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Low Job Market Integration of Skilled Immigrants in Canada: The Implication for Social Integration and Mental Well-Being

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Skilled immigrants are critical assets to the social and economic dynamism of Canada. However, they are less likely to find employment matching their skillset due to a lack of inclusive post-immigration professional integration policies and support. They generally earn less and often live below the low-income cutoff relative to their Canadian-born counterparts. This paper aims to review the current situation of low job market integration (LJMI) of skilled immigrants in Canada and its implications on their social integration and mental well-being. Skilled immigrants continue to face disparities in getting desired jobs, despite having sufficient skills and credentials similar if not superior to that of Canadian-borns. Based on the existing literature, this study demonstrates that low job market integration limits skilled immigrants’ productivity, and they experience a lower level of social integration and deteriorated mental well-being. Therefore, initiatives from multidisciplinary and multisector stakeholders are necessary to improve skilled immigrants’ mental well-being by providing equal opportunities devoid of social exclusion and marginalization.
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Citation: Raihan, M.M.H.;
Chowdhury, N.; Turin, T.C. Low Job
Market Integration of Skilled
Immigrants in Canada: The
Implication for Social Integration and
Mental Well-Being. Societies 2023,13,
75. https://doi.org/10.3390/
soc13030075
Academic Editor: Ranjan Datta
Received: 11 November 2022
Revised: 8 March 2023
Accepted: 16 March 2023
Published: 19 March 2023
Copyright: © 2023 by the authors.
Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland.
This article is an open access article
distributed under the terms and
conditions of the Creative Commons
Attribution (CC BY) license (https://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/
4.0/).
societies
Concept Paper
Low Job Market Integration of Skilled Immigrants in Canada:
The Implication for Social Integration and Mental Well-Being
Mohammad M. H. Raihan 1, Nashit Chowdhury 1and Tanvir C. Turin 2,*
1Department of Community Health Sciences, Cumming School of Medicine, University of Calgary,
Calgary, AB T2N 4N1, Canada; mohammadmojammel.rai@ucalgary.ca (M.M.H.R.);
nashit.chowdhury@ucalgary.ca (N.C.)
2Department of Family Medicine, Cumming School of Medicine, University of Calgary,
Calgary, AB T2N 4N1, Canada
*Correspondence: turin.chowdhury@ucalgary.ca
Abstract:
Skilled immigrants are critical assets to the social and economic dynamism of Canada.
However, they are less likely to find employment matching their skillset due to a lack of inclusive
post-immigration professional integration policies and support. They generally earn less and often
live below the low-income cutoff relative to their Canadian-born counterparts. This paper aims to
review the current situation of low job market integration (LJMI) of skilled immigrants in Canada
and its implications on their social integration and mental well-being. Skilled immigrants continue to
face disparities in getting desired jobs, despite having sufficient skills and credentials similar if not
superior to that of Canadian-borns. Based on the existing literature, this study demonstrates that low
job market integration limits skilled immigrants’ productivity, and they experience a lower level of
social integration and deteriorated mental well-being. Therefore, initiatives from multidisciplinary
and multisector stakeholders are necessary to improve skilled immigrants’ mental well-being by
providing equal opportunities devoid of social exclusion and marginalization.
Keywords:
high-skilled immigrant; Canadian job market; low job market integration; mental well-
being; mental health & well-being
1. Introduction
Canada has attracted large numbers of skilled workers through its immigration policy
to address workforce shortages due to the country’s ageing population and decreasing
birthrates [
1
]. Canada admits immigrants as skilled workers, reunited family members,
protected persons such as refugees, and economic contributors [
2
,
3
]. Many highly edu-
cated and skilled immigrants migrate to Canada with permanent residency status under
the Federal Skilled Workers Program [
4
]. According to the Immigration, Refugees and
Citizenship Canada (IRCC) data, the Government of Canada accepted about a million
skilled workers to enter Canada between 2002 to 2014 through the Federal Skilled Workers
Program [
5
]. The number of immigrants admitted through the skilled migration programs
has been rising continuously, and in 2021, Canada admitted 139,460 skilled immigrants
through these programs, comprising nearly 34% of all immigration in that year [
6
]. Also, by
2023-25, Canada has set a multiyear plan to recruit millions of immigrants, among which
approximately 50%, 51%, and 53% will be skilled workers from the economic category in
2023, 2024, and 2025, respectively [
7
]. Thus, skilled immigrants from developing nations
are becoming increasingly important in the Canadian labour market [8].
Notably, immigration policies in Canada consider skilled immigrants as a valuable
resource for the socio-economic growth of the country [
3
]. However, compared to their
Canadian-born counterparts, these immigrants earn less, live below the standard, and are
less likely to find employment matching their skills [
2
,
9
11
]. Statistics Canada’s report
shows that the unemployment rate of landed immigrants is 7.9%, whereas the rate among
Societies 2023,13, 75. https://doi.org/10.3390/soc13030075 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/societies
Societies 2023,13, 75 2 of 13
Canadian-borns with similar degrees is 3.1% [
12
]. In 2014, the gap between the employment
rate of immigrants and Canadian-borns, both with university degrees, was 11.1% [
12
]. In
2016, the census data showed a 16% national-level wage gap between newcomers and
people born in Canada, whereas this gap was about 12.6% in the 2006 census data [13]. In
addition, skilled immigrants, especially those who were in regulated fields such as health-
care or law, may need to choose alternative careers after coming to Canada to secure their
livelihood [
14
,
15
]. Highly skilled immigrants with foreign university degrees frequently
end up taking jobs requiring less than a university degree [
16
,
17
]. For example, many
foreign-trained pharmacists work only as pharmacy assistants, and many foreign-trained
nurses take jobs as healthcare aides [
18
,
19
]. Similarly, many foreign-trained physicians
are pushed to take non-health career paths to support their families, thus losing their
professional identity [
15
]. There is a lack of systematic approach and support for skilled
immigrants to find employment in their area of expertise or suitable alternative careers
where they can employ their skills to a certain extent [
20
,
21
]. Therefore, the individuals
struggle to identify alternative jobs by themselves, have difficulty obtaining the required
diploma/certifications, and struggle to convince employers of the rationale for their career
switch to a position requiring a different skill set than their prior work area [
21
]. Thus,
compared with Canadian-born counterparts, immigrants with the same qualifications
suffer more to find a suitable job, making them prone to entering the workforce through
undesirable jobs and leading to low economic integration [
22
] and underemployment [
23
].
