test whether changes in community income inequality
are related to changes in symptoms of anxiety and depression among adolescents.
Results The results showed that, after adjusting for relevant individual and community covariates, decreases in community
income inequality were associated with decreases in symptoms of anxiety among adolescents (b = - 0.367, p B 0.001),
but not with decreases in symptoms of depression.
Conclusions While the results provide a partial support for the income inequality thesis, we call for replications from other
cultures and studies exploring the mediating role of social psychological processes.
Most countries have witnessed a dramatic increase of income inequality in the past three decades. This paper addresses the question of whether income inequality is associated with the population prevalence of depression and, if so, the potential mechanisms and pathways which may explain this association. Our systematic review included 26 studies, mostly from high-income countries. Nearly two-thirds of all studies and five out of six longitudinal studies reported a statistically significant positive relationship between income inequality and risk of depression; only one study reported a statistically significant negative relationship. Twelve studies were included in a meta-analysis with dichotomized inequality groupings. The pooled risk ratio was 1.19 (95% CI: 1.07-1.31), demonstrating greater risk of depression in populations with higher income inequality relative to populations with lower inequality. Multiple studies reported subgroup effects, including greater impacts of income inequality among women and low-income populations. We propose an ecological framework, with mechanisms operating at the national level (the neo-material hypothesis), neighbourhood level (the social capital and the social comparison hypotheses) and individual level (psychological stress and social defeat hypotheses) to explain this association. We conclude that policy makers should actively promote actions to reduce income inequality, such as progressive taxation policies and a basic universal income. Mental health professionals should champion such policies, as well as promote the delivery of interventions which target the pathways and proximal determinants, such as building life skills in adolescents and provision of psychological therapies and packages of care with demonstrated effectiveness for settings of poverty and high income inequality.
Background
A long-term trend of increasing mental health problems among adolescents in many Western countries indicates a great need to investigate if and how societal changes have contributed to the reported increase. Using seven waves of repeated cross-sectional data collected between 1988 and 2008 in Sweden, the current study examined if economic factors at the societal level (municipality unemployment rate) and at the individual level (worry about family finances), and their interaction could explain a secular trend in mental health problems.
Methods
Participants were 17 533 students of age 15–16 years (49.3% girls), from 14 municipalities in a county of Sweden. Data on adolescents’ mental health (psychosomatic problems) and worry about family finances were obtained using a self-report questionnaire. A series of multilevel regression analyses were conducted in order to explain the trends in adolescents’ mental health.
Results
The results indicated that the individual-level predictor (worry about family finances) significantly explained the increasing rates of adolescents’ psychosomatic problems. This was particularly the case during the mid-1990s, which was characterised by a severe recession in Sweden with high unemployment rates. For example, after accounting for adolescents’ worry, a significant increase in psychosomatic symptoms between 1988 and 1998 among girls (b=0.112, P<0.05) disappeared (b=0.018, P>0.05) and a non-significant decrease between 1988 and 1995 among boys (b=−0.017, P>0.05) became significant (b=−0.142, P<0.05). Neither municipality unemployment rate nor its interaction with adolescents’ worry explained psychosomatic problems.
Conclusions
The findings demonstrate the effects of adolescents’ worry about family finances on a secular trend in mental health problems during an economically bleak period of time. The study highlights the need for repeated measurements including a large number of time points over a long time period in order to analyse time-specific putative explanatory factors for trends in adolescent mental health problems.
Major depressive disorder (MDD) has a profound effect not only on mental health, but on all aspects of life, including employment, social functioning, and physical well-being. Depression has been associated with individual difference variables such as sex, social support, and negative childhood experiences. Other correlates of MDD include: suicidal ideation and action, distress, positive mental health and life satisfaction (both negative). Although extensive research has been done on the prevalence rate and correlates of depression, representative samples are not used often. The current study utilized data from the Canadian Community Health Survey–Mental Health (CCHS-MH) focus content cycle 2012, which contains a representative sample of the Canadian population. The main goal of this study was to explore prevalence rates and correlates of depression for the Canadian population. Having a representative sample from the CCHS-MH allows for more accurate inferences to be made about the population of Canada. The 12 months’ prevalence rate of MDD in Canada was found to be 4.7%, and the lifetime prevalence rate was found to be 11.2%. There exists a sex difference in the prevalence rates of MDD, with females being almost twice as likely to experience MDD during their lifetime compared to males (OR = 1.8). The relationship between MDD and suicide ideation, social support, negative childhood experiences, and other correlates are also discussed in detail.
