Socioecological Gradients: Contesting Traditional Ecoclines to Explain the High Biocultural Diversity of the Andean Verdant

Abstract

There is consensus to advance science with unorthodox narratives generated with new discoveries, different perspectives, or challenging innovation altogether. However, it is also consensual that these mountain narratives, like the waves in fluid water or air, move along the time scales with different dynamics and distinctive rhythms, generating a symphony of knowledge, which can only be integrated with the crosscutting ability of montology as a convergent science (Sarmiento 2020). Indeed, applied montology is the appropriate avenue for developing an environmental awareness of the whole mountainscape. With the wise trend of consilience (Wilson 1998) and the untested hype of noetic science (Nickell 2010), we contribute this chapter with the objective of increasing our epistemology of mountains to include them as socioecological landscapes and not as mere ecosystems.

Full text

RandallW.MysterEditor
Neotropical
Gradients
and Their
Analysis

451
Chapter 16
Socioecological Gradients: Contesting
Traditional Ecoclines toExplain theHigh
Biocultural Diversity oftheAndean Verdant
FaustoSarmiento, AndreasHaller, DomenicoBranca, ChristiamAguirre,
VladimirKremsa, CarlaMarchant, andMasahitoYoshida
16.1 Introduction
There is consensus to advance science with unorthodox narratives generated with
new discoveries, different perspectives, or challenging innovation altogether.
However, it is also consensual that these mountain narratives, like the waves in uid
F. Sarmiento (*)
Neotropical Montology Collaboratory, Department of Geography, University of Georgia,
Athens, GA, USA
e-mail: fsarmien@uga.edu
A. Haller
Institute for Interdisciplinary Mountain Research, Austrian Academy of Sciences,
Wien, Austria
e-mail: andreas.haller@oeaw.ac.at
D. Branca
Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Sassari, Sassari, Italy
e-mail: dbranca@uniss.it
C. Aguirre
Turismo Ecológico, Facultad de Recursos Naturales, Escuela Superior Politécnica de
Chimborazo, Riobamba, Ecuador
e-mail: christiam.aguirre@espoch.edu.ec
V. Kremsa
Landscape Ecology Institute, Tabor, Czech Republic
e-mail: prof_v.kremsa@centrum.cz
C. Marchant
Estudios Territoriales LabT, Instituto de Ciencias Ambientales y Evolutivas, Universidad
Austral, Los Rios, Chile
e-mail: carla.marchant@uach.cl
M. Yoshida
World Heritage Studies, University of Tsukuba, Tsukuba, Japan
e-mail: yoshida_masahito@heritage.tsukuba.ac.jp
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023
R. W. Myster (ed.), Neotropical Gradients and Their Analysis,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-22848-3_16

452
water or air, move along the time scales with different dynamics and distinctive
rhythms, generating a symphony of knowledge, which can only be integrated with
the crosscutting ability of montology as a convergent science (Sarmiento 2020).
Indeed, applied montology is the appropriate avenue for developing an environmen-
tal awareness of the whole mountainscape. With the wise trend of consilience
(Wilson 1998) and the untested hype of noetic science (Nickell 2010), we contribute
this chapter with the objective of increasing our epistemology of mountains to
include them as socioecological landscapes and not as mere ecosystems.
To achieve our objective, we need to emphasize on scaling, as scalar consider-
ations – whether in space or in time – are at the crux of our understanding of the
mountain environment, hence one of the most important indicators for geographical
inquiry. Geographers know that most tangible entities, and particularly the intangi-
ble ones, require intervention of design, construction, usage, or neglect due to the
political ecology exerted at the research onset (Zimmerer and Bassett 2003).
Therefore, along with Sauer (1925)and Head (2017) they agree that mountains are
cultural landscapes and that the time scale is not important only for the passing of
time –be hours, days, months or years, as phenology would put it– but also, and
mainly, for the historicity that affected the current state of affairs. We concur and
offer cases whereby the cultural heritage is intimately linked with natural heritage
in the minds and hearts of mountain communities (Aguirre etal. 2021).
16.1.1 Geographic Inquiry
Geographers also know that the physical characteristics dene abiotic conditions
that explain the community structure, composition, and change of oral and faunal
assemblages (Austin etal. 1994). However, Myster (2018) points out that the two
physicalities are explicit and can be established with haptic methods, but the third
factor is a dynamic two-way errand and could be delimited with thresholds.
However, thesignicanceof thedeclivity, is the difculty of using indirect gradient
analysis for questions on instrumentation, monitoring, and bias offered by the ways
in which the biota or co-inhabitants of the mountains (including humans and other
than humans) have transformed the mountain space to create a meaningful and pro-
tected place. Thus, placialities of mountains differ widely depending on the cultural
background, scientic afliation, worldview, and territorial appropriation, in what
Haller and Branca (2022) call “cosmophany” and are the culprits for the rich biocul-
tural diversity observed in socioecological production landscapes and seascapes
(SEPLS). These are the result of the natureculture, “a synthesis of nature and cul-
ture that recognizes their inseparability in ecological relationships that are both bio-
physically and socially formed” (Malone and Ovenden 2016, see also Fuentes 2010;
Haraway 2003), something that is particularly important to detect along the Andean
crescent and, in general, along the extent of the Andean cordillera (Escobar- Mamani
etal. 2020).
F. Sarmiento et al.