These challenges that skilled immigrants encounter in Canada while attempting
to integrate into the labour market lead to worse mental health outcomes. Chen et al.,
after analyzing a longitudinal survey of immigrants to Canada, reported that after four
years of arrival over half of the immigrants with post-secondary education (58%) were
underemployed, resulting in the decline of their mental health [
24
]. This paper aims to
review the current situation of low job market integration (LJMI) of skilled immigrants.
This article describes how individual-level or external factors, such as systematic barriers
and racism, likely contribute to LJMI in the Canadian labour market. The conventional
meaning of immigrants’ integration in the host country suggests that immigrants and
their ethnic group should bear the responsibility for their situation (such as integration
and/or disintegration) [
25
]. We assume, however, that integrating into a new society is not
a one-way journey where one group is responsible for their actions; rather, both groups
(newcomers and host country) need to help each other and create positive outcomes for all.
This article, therefore, intends to discuss the implication of job market integration on the
social integration and mental well-being of high-skilled immigrants.
2. Reasons for Low Job Market Integration
Despite the fact that Canada has one of the most diversified populations in the world,
exclusionary practice based on racism is still present in Canada [
26
]. The Supreme Court of
Canada (2005) also agrees that racism is an unavoidable and well-known social truth in
Canada [
27
]. According to recent studies, there is a lot of evidence of racial inequality in
daily institutional practices in Canadian society [
28
,
29
]. Research also shows that discrimi-
nation against immigrants manifests in the screening stage where an employer’s call for an
interview depends on the racial identity of the immigrant [
30
]. Although officially Canadian
policy supports the deracialization of immigrants, in practice, a complete deracialization is
not seen [
27
]. Therefore, due to discrimination and racial practices among many employers,
skilled immigrants encounter obstacles in obtaining desired jobs in Canada.
Canada admits skilled immigrants based on higher educational qualifications and
experiences in related fields; however, after arrival, skilled immigrants face difficulties in
the settlement-to-integration process in the host country [
8
,
31
33
]. Research shows that
immigrants face barriers when entering the Canadian labour market [
34
36
]. Many factors
are responsible for the extent to which skilled immigrants integrate into the Canadian
job market. Some factors are related to individuals’ socio-demographic characteristics,
including age, sex, education, and skills [
37
]. In contrast, other factors are related to
Societies 2023,13, 75 3 of 13
the system and preferences encountered in the host country, such as racism, colonial
integration policies, and/or systematic discrimination [
37
]. According to Weiner, the
devaluation of foreign degrees and work experience, a lack of communication skills, implicit
discrimination, and a lack of work experience in Canada are among the significant reasons
that prevent skilled immigrants from entering the labour market or from getting a desired
job [
38
]. In the following section, we will describe the various reasons under the four
broad categories that impede skilled immigrants’ entry into the Canadian labour market.
A comprehensive list of factors that might help evaluate a newcomer’s low level of job
market integration and mental well-being are presented in Figure 1.
(a)
Individual-level factors;
(b)
Employer-level factors;
(c)
System-level factors;
(d)
Societal-level factors;
Societies 2023, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 13
Figure 1. Low level of job market integration (LJMI); lower levels of social integration and mental
well-being.
A lack of understanding of workplace culture, lack of teamwork ability, and accul-
turation challenges also impose significant barriers to immigrants getting their desired
jobs. These factors are essential, as understanding cultural differences in the workplace,
teamwork capability, and successful acculturation may play a vital role for newcomers in
attaining Canadian work experiences. A study shows that many immigrants do not know
North American concepts of speaking well, selling themselves for work, and maintaining
eye contact during a job interviewall of which are very important in the Canadian work-
place culture [47]. Petri (2010) showed that to be integrated into Canadian society,
Figure 1.
Low level of job market integration (LJMI); lower levels of social integration and mental
well-being.
Societies 2023,13, 75 4 of 13
2.1. Individual-Level Factors
Barriers that impede skilled immigrants’ labour market integration in Canada are
widely documented [
32
]. As discussed above, although skilled immigrants are highly
qualified, professionally trained, and economically motivated, they face individual-level
challenges after arriving in Canada that restrain them from successfully integrating into
the labour market. Racism can manifest itself in the exclusion of eligible immigrants from
getting job opportunities because of their accents, body language, and other individual
characteristics. The most vital factors may be a lack of language skills, acculturation
challenges, and teamwork ability. These individual-level challenges may interact with
other local contexts to trap skilled immigrants in low-skill survival jobs, resulting in
negative outcomes in the labour market [32].
English-language skills are among the most critical factors in immigrants getting
jobs in Canada [
8
]. Skilled immigrants must show minimum language requirements in
listening, speaking, reading, and writing modules for the Express Entry program [
39
];
however, most of the time, employers consider their English-language skills insufficient
for effective employment communication [
40
]. A study shows that employers predict
applicants’ language skills based on the name or country of origin on a resume [
41
]. Lacking
a Canadian accent and expressions, and lacking knowledge about specific language skills,
also affects skilled immigrants’ employment outcomes [
42
]. A lack of linguistic skills
prevents cross-cultural communication, thereby hindering adequate access to the host
culture, hindering learning the expected standard behaviour in the workplace and soft
skills, and delaying job market integration [
8
,
40
,
43
,
44
]. Improved language ability is likely
a necessary condition for skilled immigrants to be successfully integrated into the labour
market [
45
]. Racialized immigrants are discriminated against because of their non-native
accents, which serve as a marker that establishes the White English/French accent as
superior. This practice reveals the colonial mentality of the employers, where they want
to reduce, rectify, and normalize the non-native voices of immigrants because non-native
accents seem defensive and confrontational [
46
]. The non-nativity of their accents makes
skilled immigrants’ employability incompetent, according to the employer. Therefore, it is
vital to eliminate prejudices and negative mentalities that marginalize skilled immigrants
and instead devote greater resources to improving English accents in order to help them
with better labour market integration.