Objective
We aimed to collect and meta-analyse the existing evidence regarding the performance of the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression (CES-D) for detecting depression in general population and primary care settings.
Method
Systematic literature search in PubMed and PsychINFO. Eligible studies were: a) validation studies of screening questionnaires with information on the accuracy of the CES-D; b) samples from general populations or primary care settings; c) standardized diagnostic interviews following standard classification systems used as gold standard; and d) English or Spanish language of publication. Pooled sensitivity, specificity, likelihood ratios and diagnostic odds ratio were estimated for several cut-off points using bivariate mixed effects models for each threshold. The summary receiver operating characteristic curve was estimated with Rutter and Gatsonis mixed effects models; area under the curve was calculated. Quality of the studies was assessed with the QUADAS tool. Causes of heterogeneity were evaluated with the Rutter and Gatsonis mixed effects model including each covariate at a time.
Results
28 studies (10,617 participants) met eligibility criteria. The median prevalence of Major Depression was 8.8% (IQ range from 3.8% to 12.6%). The overall area under the curve was 0.87. At the cut-off 16, sensitivity was 0.87 (95% CI: 0.82–0.92), specificity 0.70 (95% CI: 0.65–0.75), and DOR 16.2 (95% CI: 10.49–25.10). Better trade-offs between sensitivity and specificity were observed (Sensitivity = 0.83, Specificity = 0.78, diagnostic odds ratio = 16.64) for cut-off 20. None of the variables assessed as possible sources of heterogeneity was found to be statistically significant.
Conclusion
The CES-D has acceptable screening accuracy in the general population or primary care settings, but it should not be used as an isolated diagnostic measure of depression. Depending on the test objectives, the cut-off 20 may be more adequate than the value of 16, which is typically recommended.
Background:
Although recent evidence has shown that area-level income inequality is related to increased risk for depression among adults, few studies have tested this association among adolescents.
Methods:
We analysed the cross-sectional data from a sample of 1878 adolescents living in 38 neighbourhoods participating in the 2008 Boston Youth Survey. Using multilevel linear regression modelling, we: (1) estimated the association between neighbourhood income inequality and depressive symptoms, (2) tested for cross-level interactions between sex and neighbourhood income inequality and (3) examined neighbourhood social cohesion as a mediator of the relationship between income inequality and depressive symptoms.
Results:
The association between neighbourhood income inequality and depressive symptoms varied significantly by sex, with girls in higher income inequality neighbourhood reporting higher depressive symptom scores, but not boys. Among girls, a unit increase in Gini Z-score was associated with more depressive symptoms (β=0.38, 95% CI 0.28 to 0.47, p=0.01) adjusting for nativity, neighbourhood income, social cohesion, crime and social disorder. There was no evidence that the association between income inequality and depressive symptoms was due to neighbourhood-level differences in social cohesion.
Conclusions:
The distribution of incomes within an urban area adversely affects adolescent girls' mental health; future work is needed to understand why, as well as to examine in greater depth the potential consequences of inequality for males, which may have been difficult to detect here.
Few researchers have the data required to adequately understand how the school environment impacts youth health behaviour development over time.
COMPASS is a prospective cohort study designed to annually collect hierarchical longitudinal data from a sample of 90 secondary schools and the 50,000+ grade 9 to 12 students attending those schools. COMPASS uses a rigorous quasi-experimental design to evaluate how changes in school programs, policies, and/or built environment (BE) characteristics are related to changes in multiple youth health behaviours and outcomes over time. These data will allow for the quasi-experimental evaluation of natural experiments that will occur within schools over the course of COMPASS, providing a means for generating "practice based evidence" in school-based prevention programming.
COMPASS is the first study with the infrastructure to robustly evaluate the impact that changes in multiple school-level programs, policies, and BE characteristics within or surrounding a school might have on multiple youth health behaviours or outcomes over time. COMPASS will provide valuable new insight for planning, tailoring and targeting of school-based prevention initiatives where they are most likely to have impact.