453
In the neotropics, the local bohios, or hilltops of equatorial Andes, occupied by
elite settlers, are places where you nd that “coquito”palms (Parahubea cocoi-
des), now survive exclusively in the town boulevards or central plazas of Andean
towns– as they cannot be found in the “wilderness.” Something similar can be
said about the peach palm (Bactris gasipaes) that can be found as a testament of
abandoned chacras of the swidden agriculture practiced in the Andean
Amazonian piedmont. Other clear indicators of the socioecological identity of
tropandean landscapes are easy to nd, when the “tree of Peru,” or molle (Schinus
molle), is found decorating the avenues of Mexico: the reeds of California that are
found in the settled Andean lakes with totora, (Schoenoplectus californicus) culti-
vated and harvested for handcrafts, or the pollen grains of corn (Zea maiz) that are
found in the Amazonian lowlands. In summary, there exists direct paleoecological
evidence of an active exchange of plants and animal species between Mesoamerica
and the Andes, as well as between Amazonia and the coastal plains; this represents
a socioecological gradient that cutcross the altitudinal variation of the moun-
tain chain.
Most plant ecologists based their ndings of gradual changes on measuring the
size of leaves, the size of tree trunks, or the amount of rain or temperature that is
registered along the ecocline as elevation-dependent gradients (EDGs), often relat-
ing to minimum, average, optimum, or maximum values that allow qualifying a
threshold, after which the uid gradient changes into some hard terminus or xed
state. Where concentration of elements diminishes gradually –such as with the
adiabatic lapse rate– the presence/absence of “indicators” hints the zoning of
hyperabundance of species, or a contrasting lack thereof. This was clearly articu-
lated by Al Gentry (1988) describing a mid-elevational “bulge” in the presence of
arboreal taxa in the montane zone when he discussed the geographical gradients
that could explain tropandean diversity. We argue that he was right, but incomplete,
as the bulge of trees is mimicked by the bulges from other taxa in different eleva-
tions, such as the bryophytes’ bulge in the high Andean forests, the bulge of shrubs
in the Patagonian and Magellan Andes, the bulge of lichens in the upper paramo,
the bulge of fords in puna zones, or the pteridophytes’ bulge in the Andean ank of
the verdant, or even the suspected bulge of underground soil biota, exemplied by
the giant earthworm that lives furrowing the mossy surfaces and sandy soils of the
talus and scree. A bulge of socioecological factors could be discerned from archae-
ological evidence of ancient socioecological productive landscapes of the Andean
anks (de la Cadena & Legoas 2012; Sarmiento & Sarmiento 2021).Furthermore,
we argue that SEPLS are good examples of biocultural diversity that often survive
in isolated microrefugia in the hinterland (Minga etal. 2019), rural fringes occu-
pied by both traditional and indigenous people. These new mixed territories of the
“rurban” landscape are the productive zones, economic and otherwise, that are in
the tipping point either to lose their identity or to reinforce their sense of
microrefugium.
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454
16.1.2 Task atHand
Notwithstanding the difference between Amazonian or Pacic slopes, these “indi-
cator” species could give the explorer an idea of altitude, precipitation, temperature,
and other meteorological climate factors, justly noted in the “Humboldtian” para-
digm of altitudinal zonation as elevation increases. Some of the tenets of this
“Humboldt law” are still valid to elucidate the “Humnboldt’s enigma” (Rahbbek
etal. 2019); however, a newer narrative emerged from the highland-lowland dynam-
ics observed across the altitudinal belts affected by economic, religious, military,
investment, and other climates experienced in the region (Table16.1), and the indel-
ible human tracks observable within the slopes of Andean forests (Sarmiento 2000).
Increasing scholarly interest is now devoted to clarifying the “Andean-Amazonian
divide” (Pearce etal. 2020, see also Cavalcanti-Schiel 2014). Now it is accepted that
most places are indeed fusion landscapes, in many cases manufactured landscapes
by “bioengineers” of the past, better assessed with transdisciplinary research (TDR)
as conduits of mountain transformation and meaning (Harden and Fernández 2022).
These SEPLS are now showing the intrinsic relationship of natureculture, whether
in the Araucanian slopes (Ibarra etal. 2020), the Mesoamerican mountains (Kremsa
and Zigrai 2021), the Japanese satoyamas (Brown etal. 2022), the urban-rural fringe
of central- (Haller 2019) and southern -Peru (Branca 2019), and Ecuador (Kingman
and Bretón 2017), the páramo mountainscapes (Sarmiento 2012) or the Chocoan or
Amazonian junglescapes (Sarmiento etal. 2022).
Table 16.1 Gradual changes associated with differential altitude as registered by eld studies and
literature reviews of factors affecting the dynamic of Andean anks based on traditional ecological
and alternative socioecological studies
Elevation Dependent Gradients (EDGs)
Ecological Socioecological
Temperature Agriculture output (biomass)
Precipitation Agrobiodiversity (heirlooms)
Soil humidity Mining ores (metals)
Acidity Water capture (hydroenergy)
Photosynthate output Wind capture (eolic energy)
Evapotranspiration Sun capture (solar energy)
Luminosity Human settlements (towns)
Cloudiness Terracing (slope adaptation)
Sun radiancy Aqueducts (irrigation)
UVß radiation Timber harvesting (wood)
Water opacity Urban expansion (amenity)
Water supply Transportation network
Root exudate Animal husbandry (grazing)
Particulate/aerosol Transhumance (seasonality)
Carbon sequestration Disturbance (clearing)
F. Sarmiento et al.