A lack of understanding of workplace culture, lack of teamwork ability, and accul-
turation challenges also impose significant barriers to immigrants getting their desired
jobs. These factors are essential, as understanding cultural differences in the workplace,
teamwork capability, and successful acculturation may play a vital role for newcomers in
attaining Canadian work experiences. A study shows that many immigrants do not know
North American concepts of speaking well, selling themselves for work, and maintain-
ing eye contact during a job interview—all of which are very important in the Canadian
workplace culture [
47
]. Petri (2010) showed that to be integrated into Canadian society,
newcomers should speak the way Canadians do and learn how Canadian-born people
approach different situations using different manners [
48
]. However, research shows that
Asian-named people with similar qualifications receive fewer calls from the employer when
applying for a job [
30
]. Even though diversity in hiring is promoted in Canada, in reality,
there is still discrimination against skilled immigrants that manifests on a personal level,
preventing their integration into the labour market. Therefore, the government should
work to ensure the practice of anti-racist policies among employers and encourage them
to hire skilled immigrants if they meet all the required criteria. Also, skilled immigrants
should raise their voices and mobilize available resources in improving their necessary skill
sets to be hired, to dismantle racialized practices in the Canadian job market.
2.2. Employer-Level Factors
There are many likely reasons why skilled immigrants’ labour market outcomes differ
from Canadian-born people. Employers, particularly those with latent prejudices about
Societies 2023,13, 75 5 of 13
foreign credentials, training, or experiences, practice discrimination and devalue skilled
immigrants’ foreign skills. Studies show that immigrants face barriers to entering the job
market despite having foreign credentials and work experience, due to a lack of Canadian
work experience and references [
8
,
10
,
11
,
38
,
40
,
49
,
50
]. Research on the experiences of skilled
immigrants’ labour market discrimination has examined discrimination based on the de-
valuation of foreign credentials, work experiences, and training [
51
]. Research also shows
that employers exploit skilled immigrants by seeking Canadian experience and Canadian
references, and thereby obtain from immigrants free and low-wage labour [
4
]. Immigrants
are victims of local institutions that do not accept foreign degrees and experiences due to
prejudice and racism [
52
54
]. According to Desjardins and Cornelson [
55
], it is noticeable
that compared to their Canadian counterparts, skilled immigrants have a higher unemploy-
ment rate and receive lower wages, which accounts for their lower job market integration
in Canada. Therefore, discounting foreign skills due to prejudice against foreign experience
impedes skilled immigrants’ socio-economic integration [56].
Anti-immigrant biases also hinder immigrants’ success in the Canadian labour force
and discriminate against their entry into the workforce. A study describes that when
immigrants’ skills become a threat to local applicants, they face anti-immigrant biases [
51
].
Anti-immigrant biases also happen due to inter-sectional identities, including the socio-
demographic statuses of the under-represented groups [
57
]. The evidence thus suggests
that employers are not accepting the overseas expertise and credentials of skilled immi-
grants in cases where those credentials were used to get the immigrants into the economic
immigration category. That is, skilled immigrants are being negatively impacted by openly
practiced racist and exclusionary principles in the employment recruiting process, even
though they immigrated to Canada with the hope of living a better life. As Canada
needs more skilled immigrants, not only government initiatives but also individual- and
community-level anti-racist initiatives are needed to attract more skilled people and for the
social integration of skilled immigrants in Canada.
2.3. System-Level Factors
Immigrants’ success in professional integration in the host country may be determined
by several systematic support-related factors, such as information and guidance, adequate
access to necessary resources and neutral services, etc. However, the information that
immigrants receive before arrival is often unreliable and more optimistic [
58
], which gives
them the illusion of abundant economic and employment opportunities compared to their
home country. The real scenario in Canada is different. For example, relevant websites
do not provide sufficient information for understanding the difficulties associated with
entering into regulated professions, which delays skilled immigrants’ access to desired
regulated occupations [
59
]. There is also a lack of written and authentic immigration-related
resources available based on which immigrants could perform a cost-benefit analysis
before migrating to Canada [
42
]. Studies show that skilled immigrants would have been
better prepared for the Canadian system of preferences or would have taken qualification
accreditation exams if they had received practical guidance before and/or after arriving in
Canada [8,60,61].
The requirement for money to pay for several prerequisite exams or further study is
another issue that forces immigrants to work in survival occupations. The potential cost and
delay in obtaining license and registration forces skilled immigrants to work lower-paid
jobs until they obtain registration and authorization to work [
62
]. Sometimes immigrants
need to study further to get their foreign credentials accredited and work experiences
recognized, which mostly leaves them in a frustrating situation [
11
]. Research shows
that new immigrants can overcome their problems by participating in additional formal
education after arriving in Canada [
63
]. That is, despite their higher levels of credentials,
skilled immigrants need to invest time and money to become eligible to find work in the
field related to their previous experience and education [64].
Societies 2023,13, 75 6 of 13
Systemic racism may also be observed when employers systematically deprive im-
migrants and/or racialized people of equitable job opportunities based on certain rules,
policies, and practices at the institutional or structural level [
27
]. Evidence shows that
although many immigrants arrive in Canada with high expectations, they frequently ex-
perience racial and ethnic discrimination once they are here [
65
]. Even if the foreign
professional experience meets the Canadian standard, skilled immigrants are sometimes
not recognized by the licensing body and/or employer [
66
]. Evidence also shows that
employers have allegedly turned down Chinese women immigrants who obtained licenses
based on their prior work as nurses or engineers in their countries, claiming that the quality
of their country experiences was insufficient [
67
]. Therefore, a racist mentality of employers
undervaluing the skills of immigrants creates a barrier to them pursuing their desired
career, which in turn creates difficulty integrating into the Canadian way of life.