Although cross-sectional and ecological studies have shown that higher area-level income inequality is related to increased risk for depression, few longitudinal studies have been conducted. This investigation examines the relationship between state-level income inequality and major depression among adults participating in a population-based, representative longitudinal study.
We used data from the National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions (n=34 653). Respondents completed structured diagnostic interviews at baseline (2001-2002) and follow-up (2004-2005). Weighted multilevel modelling was used to determine if US state-level income inequality (measured by the Gini coefficient) was a significant predictor of depression at baseline and at follow-up, while controlling for individual-level and state-level covariates. We also repeated the longitudinal analyses, excluding those who had a history of depression or at baseline, in order to test whether income inequality was related to incident depression.
State-level inequality was associated with increased incidence of depression among women but not men. In comparison to women residing in states belonging to the lowest quintile of income inequality, women were at increased risk for depression in the second (OR=1.18, 95% CI 0.86 to 1.62), third (OR=1.22, 95% CI 0.91 to 1.62), fourth (OR=1.37, 95% CI 1.03 to 1.82) and fifth (OR=1.50, 95% CI 1.14 to 1.96) quintiles at follow-up (p<0.05 for the linear trend).
Living in a state with higher income inequality increases the risk for the development of depression among women.
Background. School safety and corresponding feelings of both pupils and school staff are beginning to receive more and more attention. The social cohesion characteristics of a school may be useful in promoting feelings of safety, particularly in pupils.
Aims. To conceptualize theoretically, and check empirically a two‐level model of social cohesion between and within schools, in order to explain a pupil's feelings of safety at school.
Samples. Data were collected aided by a national Dutch survey in secondary education carried out via the Internet. In 2008, digital questionnaires were completed by about 78,800 pupils, 6,200 teachers and educational support staff, and 600 school managers.
Methods. Data were checked for reliability and representativity. Social cohesion was indicated by self‐reported measures of individual pupils and by aggregating scale and item scores of school managers, teachers, and other support staff within schools. Multi‐level analysis using individual pupil data and school‐level data was performed using MLwiN.
Results. A pupil's age, educational attainment level, experience of mild physical violence, prosocial rules of conduct and joint control of these rules, and school measures against playing truant, show positive influences on a pupil's feelings of safety at school. Negative influences are exerted by not feeling most at home in The Netherlands, peers taking drugs and weapons into school, and by experiencing social violence, severe physical violence, and sexual violence. Negative school effects exist simultaneously in severe physical violence experienced by teachers and other staff, and in curriculum differentiation applied by teachers and other staff; a positive school effect is school size. Some interaction effects between pupil and school‐level variables were explored.
Conclusions. The variance at school level is relatively low compared with the variance at pupil level. However, a much higher percentage of variance at school level than at pupil level is explained with respect to the pupils' feelings of safety at school. The resulting two‐level model also reflects the streaming of pupils in Dutch secondary schools. To improve school safety, the national results emphasize the need to enhance prosocial behaviour rules and to enhance the shared control of these rules between teachers and pupils. They also emphasize the need for the school to take measures that prevent truancy and redefine curriculum differentiation procedures. National educational policy and research can combine efforts to assist schools in developing reliable and valid procedures to increase effectively safety in and around schools.
Income inequality has been associated with poorer self rated health in the United States.1 Possible mechanisms linking income distribution to health include: variations in a person's access to life opportunities and material resources (for example, health care, education); social cohesion, whereby mutual support and cooperation secure better health outcomes; and possible direct psychosocial processes related to relative perceptions of position on the socioeconomic hierarchy.2 It seems implausible that these mechanisms of action are instantaneous—there should be a lag time during which income inequality affects these intermediary factors, which in turn affect health. In this study, we provide a test of the potential time lags between income inequality and self rated health.