455
Thus, a new narrative must come into play to promote the ontology of Elevation
Dependent Gradients (EDGs) based on altitudinal ecoclines to problematize the
socioecological reality of mountains (Haller and Branca 2020). We plan to include
examples of cases in different latitudes, longitudes, or altitudes, so that the graticule
used in our analysis be a good indicator for the important places that SEPLS have in
our understanding of ecological legacies, based on anthropic “indicators” that place
the mountain slope and aspect, as a focus of signicant human intervention. We will
end by helping to claim, with Sarmiento and Sarmiento (2021), the need to reclas-
sifying the Andean anks as an ecoregion on its own right, instead of a mere transi-
tional cline that changes gradually from the highlands to the lowlands. We need to
acknowledge that further research on sociobiological and ecological processes is
needed, and particularly the TDR study about the cryptic cultural bulge of the
verdant.
16.2 Methodologies
Albeit most likely not comprehensive, we tried to incorporate several methodologi-
cal options to cover different themes, in what is considered a multimethod approach.
We based our criteria in several parameters, including participatory research, criti-
cal discourse analysis, observational, and survey-based information, contrast-and-
compare adaptations, analyses of paleothemes, including pollen fossil, phytoliths,
protein separations from excavated samples, chronosequence analysis of repetitive
photographs, aerial orthophotography and drone-based estimations, and the old but
proven effective “boots on the ground” for ground truthing of both remote and liter-
ary observations.
The information generated by the review of socioecological themes published in
mountain journals shows that there is a preponderance of sources about EDGs deal-
ing with physical parameters with both direct and indirect gradient analyses. The
few sources of related papers are augmented when including other social science
outlets not specically identied as “mountain” research journals, but with compre-
hensive and areal foci of transformed mountainscapes. The bibliometrics of socio-
ecological gradients is not signicantly different from the generally low number of
social-science studies about mountains.
16.3 Results
The presence of megalithic constructions associated with places where closed-
canopy forests now exist in the Andean anks gives the paradox of biocultural
diversity, while currently, the forest formation seems mature, even old growth and
pristine-looking, but, in reality, harbors evidence of heavy human use in the past.
Examples abound in recent literature as more and more sites of the caliber of
16 Socioecological Gradients: Contesting Traditional Ecoclines to Explain the High…