2.4. Societal-Level Factors
A fourth reason that may influence immigrants’ LJMI is their formal or informal net-
works at the societal level and their capacity to mobilize these networks. Networks within
ethnic enclaves are likely to assist skilled immigrants in finding a survival-level job imme-
diately after arriving in Canada and managing their vital livelihood needs [
68
]. However, a
study shows that networks within ethnic enclaves are rarely effective for skilled immigrants
in finding desired employment respective to their skills and credentials [
69
]. Also, a tie to
the host community may help skilled immigrants to get to know a common culture, norms
of the host community, and available job opportunities. A lack of this knowledge, on the
other hand, prevents newly arrived skilled immigrants from job opportunities and learning
the expected standard of behaviour in their desired professions in Canada [70].
3. Low Job Market Integration and Low Social Integration
Social integration refers to the cohesion among community members, where people—
at least to an extent—feel part of the larger community [
71
]. Immigrants’ social integration
is vital for inclusive social and economic growth and for enhancing their ability to become
productive members of society [
72
]. Indicators that allow immigrants to be integrated into
the host communities are their local networks, transnational networks, civic engagement,
citizenship participation, and political engagement [
37
]. Immigrants’ employment and
labour market integration are often considered essential factors for their social networks and
social relationships, thereby enhancing social integration by promoting active participation
in social activities and community networks [
73
]. Job and income are essential resources
that help immigrants secure accommodation, interact with fellow employees, and achieve
language skills for cross-cultural communication, thereby helping them find a place in
the new society [
72
]. Although these factors help newcomers integrate with the host
community and understand ethnic and cultural diversities within the community, their
LJMI may reduce skilled immigrants’ ability to socially integrate.
Employment and labour market integration promote social networks with various
people and subsequently influence newly arrived immigrants’ social integration. A study
shows that Canadian mechanisms for the economic integration of skilled immigrants sys-
tematically deprive them of having similar credentials as their Canadian counterparts,
which in turn lowers their self-esteem, and hinders skilled immigrants’ social integra-
tion [68]. Therefore, we see recent immigrants expressing a lower level of sense of belong-
ingness to Canadian society [
74
]. “A sense of belonging refers to the process through which
people belonging to the community develop emotional ties among each other and is a
process that imbues them with feelings of autonomy, environmental mastery, and purpose
in life” [
75
] (93–94). In 2015, the Institute for Canadian Citizenship (ICC) published a
report where respondents identified a lack of information about the Canadian system as a
significant barrier for newcomers to civic participation, volunteer activities, and political
engagement [
76
]. Civic engagement means community involvement, such as involvement
with volunteer organizations [
37
]. Skilled immigrants also have limited opportunities
Societies 2023,13, 75 7 of 13
to create professional networks, and face challenges in cross-cultural connection with
Canadian-born people, which is critical for integration in the job market and their social
integration [77].
The above discussion shows that skilled immigrants face an unexpected situation in
the Canadian job market system which forces them to struggle to manage their everyday
lives after arriving in Canada [
78
]. Although they have similar education and foreign
experience as their Canadian counterparts, they are rarely hired for jobs that match their
skills. Exclusion based on double-standard exclusionary policies is invisible and generally
goes unnoticed, leading newly arrived immigrants to depend on their ethnic groups. They
also experience a lack of information and knowledge about Canadian culture, professional
norms, and English language proficiency, which excludes them from building helpful social
networks with the community. Thus, skilled immigrants experience social exclusion due
to both systematic discrimination and individual-level limitations that alienate them from
the mainstream social system and relationships. Access to such relationships may have
enabled them to participate in the host society actively, allowing them to benefit from
broader networks of solidarity and support.
If it is assumed that immigrants’ social conditions account for their lack of social inte-
gration and/or job market integration, the issue may not receive the attention it deserves.
The LJMI can involve being a new immigrant, not having enough language proficiency, or
having training that is insufficient for the demands of Canadian employment. These factors
can be explained as legitimate from the inequality lens, but racism and prejudice-related
discrimination should not be ignored if we want to see skilled immigrants in a better
position in Canada, where the number of racialized people is increasing rapidly every
year [
79
]. To recognize systemic issues with major effects on the LJMI and the mental health
of skilled immigrants, we should approach problem-solving from an anti-racist perspective.
4. Low Social Integration and Mental Well-Being
The Mental Health Commission of Canada (MHCC), which deals with preventing
mental disease and promoting all Canadians’ well-being, considers mental health an
essential public health issue [
80
]. According to the World Health Organization (WHO),
mental health can be defined as a “state of well-being in which the individual realizes his or
her potential, can cope with the normal stresses of life, can work productively and fruitfully,
and contribute to the community (p.1, [
81
])”. Mental health is influenced by various social
factors such as community area, level of income and education, employment, minority
culture, relationships with friends and family, etc. [
82
,
83
]. Migration is seen as one of the
significant determinants of individual health because migrants may be affected by existing
social inequalities and discrimination and may subsequently face poverty, social exclusion,
a lack of accessibility, and a lack of acceptability in the host country [
84
]. As noted above,
many of these determinants are likely to affect immigrants ‘social integration, which may
contribute to their adverse mental health outcomes.
Although after arrival in Canada immigrants’ health status has been seen as bet-
ter than the Canadian-born population, their self-reported health starts to decline over
time [
85
87
] and they suffer more from chronic diseases and mental illness than Canadian-
born populations [
88
,
89
]. It has been recognized that socio-economic inequalities that
exclude immigrants from mainstream society result in their poor long-term mental health
outcomes [
90
]. Research shows that a lack of opportunities in employment hinders the ac-
culturation process and social integration, affecting immigrants’ mental well-being [
91
,
92
].
Thus, evidence shows that systematic exclusion from the job market creates a lack of social
integration that negatively influences skilled immigrants’ mental well-being.