We used data for 213 695 people aged 15 years and older sampled by the 1995 and 1997 Current Population Survey (CPS) in the United States.3 Two reasons dictated using just 1995 and 1997 data. Firstly, the CPS has only collected self rated health data since 1995. Secondly, each CPS respondent stays in the CPS sample for two consecutive years—additionally including 1996 and 1998 data would only lead to double counting the same people. The individual level covariates …
Low socioeconomic status (SES) is generally associated with high psychiatric morbidity, more disability, and poorer access to health care. Among psychiatric disorders, depression exhibits a more controversial association with SES. The authors carried out a meta-analysis to evaluate the magnitude, shape, and modifiers of such an association. The search found 51 prevalence studies, five incidence studies, and four persistence studies meeting the criteria. A random effects model was applied to the odds ratio of the lowest SES group compared with the highest, and meta-regression was used to assess the dose-response relation and the influence of covariates. Results indicated that low-SES individuals had higher odds of being depressed (odds ratio = 1.81, p < 0.001), but the odds of a new episode (odds ratio = 1.24, p = 0.004) were lower than the odds of persisting depression (odds ratio = 2.06, p < 0.001). A dose-response relation was observed for education and income. Socioeconomic inequality in depression is heterogeneous and varies according to the way psychiatric disorder is measured, to the definition and measurement of SES, and to contextual features such as region and time. Nonetheless, the authors found compelling evidence for socioeconomic inequality in depression. Strategies for tackling inequality in depression are needed, especially in relation to the course of the disorder.
Generalized anxiety disorder (GAD) is one of the most common mental disorders; however, there is no brief clinical measure for assessing GAD. The objective of this study was to develop a brief self-report scale to identify probable cases of GAD and evaluate its reliability and validity.
A criterion-standard study was performed in 15 primary care clinics in the United States from November 2004 through June 2005. Of a total of 2740 adult patients completing a study questionnaire, 965 patients had a telephone interview with a mental health professional within 1 week. For criterion and construct validity, GAD self-report scale diagnoses were compared with independent diagnoses made by mental health professionals; functional status measures; disability days; and health care use.
A 7-item anxiety scale (GAD-7) had good reliability, as well as criterion, construct, factorial, and procedural validity. A cut point was identified that optimized sensitivity (89%) and specificity (82%). Increasing scores on the scale were strongly associated with multiple domains of functional impairment (all 6 Medical Outcomes Study Short-Form General Health Survey scales and disability days). Although GAD and depression symptoms frequently co-occurred, factor analysis confirmed them as distinct dimensions. Moreover, GAD and depression symptoms had differing but independent effects on functional impairment and disability. There was good agreement between self-report and interviewer-administered versions of the scale.
The GAD-7 is a valid and efficient tool for screening for GAD and assessing its severity in clinical practice and research.
Background
Unconditional cash transfers (UCTs; provided without obligation) for reducing poverty and vulnerabilities (e.g. orphanhood, old age, or HIV infection) are a social protection intervention addressing a key social determinant of health (income) in low‐ and middle‐income countries (LMICs). The relative effectiveness of UCTs compared with conditional cash transfers (CCTs; provided only if recipients follow prescribed behaviours, e.g. use a health service or attend school) is unknown.
Objectives
To assess the effects of UCTs on health services use and health outcomes in children and adults in LMICs. Secondary objectives are to assess the effects of UCTs on social determinants of health and healthcare expenditure, and to compare the effects of UCTs versus CCTs.
Search methods
For this update, we searched 15 electronic academic databases, including CENTRAL, MEDLINE and EconLit, in September 2021. We also searched four electronic grey literature databases, websites of key organisations and reference lists of previous systematic reviews, key journals and included study records.
Selection criteria
We included both parallel‐group and cluster‐randomised controlled trials (C‐RCTs), quasi‐RCTs, cohort studies, controlled before‐and‐after studies (CBAs), and interrupted time series studies of UCT interventions in children (0 to 17 years) and adults (≥ 18 years) in LMICs. Comparison groups received either no UCT, a smaller UCT or a CCT. Our primary outcomes were any health services use or health outcome.
Data collection and analysis
Two review authors independently screened potentially relevant records for inclusion, extracted data and assessed the risk of bias. We obtained missing data from study authors if feasible. For C‐RCTs, we generally calculated risk ratios for dichotomous outcomes from crude frequency measures in approximately correct analyses. Meta‐analyses applied the inverse variance or Mantel‐Haenszel method using a random‐effects model. Where meta‐analysis was impossible, we synthesised results using vote counting based on effect direction. We assessed the certainty of the evidence using GRADE.