456
citadels, fortresses, terraces, temples, open elds, channel-based irrigation, etc. are
incorporated in the repertoire of Andean cultural landscapes (Erikson 2020). The
communities have created ancestral ways of dealing with the sloppy terrain and in
some cases, they have conserved it as traditional ecological knowledge, such as the
yearly construction of a suspension bridge over the Urubamba river using tussock
grasses (Stipa ichu, Calamagrostis sp.) to braid a strong interlocked cord that sus-
tain the pedestrian bridge in Q’eswachaka, near Qosqo, now a UNESCO declared
intangible world heritage. In some areas of the wet grasslands of Tucumán,
Argentina, the páramo-like formation is maintained by the withered practice of
transhumance of cattle. Just as in northern reaches of the cloud forest belt, the
effects of trampling and herbivory of grazers are the driver of the maintenance of the
upper treeline, blurring the boundaries between the forest and the pastures (Dávalos
etal. 2021).
16.3.1 Cultural Bulge inAndean Flanks
One of the most signicant socioecological gradients of the EDGs is the differential
resource use preference that increase in the mid-elevation mountains as a result of
terracing, building of irrigation channels, and other transportation networks. In fact,
most of the successional dynamics of the cloud forest is a direct consequence of
road construction and talud breakage, hence providing for landslides (e.g., Myster
and Sarmiento 1998), rockslides, or the feared “waiku”or destructive mudow that
washes downstream-bound catastrophes. Huge oods of the piedmont are directly
related to the changes in forest cover and resource use of the headwaters. The socio-
ecological hybridity is manifested mainly in the concentration of terraced geoforms
distributed along the incline, but concentrated in the mid-elevation bulge observed
in the plotting of the number of ndings at different elevations. Certainly, incom-
plete archaeological studies are showing now the occupancy of the mid-elevation
montane zone with the dry terraces and stone terraces built in the Andean arc
(Fig.16.1), such as in Wuapaula, by the Upano river, in the shadow of the Sangay
volcano in Ecuador.
Sites distributed in the isolated slopes of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, and
throughout the Quindío in Colombia, provide evidence that human occupation
abounds in this mid-elevation cultural bulge. Recent ndings on the Quijos Andean
ank, even within the most pristine of National Park in Ecuador, Llanganati the
stone walled terraces are an evident signal of past occupations. Northern Peru also
boasts a signicant number of archaeological sites that conrm the rich variety of
human occupation in the mid-elevation bulge with impressive fortresses (or pukara-
kuna) and even whole citadels, such as Kuelap in Chachapoyas, or Chuquiquiraru
in Sabancay towards Cuscu in southern Peru. The majority of the Andean ank in
Bolivia is peppered with archaeological sites with either mounds, channels, or walls
(or pirkakuna) that tell about ancient heavy usage of the verdant. The best known
example of this cultural bulge is Bingham’s “discovery” in 1911 of what is now the
F. Sarmiento et al.

457
Fig. 16.1 Representation of the interaction of Elevation Dependent Gradients (EDGs) in the eco-
logical and socioecological consideration. Notice that the presence of elements at a certain altitude
is no longer correlated to the gradual change and most cultural EDGs show erratic socioecological
gradients
National Sanctuary of Machu Picchu, when the area looked like a pristine mountain
forest with continuous canopy, just to show a masterful architecture when the exca-
vation and restoration practicesnished, ancient stoneworks that helped to appreci-
ate it as one ofthe “modern wonder of the world.”
Many other sites throughout the Andean Arc – sometimes called “Andean
Crescent” tell of previous civilizations and indigenous groups lost in history, such
as theQuixus, the Bracamoros, the Awaruna, or the Ashwar. With the use of the new
LIDAR technology, the discovery of the oldest human settlement in the whole of the
Amazon has been located in Wuapula, near the Sangay volcano in the mid-elevation
areas of tropandean landscapes, making the point of considering a cultural bulge in
the EDGsmuch stronger than before.
16.4 Conclusions andDiscussion
Our conclusion is that the SEPLS conditions are evidence often perceived as indica-
tors of elevational gradients with ecoclines that conrm the well-known physical
estimates of clinal variation. However, we claim the need of reclassifying the
Andean anks as a proper ecoregion, instead a mere transitional cline that changes
16 Socioecological Gradients: Contesting Traditional Ecoclines to Explain the High…

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gradually from the highlands to the lowlands. This prompts an urgent change in
textbooks, maps, magazines, and even in scientic circles, to move urban montol-
ogy and critical biogeography into a new height, literally! (Sartori and Moreira-
Muñoz 2022). Also, we claim the imperative to study more about the cryptic cultural
bulge of the verdantto identify the true natureculture hybridity of these heritages-
capes(Sarmiento etal., 2023).
Acknowledgments We are grateful to the Fulbright Program for allowing FS visiting institu-
tionsin Austria, Japan, and Chile as a Global Scholar and catalyzing the articulation of montology
in different altitudes, longitudes, and latitudes. Thanks to ESPOCH-UGA collaborative agreement
to bring Mt. Chimborazo as the agship for socioecological landscape research. We thank funding
from the OVPR PreSeed TIR program at UGA.
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