Immigrants confront unexpected difficulties in getting jobs after arriving in Canada,
which may increase their risk of developing negative mental health outcomes such as stress
and symptoms of depression [
84
,
93
,
94
]. Research reveals that a lack of opportunities to
get desired jobs based on the level of academic training affects skilled immigrants’ mental
health, including high levels of stress [
95
]. A study shows that people who are overqualified
Societies 2023,13, 75 8 of 13
for their current job are more likely to experience adverse mental well-being [
96
]. Therefore,
evidence demonstrates that skilled immigrants’ low job market integration affects their
mental health outcomes.
Post-immigration barriers that skilled immigrants face may negatively impact their
overall mental health. As a result, skilled immigrants experience sadness, depression,
and loneliness [
95
]. The discounting of immigrants’ skills by employers leads to a lower
economic status where they feel depressed [
91
], lower levels of life satisfaction [
97
], and
lower levels of self-esteem [
98
]. Skilled immigrants engaged in low-skill jobs earn less
money, which also increases the risk of psychiatric disorders [
99
]. Research shows that in
Nova Scotia, immigrant populations are more likely to have a higher rate of mental health
disorders [
100
]. After arriving in Canada, immigrants’ health started to decline over time
due to various factors, including environmental, economic, and socio-cultural factors and
factors involved with integration into the host society [101,102].
5. Conclusions
Skilled immigrants continue to face disparities in getting their desired jobs despite
having similar foreign skills and credentials compared to their Canadian-born counterparts.
Based on the existing literature, this study demonstrates that barriers to navigating the
Canadian job market with foreign training limit skilled immigrants’ productivity [
93
], and
they experience a lower level of social integration and deteriorated mental well-being.
Anti-racist initiatives from multidisciplinary and multisector stakeholders are necessary
to improve skilled immigrants’ mental health by providing equal opportunities to avoid
social exclusion. At the same time, it is crucial to ensure that national policies and laws are
anti-racist and respect the rights of skilled immigrants. Culturally sensitive, anti-racist, and
inclusive social integration interventions must be developed and implemented to ensure
cultural awareness and competence among skilled immigrants to decrease discrimination
and marginalization of immigrant populations.
Anti-racist and inclusive perspectives enrich social integration and the mental well-
being of newcomers. Anti-racist strategies and interventions ensure the participation of
racialized people, the adoption of policies from government efforts with/without partic-
ipation from various institutions, and the establishment of open systems [
103
]. Policies
that are anti-racist and inclusive have been seen to help skilled immigrants to be integrated
into the job market after arrival in the host country. Government policies and initiatives to
aid in the professional integration of immigrants have a significant impact on the career
paths of international medical graduates (IMGs) [
104
]. For instance, despite the fact that the
licensing procedure is governed by provincial law, a number of institutional bodies from
the para-governmental and private or community sectors have joined forces in Quebec
to assist IMGs in clarifying the steps and eligibility requirements for obtaining a practice
permit [
16
]. This initiative is an important example of an inclusive practice where all
people, irrespective of their positions, take responsibility for helping the newcomer to be
integrated into the host society. Evidence shows that immigrant men working in non-ethnic
enclave settings are likely to earn more than those working in settings where most of the
coworkers are from the same ethnic background [
105
]. Research also recognizes that better
financial performance and business outcomes can be attained by a diverse and inclusive
workforce [
106
]. There is also evidence that implementing inclusive workplace policies
within businesses, community service groups, and immigrant workers enhances access
to better social determinants of health for immigrants as well as their integration into the
community [
107
]. Therefore, anti-racist policies should be implemented to enhance the
social integration of newcomers and/or skilled immigrants in Canada as well as to improve
their mental well-being.
Author Contributions:
M.M.H.R., N.C. and T.C.T. conceptualized this manuscript. M.M.H.R. drafted
the manuscript. N.C. and T.C.T. provided intellectual inputs throughout the manuscript development
process and critically reviewed the manuscript toward completion. All authors have read and agreed
to the published version of the manuscript.
Societies 2023,13, 75 9 of 13
Funding: This research received no external funding.
Institutional Review Board Statement: Not applicable.
Informed Consent Statement: Not applicable.
Data Availability Statement: Not applicable.
Conflicts of Interest: There is no conflict of interest.
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Objective We aimed to 1) estimate the differences in transportation (TPA) and leisure physical activity (LPA) participation and duration between Canadian-born and immigrant adults, and 2) examine whether associations between neighbourhood walkability and physical activity differ by residency status. Methods We linked Canadian Community Health Survey (CCHS; 2017-2018) with Canadian Active Living Environment (2016) data. Participants were urban Canadian-born or immigrant adults (recent: <10 years, established: ≥10 years). Walkability was calculated from counts of neighbourhood intersections, dwellings, and points of interest. Covariate-adjusted Generalized Linear Models estimated the odds ratios (OR) for participation and unstandardized β for minutes of weekly TPA and LPA by residency status with and without adjustment for walkability and for walkability-by-residency interactions. Results Recent (OR: 1.25, 95%CI: 1.09, 1.43) and established immigrants (OR: 1.11, 95%CI: 1.02, 1.20) were more likely than Canadian-born to participate in TPA, but these differences attenuated after controlling for walkability. Recent (OR: 0.58, 95%CI: 0.51, 0.67) and established immigrants (OR: 0.81, 95%CI: 0.74, 0.89) were less likely than Canadian-born to participate in LPA, independent of walkability. Recent (β: -20.61, 95%CI: -37.89, -3.34) and established immigrants (β: -18.85, 95%CI: -28.69, -9.00) undertook fewer LPA minutes than Canadian-born, which attenuated after controlling for walkability. Despite being higher in magnitude among Canadian-born, walkability was positively associated with TPA participation and duration regardless of residency status. Conclusions Immigrants engaged in more TPA and less LPA than Canadian-born, but adjusting for walkability attenuated TPA differences between residency groups. Walkability was positively associated with TPA, with different magnitudes between residency groups.