Main results
We included 34 studies (25 studies of 20 C‐RCTs, six CBAs, and three cohort studies) involving 1,140,385 participants (45,538 children, 1,094,847 adults) and 50,095 households in Africa, the Americas and South‐East Asia in our meta‐analyses and narrative syntheses. These analysed 29 independent data sets. The 24 UCTs identified, including one basic universal income intervention, were pilot or established government programmes or research experiments. The cash value was equivalent to 1.3% to 81.9% of the annualised gross domestic product per capita. All studies compared a UCT with no UCT; three studies also compared a UCT with a CCT. Most studies carried an overall high risk of bias (i.e. often selection or performance bias, or both). Most studies were funded by national governments or international organisations, or both.
Throughout the review, we use the words 'probably' to indicate moderate‐certainty evidence, 'may/maybe' for low‐certainty evidence, and 'uncertain' for very low‐certainty evidence.
Health services use
We assumed greater use of any health services to be beneficial. UCTs may not have impacted the likelihood of having used any health service in the previous 1 to 12 months, when participants were followed up between 12 and 24 months into the intervention (risk ratio (RR) 1.04, 95% confidence interval (CI) 1.00 to 1.09; I2 = 2%; 5 C‐RCTs, 4972 participants; low‐certainty evidence).
Health outcomes
At one to two years, UCTs probably led to a clinically meaningful, very large reduction in the likelihood of having had any illness in the previous two weeks to three months (RR 0.79, 95% CI 0.67 to 0.92; I2 = 53%; 6 C‐RCTs, 9367 participants; moderate‐certainty evidence). UCTs may have increased the likelihood of having been food secure over the previous month, at 13 to 36 months into the intervention (RR 1.25, 95% CI 1.09 to 1.45; I2 = 85%; 5 C‐RCTs, 2687 participants; low‐certainty evidence). UCTs may have increased participants' level of dietary diversity over the previous week, when assessed with the Household Dietary Diversity Score and followed up 24 months into the intervention (mean difference (MD) 0.59 food categories, 95% CI 0.18 to 1.01; I2 = 79%; 4 C‐RCTs, 9347 participants; low‐certainty evidence). Despite several studies providing relevant evidence, the effects of UCTs on the likelihood of being moderately stunted and on the level of depression remain uncertain. We found no study on the effect of UCTs on mortality risk.
Social determinants of health
UCTs probably led to a clinically meaningful, moderate increase in the likelihood of currently attending school, when assessed at 12 to 24 months into the intervention (RR 1.06, 95% CI 1.04 to 1.09; I2 = 0%; 8 C‐RCTs, 7136 participants; moderate‐certainty evidence). UCTs may have reduced the likelihood of households being extremely poor, at 12 to 36 months into the intervention (RR 0.92, 95% CI 0.87 to 0.97; I2 = 63%; 6 C‐RCTs, 3805 participants; low‐certainty evidence). The evidence was uncertain for whether UCTs impacted livestock ownership, participation in labour, and parenting quality.
Healthcare expenditure
Evidence from eight cluster‐RCTs on healthcare expenditure was too inconsistent to be combined in a meta‐analysis, but it suggested that UCTs may have increased the amount of money spent on health care at 7 to 36 months into the intervention (low‐certainty evidence).
Equity, harms and comparison with CCTs
The effects of UCTs on health equity (or unfair and remedial health inequalities) were very uncertain. We did not identify any harms from UCTs. Three cluster‐RCTs compared UCTs versus CCTs with regard to the likelihood of having used any health services or had any illness, or the level of dietary diversity, but evidence was limited to one study per outcome and was very uncertain for all three.
Authors' conclusions
This body of evidence suggests that unconditional cash transfers (UCTs) may not impact a summary measure of health service use in children and adults in LMICs. However, UCTs probably or may improve some health outcomes (i.e. the likelihood of having had any illness, the likelihood of having been food secure, and the level of dietary diversity), two social determinants of health (i.e. the likelihoods of attending school and being extremely poor), and healthcare expenditure. The evidence on the relative effectiveness of UCTs and CCTs remains very uncertain.
Background
Social welfare policies such as the minimum wage can affect population health, though the impact may differ by the level of unemployment experienced by society at a given time.
Methods
We ran difference-in-differences models using monthly data from all 50 states and Washington, DC from 1990 to 2015. We used educational attainment to define treatment and control groups. The exposure was the difference between state and federal minimum wage in US1 increase in the minimum wage ranged from a 3.4% decrease (95% CI 0.4 to 6.4) to a 5.9% decrease (95% CI 1.4 to 10.2) in the suicide rate among adults aged 18–64 years with a high school education or less. We detected significant effect modification by unemployment rate, with the largest effects of minimum wage on reducing suicides observed at higher unemployment levels.
Conclusion
Minimum wage increases appear to reduce the suicide rate among those with a high school education or less, and may reduce disparities between socioeconomic groups. Effects appear greatest during periods of high unemployment.
This study contributes to the limited knowledge on the association between community income inequality and adolescent emotional problems, and explores whether these associations are contingent on national income inequality and personal deprivation.We obtained multilevel data from 10,223 adolescents (aged 15–16 years) nested within 82 communities in Iceland, at two time points: (a) in 2006 when income inequality was high and (b) in 2014 when income inequality had decreased. The associations are contingent on time period. Community income inequality was related to (a) an increase in anxiety in 2006 (b = 0.337, p ≤ 0.05), but not in 2014, and (b) a decrease in depression in 2014 (−0.958, p ≤ 0.05), but not in 2006. In 2006, community income inequality was more harmful to adolescents in deprived households.The results support the notion that the detrimental link between income inequality and adolescents’ emotional problems may be shaped by the level of income inequality in the larger societal context.
The epidemiology of major depressive disorder (MDD) was first described in the Canadian national population in 2002. Updated information is now available from a 2012 survey: the Canadian Community Health Study-Mental Health (CCHS-MH).
The CCHS-MH employed an adaptation of the World Health Organization World Mental Health Composite International Diagnostic Interview and had a sample of n = 25 113. Demographic variables, treatment, comorbidities, suicidal ideation, and perceived stigma were assessed. The analysis estimated adjusted and unadjusted frequencies and prevalence ratios. All estimates incorporated analysis methods to account for complex survey design effects.
The past-year prevalence of MDD was 3.9% (95% CI 3.5% to 4.2%). Prevalence was higher in women and in younger age groups. Among respondents with past-year MDD, 63.1% had sought treatment and 33.1% were taking an antidepressant (AD); 4.8% had past-year alcohol abuse and 4.5% had alcohol dependence. Among respondents with past-year MDD, the prevalence of cannabis abuse was 2.5% and that of dependence was 2.9%. For drugs other than cannabis, the prevalence of abuse was 2.3% and dependence was 2.9%. Generalized anxiety disorder was present in 24.9%. Suicide attempts were reported by 6.6% of respondents with past-year MDD. Among respondents accessing treatment, 37.5% perceived that others held negative opinions about them or treated them unfairly because of their disorder.
MDD is a common, burdensome, and stigmatized condition in Canada. Seeking help from professionals was reported at a higher frequency than in prior Canadian studies, but there has been no increase in AD use among Canadians with MDD.
Background:
Major depressive disorder (MDD) that onsets by adolescence is associated with various deficits in psychosocial functioning. However, adolescent-onset MDD often follows a recurrent course that may drive its associated impairment.
Method:
To tease apart these two clinical features, we examined the relative associations of age of onset (adolescent versus adult) and course (recurrent versus single episodes) of MDD with a broad range of psychosocial functioning outcomes assessed in early adulthood. Participants comprised a large, population-based sample of male and female twins from the Minnesota Twin Family Study (MTFS; n = 1252) assessed prospectively from ages 17 to 29 years.
Results:
A recurrent course of MDD predicted impairment in several psychosocial domains in adulthood, regardless of whether the onset was in adolescence or adulthood. By contrast, adolescent-onset MDD showed less evidence of impairment in adulthood after accounting for recurrence. Individuals with both an adolescent onset and recurrent episodes of MDD represented a particularly severe group with pervasive psychosocial impairment in adulthood.
Conclusions:
The negative implications of adolescent-onset MDD for psychosocial functioning in adulthood seem to be due primarily to its frequently recurrent course, rather than its early onset, per se. The results highlight the importance of considering both age of onset and course for understanding MDD and its implications for functioning, and also in guiding targeted intervention efforts.