... This problem existed in Poland during the pre-war times, as Ukrainians represented a fairly large group of labour migrants in Poland, which is due to many factors: geographical, linguistic and cultural proximity, significant social and personnel potential, as well as a simplified procedure for legalisation of stay and employment. Labour market analysts note that at that time, the degree of integration of Ukrainians in Poland depended on their situation before coming to the country, primarily on the level of education, profession and whether a given person had a job in Ukraine (Bieniecki & Pawlak, 2009 A group of scientific investigations is devoted to the migration policy of various world countries regarding the integration of migrants into the society of their host country and the labour market, e.g., Arendt et al. (2021), Blake and Mumma (2020), as well as migrant training organisations in different countries of the world: Courtney et al. (2020), Raihan et al. (2023), andRobitaille (2022). ...
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The article deals with the problem of adaptation to education/continuation of education of vocational education applicants from Ukraine, who were forced to leave the country due to the full-scale Russian aggression, in vocational schools in Poland. The research is focused on a comparative analysis (quantitative and qualitative) of the features of the system of professional training of skilled workers in Ukraine with the system of industrial education in Poland according to a specially developed methodology. The common and different points of the mentioned process are revealed. Based on the results of the study, corrective actions were created in the form of separate recommendations for their adaptation to the educational process in Polish vocational schools and socio-psychological support both at the level of the individual and at the level of interpersonal interaction, which will contribute to their successful entry into the labour market in Poland.
... This resulted in perceptions of powerlessness with no choice but to accept these injustices in order to gain healthcare-related experience in Canada while supporting themselves and their families in a new country. Previous research findings have also highlighted this exploitation of skilled immigrants by Canadian employers, who seek belowminimum wage labor in exchange for offering new immigrants Canadian employment experience and references (Landry et al., 2021;Raihan et al., 2023). ...
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Background: In Canada, internationally educated physiotherapists (IEPTs) and occupational therapists (IEOTs) may work as occupational/physical therapy assistants (OTAs/PTAs) while pursuing Canadian licensure. This experience presents personal and professional opportunities and challenges. Purpose: We explored a) the barriers and facilitators experienced by IEPTs and IEOTs working as OTAs/PTAs while pursuing licensure in Canada and b) how might their professional identity changes during this period. Methods: In this cross-sectional qualitative study, we sampled IEPTs and IEOTs working as assistants using online focus groups. Reflexive thematic analysis of data was used to generate themes. Findings: Fourteen IEPTs or IEOTs participated reporting barriers including financial impacts while working as an OTA/PTA, discrimination, and challenges completing licensing exams. Facilitators while working as OTA/PTAs included social support, acculturation with Canadian systems, and career opportunities. Changes to professional identity encompassed accepting a new identity, reclaiming their old identity, or having a strong sense of identity within a healthcare profession. Participants advocated for bridging programs and modifications for examination processes for IEPTs and IEOTs to improve their experiences while pursuing licensure in Canada. Conclusion: Increased advocacy is needed to address the current experiences of IEPTs and IEOTs working as OTA/PTAs after migration.
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This article explores the strategies used by government-sponsored institutions dedicated to addressing systemic barriers to employment for racialized immigrants in Edmonton. The research involved conducting in-depth semi-structured interviews with service providers, employment program coordinators from different settlement and employment agencies, and a research and training centre operating in Edmonton, Alberta. The first objective is to understand the barriers racialized immigrants face through the hiring and promotion process. The second objective is to understand the support provided by those institutions and the impact of their equity policies on how they assist racialized Canadians in finding gainful employment. Lastly, this study explores the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Black Lives Matter movement on the employment of racialized immigrants in Edmonton. The results show that around 50% of employment service providers acknowledged that visible minority immigrants face barriers while integrating into the labour market, including racial microaggressions in their jobs. In addition, the findings indicate a lack of programs tailored to the needs of racialized job seekers. Participants in this study reported that the Black Lives Matter movement raised awareness among employers regarding racial issues in the workplace. Hence, there is a demonstrated need for employers to undergo training to recognize and address racism in hiring, promoting, and retaining racialized employees at Canadian workplaces. Interviewees recognized that the COVID-19 pandemic negatively impacted racialized employees and newcomers. They recommended that Canadian companies establish educational programs that emphasize the importance and benefits of racial diversity, equity, and inclusion in the hiring process.
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Introduction: As the Chinese immigrant population in European countries ages, it is important to gain a deeper understanding of Chinese immigrants’ ageing processes from a life course perspective by recognising the complex interactions between social, cultural, and institutional constructs and dynamics. This article aimed at exploring how older Chinese immigrants in Europe handle everyday lives in respect to ageing from the perspectives of older Chinese immigrants, their relatives, and health/social care professionals. Methods: The study is registered in PROSPERO (CRD42023455411), and the PRISMA 2020 checklist guided the study. A qualitative systematic review was conducted through searches in the databases CINAHL, Embase, PsycINFO, Medline/PubMed, SocINDEX, Web of Science, and pearl search in Scopus (last search 3 September, 2023). Inclusion criteria were: (1) Studies about Chinese immigrants’ everyday lives, living, and ageing, or studies focusing on their use of health/social care services, (2) Perspectives of Chinese immigrants in Europe, their relatives, and related health/social care professionals, (3) Qualitative peer- reviewed studies published in English, and (4) publications from 2000–2023. The initial search retrieved 842 publications. Seventeen publications were included and analysed through a thematic analysis. Results: The results presented the included studies’ characteristics and four themes: Everyday life as an older adult mirrored the life lived, Work and working conditions as significant for ageing, Cultural complexes that shape social identities, Immigrants’ social position as significant for encounters with health and social care professionals. Discussion: Older Chinese immigrants’ everyday lives related to ageing were not only dynamically influenced by social, interpersonal, and institutional factors accumulated in their life trajectories, but reflected the process of constructing social and cultural identity in their new homeland. Future policies should promote culturally responsive healthcare, social services, and employment support to address the unique ageing experiences of older Chinese immigrants. Systematic review registrations: The systematic review has been registered on PROSPERO and the registration number is CRD42023455411.