Derived and tested a short form of the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D) for reliability and validity among 1,206 well older adults (aged 65–98 yrs). The 10-item screening questionnaire, the CESD-10, showed good predictive accuracy when compared to the full-length 20-item version of the CES-D. The CESD-10 showed an expected positive correlation with poorer health status scores and a strong negative correlation with positive affect. Retest correlations for the CESD-10 were comparable to those in other studies. The CESD-10 was administered again after 12 mo. Data were based on 80% of the original sample. Scores were stable with strong correlation. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
To determine whether the socioeconomic context of the school environment is associated with adolescent depressive symptoms independent of individual household income. Study design Data were drawn from a 1995 nationally representative study of 7th to 12th grade students. Multivariable linear regression at the school and individual levels assessed the relation between income and depressive symptoms. Multilevel modeling techniques were then used to understand how these factors are jointly associated with adolescent depressive symptoms.
Adolescents (n=13,235) in grades 7 through 12 from 132 schools whose parent provided income information.
Linear regression analyses indicated that lower household income, average school income, and increasing school-level income inequality were significantly (P<.001) associated with depressive symptoms. Further examination of these relations through multilevel modeling indicated that both household income (P<.01) and average school income (P<.05) were significantly related to depressive symptoms after adjusting for covariates, with evidence for an interaction between the two. The impact of lower household income on depressive symptoms was approximately 2-fold greater for students attending a poor versus a rich school.
School context is associated with adolescents' depressive symptoms, even after adjusting for individual-level factors. The school environment may partially buffer the adverse influence of lower household income on adolescent depressive symptoms.
Unipolar depressive disorder in adolescence is common worldwide but often unrecognised. The incidence, notably in girls, rises sharply after puberty and, by the end of adolescence, the 1 year prevalence rate exceeds 4%. The burden is highest in low-income and middle-income countries. Depression is associated with substantial present and future morbidity, and heightens suicide risk. The strongest risk factors for depression in adolescents are a family history of depression and exposure to psychosocial stress. Inherited risks, developmental factors, sex hormones, and psychosocial adversity interact to increase risk through hormonal factors and associated perturbed neural pathways. Although many similarities between depression in adolescence and depression in adulthood exist, in adolescents the use of antidepressants is of concern and opinions about clinical management are divided. Effective treatments are available, but choices are dependent on depression severity and available resources. Prevention strategies targeted at high-risk groups are promising.
Self reported cross-sectional data gathered in 2002 from 12,449 middle and high school students from seven major cities in China were examined to explore the association of self-perceived relative income inequality (SPRII) with general health status, depression, stress, and cigarette smoking. Two types of self-perceived relative income were evaluated: household income relative to peers (SPRII-S) and relative to their own past (SPRII-P). SPRII-S and SPRII-P were coded as three-level categorical variables: lower, equal, and higher. As hypothesized, the youth in the "Lower" SPRII-S or SPRII-P groups reported the worst general health and the highest levels of depression and stress; the youth in the "Higher" groups reported the best general health. Unexpectedly, the youth in the "Higher" groups did not report the lowest levels of depression and stress, and the relationship between SPRII and cigarette smoking was even less straightforward. The expected positive relationship between SPRII and the general health status is consistent with previous research, but the relationships between SPRII and depression, stress, and cigarette smoking behavior are not. Further studies are needed to elucidate the complex associations between SPRII and health outcomes in rapidly transforming economies such as China.
Men have persistently had a several-fold higher suicide rate than women. In this study of 204 consecutive suicides, the authors examined three areas in which the men differed from the women. Men used more violent, immediately lethal methods of suicide, were almost three times more likely to be substance abusers, and were more likely to have economic problems as stressors. The authors conclude that while the difference in suicide rate between men and women is complexly determined, the weight of the evidence suggests that more men than women intend to commit suicide.
The relationship between income and health is well established: the higher an individual's income, the better his or her health. However, recent research suggests that health may also be affected by the distribution of income within society. We outline the potential mechanisms underlying the so-called relative income hypothesis, which predicts that an individual's health status is better in societies with a more equal distribution of incomes. The effects of income inequality on health may be mediated by underinvestment in social goods, such as public education and health care; disruption of social cohesion and the erosion of social capital; and the harmful psychosocial effects of invidious social comparisons.
This paper suggests that the main reasons why populations with narrower income differences tend to have lower mortality rates are to be found in the psychosocial impact of low social status. There is now substantial evidence showing that where income differences are greater, violence tends to be more common, people are less likely to trust each other, and social relations are less cohesive. The growing impression that social cohesion is beneficial to health may be less a reflection of its direct effects than of its role as a marker for the underlying psychological pain of low social status. Low social status affects patterns of violence, disrespect, shame, poor social relations, and depression. In its implications for feelings of inferiority and insecurity, it interacts with other powerful health variables such as poor emotional attachment in early childhood and patterns of friendship and social support. Causal pathways are likely to center on the influence that the quality of social relations has on neuroendocrine pathways.
Readers of medical literature need to consider two types of validity, internal and external. Internal validity means that the study measured what it set out to; external validity is the ability to generalise from the study to the reader's patients. With respect to internal validity, selection bias, information bias, and confounding are present to some degree in all observational research. Selection bias stems from an absence of comparability between groups being studied. Information bias results from incorrect determination of exposure, outcome, or both. The effect of information bias depends on its type. If information is gathered differently for one group than for another, bias results. By contrast, non-differential misclassification tends to obscure real differences. Confounding is a mixing or blurring of effects: a researcher attempts to relate an exposure to an outcome but actually measures the effect of a third factor (the confounding variable). Confounding can be controlled in several ways: restriction, matching, stratification, and more sophisticated multivariate techniques. If a reader cannot explain away study results on the basis of selection, information, or confounding bias, then chance might be another explanation. Chance should be examined last, however, since these biases can account for highly significant, though bogus results. Differentiation between spurious, indirect, and causal associations can be difficult. Criteria such as temporal sequence, strength and consistency of an association, and evidence of a dose-response effect lend support to a causal link.
It is widely believed that only a minority of vulnerable children and adolescents receive any mental health services. Although health care disparities associated with sociodemographic characteristics are well known, almost no information exists about another potentially important source of disparity for children: How does state of residence affect mental health service use?
Observational analysis was conducted using the 1997 and 1999 waves of the National Survey of America's Families (N = 45 247 children aged 6-17), a population survey fielded in 13 states and a smaller geographically dispersed sample. We studied 4 dependent variables: 1) use of any mental health services and number of visits among users; 2) need for mental health care, based on 6 items from the Child Behavior Checklist; 3) unmet need (no services among children with identified need); and 4) need among users of mental health services.
Use of any mental health care differs >2-fold across states, ranging from 5% in California and Texas to >10% in Colorado and Massachusetts. The variation across states in service use and unmet need exceeds the differences across racial/ethnic groups or family income. For example, the odds ratio of unmet need in California versus Massachusetts is 3.04, compared with 2.33 between Hispanic and white children. Differences in population characteristics across states do not explain much of the observed geographic variation in mental health related outcomes for children. Perhaps the most disconcerting finding is that the differences in use are not paralleled by differences in need. Overall, there is no apparent relationship between levels of need and use of services across states. As a general rule, states with high rates of services do not have low levels of need or vice versa, although that situation exists. Alabama and Texas, for example, have higher rates of need and lower rates of use than the nation as a whole, whereas Washington state displays the opposite pattern. Even with the similar levels of need and service use, states differ in the effectiveness of their delivery system. Alabama and Mississippi have high rates of need and low levels of use, but rates of unmet need are not significantly higher in those 2 states than in the nation, whereas California, Florida, and Texas have the highest rates of unmet need. In California and Texas, children from high-income families are more likely to receive some mental health services than children from low-income families. In Alabama and Mississippi, as well as in the states with the lowest rates of unmet need (Colorado, Massachusetts, and Minnesota), the opposite is true: children from low-income families are much more likely to receive any mental health service than children from high-income families.
Large differences from the national average across states in service use and unmet need are the rule, rather than the exception. National averages obscure large differences that can exceed the effects of race/ethnicity or income. The differences in the rates of use or unmet need are not driven by differences in the racial/ethnic or socioeconomic makeup across states but more likely are the result of differences in state policies and health care market characteristics. These state policies and health care market characteristics can interact with sociodemographic characteristics and affect how effectively resources are used. For states such as California and Texas that have the lowest rates of mental health service use, it may be less important to raise the rates of service use than to deliver them to the children with the highest need, predominantly black and Hispanic children and children in low-income families.
Assessing longitudinal data linkage results in the COMPASS study
- Qian
Relationship between household income and mental disorders
- Sareen