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Greece’s historical challenges with immigration and its recent experiences during the 2015–16 refugee crisis form the backdrop for this study. Amidst the evolving narrative of acceptance and resistance, our research explores public perceptions of refugees and immigrants in Greece, elucidating the intricate interplay of gender, age, education, employment, family status, and race contact. The study, carried out through questionnaire, employed Kruskal–Wallis H and Mann–Whitney U statistics to ascertain significant differences in responses to a structured questionnaire. Participant demographics included variations in age, gender, education, employment sector, family status, and frequency of contact with different races. Findings indicate notable gender disparities, with females exhibiting greater receptivity to refugees and immigrants. Younger participants demonstrated heightened support for these groups compared to older counterparts. Educational attainment emerged as a potent influencer; individuals with higher education, especially MSC/PHD degree holders, displayed more inclusive perspectives. Employment in the public sector linked to expectations of refugees and immigrants aligning with Greece’s socioeconomic standards. Regular interactions with diverse racial groups, especially on a monthly basis, positively correlated with support for socioeconomic integration. Based on these findings, public perceptions of refugees and immigrants in Greece are multifaceted, shaped by a slew of socio-demographic variables. These insights underscore the importance of tailored integration strategies and policies, cognizant of the demographic nuances that mold public sentiment.
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International Medical Graduates (IMGs), who completed their medical degree and training outside Canada constitute a notable portion of the skilled migrants of the country. However, due to a long and uncertain licensure process and limited opportunities many IMGs look for alternative career pathways where they can utilize their learned skills. Alternative careers in the health and wellness sector may offer such opportunities; however, IMGs’ success in these pathways were also less evident despite their high potential. In this study, we investigated the barriers that IMGs stated to face when attempting alternative jobs in Canada. Eight focus groups with 42 IMGs in Canada were conducted. Using a thematic analysis approach, we identified that IMGs encounter these barriers in different stages of their resettlement journey in Canada, including both the pre-migration and post-migration phases. In the pre-migration phase, IMGs were not aware of the success rates of the licensing pathways and did not have sufficient information regarding potential alternative careers. In the post-migration phase, the lack of information continues to affect IMGs where IMGs exhaust their resources pursuing alternative careers without proper guidance and support. Further, IMGs struggle with taking preparation for alternative careers by obtaining further certifications and completing other prerequisites for some barriers, such as financial constraints. While looking for jobs, some IMGs perceived systemic discrimination such as non-recognition of their credentials and experience. Furthermore, the mismatch of expectations and limited growth opportunities offered by potential careers serve to disincentivize IMGs from pursuing an alternative career. Addressing the current employment inequity experienced by IMGs in Canada warrants research collaborations between organizations supporting IMGs and policymakers that target known barriers to the pursuit of alternative careers by IMGs.
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Overqualification is prevalent in times of economic downturn, and research has increasingly focused on its outcomes. This study aimed to explore the psychological burden caused by perceived overqualification (POQ) and its impact on creativity among high-tech enterprise employees. Drawing from effort–reward imbalance theory, we examined the effect of POQ on emotional exhaustion, along with the mediating role of emotional exhaustion in the POQ–creativity relationship and the moderating role of pay for performance (PFP) in strengthening the link between POQ and emotional exhaustion. Using cross-sectional data from a sample of 359 employees in China, we found that (1) POQ was positively related to emotional exhaustion; (2) emotional exhaustion was negatively related to creativity; (3) PFP moderated the effect of POQ on emotional exhaustion as well as the indirect effect of POQ on creativity via emotional exhaustion. These findings have both theoretical and practical implications.
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Background There is a growing recognition that underutilization and underemployment of skilled immigrants, especially internationally trained health professionals, creates a financial burden on individuals and economic losses for the host country. Albeit a missed opportunity for both the immigrants and the receiving country, no public policy and systemic measures are in place to address this issue. Nevertheless, certain individuals and organizations have made some isolated efforts, but no synthesized knowledge is available for understanding what initiatives exist altogether and how they function. We have conducted a methodological Internet scan to identify the existing individual, private, and systemic initiatives and resources that support these health professionals. This will provide health and workforce policymakers, settlement service providers, and relevant academics with the knowledge base for potential different strategies to address this issue and guide them towards developing solution-oriented initiatives. Methods To identify those we have systematically searched the three most popular search engines (Google, Bing, and Yahoo!) adapting the Canadian Institute for Health Information’s grey literature review protocol. We identified relevant websites per our predefined inclusion criteria, charted the data from those sources, collated, summarized, and reported the results. Results From 280 webpages initially identified through keyword search, we included 26 in our full-page screen and extracted data from 16 finally selected webpages. We have found webpages with information on different alternative careers namely, regulated and non-regulated, available resources to pursue those careers, and what skills they have that can be transferred to the alternative careers. Conclusion More systemic policies and IMG specific and ACP-focused employment support programmes are required. Research and development of programmes for facilitating IMGs’ alternative career support need to be increased and strengthened.
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Objectives: To inform the current level of research about alternative career pathways for international medical graduates and synthesize knowledge of the barriers, facilitators and potential outcomes of alternative career pathways for international medical graduates. Methods: We searched MEDLINE, EMBASE, Scopus, and Google Scholar for relevant publications to February 2020. From 809 articles, after two levels of screening, 23 articles were selected. We conducted thematic content analysis and reported the findings of the study following the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses Extension for Scoping Reviews guidelines. Results: All 23 articles reported on alternative careers for international medical graduates in either the United States or Canada. A variety of study methods were noted, including original research, scoping reviews, reports for organizations, and commentaries. Studies incorporated a variety of methods, including surveys, focus groups, interviews, analysis of administrative documents, and program evaluation. Many potential benefits of alternative careers were reported for both international medical graduates and stakeholders. Barriers to pursuing alternative careers included both individual- and systemic-level barriers. Facilitators included skill-building workshops, targeted bridging programs, connecting with employers, supporting organizations, and international medical graduates. Conclusions: The scarce literature on alternative career pathways indicates that this research is beneficial for both international medical graduates and their host countries. Initiating capacity building programs for alternative career pathways for international medical graduates might be a worthy investment for host countries, especially in underserved areas. Pilot initiatives incorporating bridging programs for international medical graduates are recommended.
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Racism towards Black, Indigenous and people of colour continues to exist in the healthcare system. This leads to profound harm for people who use and work within these settings. This is a scoping review to identify anti-racism interventions in outpatient healthcare settings. Searching the peer-reviewed and grey literature, articles were screened for inclusion by at least two independent reviewers. Synthesizing the socio-ecological levels of interventions with inductively identifying themes, a conceptual model for implementing anti-racism interventions in healthcare settings is presented. In total, 37 peer-reviewed articles were included in the review, with 12 empirical studies and 25 theoretical or conceptual papers. Six grey literature documents were also included. Healthcare institutions need to incorporate an explicit, shared language of anti-racism. Anti-racism action should incorporate leadership buy-in and commitment with dedicated resources, support and funding; a multi-level approach beginning with policy and organizational interventions; transparent accountability mechanisms for sustainable change; long-term meaningful partnerships with Black, Indigenous, and people of colour (i.e., racialized communities); and ongoing, mandatory, tailored staff education and training. Decision-makers and staff in healthcare settings have a responsibility to take anti-racism action and may improve the success and sustainability of their efforts by incorporating the foundational principles and strategies identified in this paper.
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Setting: The communities of Banff, Canmore, Lake Louise, and Kananaskis are home to some of Alberta's most popular tourist attractions. In recent years, the area has seen a significant increase in foreign-born residents. The Bow Valley Immigration Partnership (BVIP) brings together immigrants and stakeholders from multiple sectors to identify and implement strategies to promote integration. Intervention: In collaboration with community service agencies and local employers, we developed the Bow Valley Workplace Inclusion Charter (WIC), a set of voluntarily adopted policies designed to increase inclusive practices in the workplace and promote integration of newcomers into the community. We then recruited and supported several employers in the area to make and implement specific commitments related to improving social determinants of health such as working conditions, social inclusion, education, and social support networks for immigrant workers. Outcomes: Eight Bow Valley employers, providing work for 38% of workers in the area, were enrolled in the pilot program. Mid-course evaluation identified facilitators and barriers to implementation of the WIC. At the conclusion of the pilot period, we evaluated the commitments implemented by each signatory to the WIC. Six of 8 employers fulfilled at least 5 commitments as articulated in the WIC, and 4 employers fulfilled 10 or more commitments. Implications: The WIC is a novel way of partnering with employers, community service agencies and immigrant workers to create inclusive workplace practices and improve integration of immigrants into the community. The WIC also has the potential to be adapted to address the needs of other equity-seeking groups who bring diversity to the workplace.
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This book discusses African migration and the refugee crisis. Economic, political and social tension in the Middle East and in many parts of the Global South has induced historic mass migration across national and international borders. The situation is especially dire in Africa, where a sizable number of Africans have chosen or have been forced to leave their countries of origin for Europe and North America. Written by an international team of scholars, this edited book traces the refugee crisis around the world, telling the necessary story of forced migration, intentional exclusion, and human insecurity from an Afrocentric lens. The volume is divided into three sections. Section I places African migration within the broader contexts of international history, law, economics, and policy. Section II discusses cases of African migration to Europe, Latin America, and the Mediterranean. Section III considers negative consequences of mass African migration, including the restriction and criminalization of migration, post-traumatic stress disorder, and gender-based violence. A compelling account of risk, resilience, and global power dynamics, this volume will be useful to students and researchers interested in African studies, migration, peace and conflict studies, and policy as well as professionals, practitioners, NGOs, IGOs, governmental and humanitarian organizations.
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This chapter uses the health care model – the First Ministers on Health Care Renewal 2000, spirituality model, and anti-racist and anti-colonial theories to foreground new immigrants’ experiences in Canada. The Ministers on Health Care Renewal that met in September 2000 envisioned a new pathway for the health of all Canadians including those of new immigrants into Canada. In 2003, the main purpose of the Accord was to ensure that Canadians have accessible, sustainable, and portable healthcare. In spite of these provisions, new immigrants to Canada continue to fall through the cracks. How might the lack of gainful employment or underemployment situation of new immigrants be affecting their mental health conditions? How could poor access to healthcare system be a direct consequence of mental illness? What role does gender, race, and income play in securing access to quality and specialized healthcare in Canada? The chapter examines the impact of unemployment and underemployment on the mental health of new immigrants. It concludes that the difficulty of navigating and penetrating the Canadian job market for new immigrants with foreign training, especially the minority groups, grossly limits their optimal productivity. The failure to secure decent jobs after retraining with the hope of being accepted by the Canadian employers often leads to depression (mental health) and other health issues.
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Background Recent immigrants to Canada tend to be healthier than the non-immigrant population. Less is known about the health of different ethnic, cultural, and linguistic subgroups of immigrants in Canada. Methods Data were taken from the 2005 Canadian Community Health Survey (Cycle 3.1). We used multiple logistic regression to examine associations for three immigrant characteristics (1-time since immigration, 2-visible minority status, 3-knowledge of an official language) and three health outcomes (1-self-rated general health, 2-self-rated mental health, 3-body mass index (BMI)) for Montreal, Toronto, and Vancouver, accounting for socio-demographic characteristics. Results Recent immigrants belonging to a visible minority have a lower likelihood of reporting poor general (OR 0.72, 95% CI 0.54–0.97) and mental (OR 0.64, 95% CI 0.43-0.96) health and BMI2≥25 (OR 0.51, 95% CI 0.43–0.61) relative to non-immigrants. These associations were not present for recent immigrants not belonging to a visible minority. Immigrants who cannot converse in an official language have a higher likelihood of reporting poor general health (OR 1.49, 95% CI 1.06–2.10) relative to non-immigrants. In Toronto and Vancouver (but not Montreal), immigrants were less likely to have an elevated BMI. Conclusion This study supports a healthy immigrant effect in Canada. However, the healthy immigrant effect is only present in certain subgroups of immigrants. These findings are important for the planning of health services targeting immigrants.