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1. Introduction
In the past decade, there has been a significant increase in place-based studies of climate change informed by
Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities' (IPLC) knowledge of the land in which they live (Reyes-García
etal.,2016,2019; Savo etal.,2016). This research reflects the growing contribution of the social sciences to high-
lighting the human dimensions of climate change, which are otherwise overlooked in top-down and model-based
approaches. Here we present the results of research to produce a working knowledge of changes in climate and its
impacts on local biophysical systems, based on a case study responding to an invitation from Indigenous people
in the Tiwi Islands in Northern Australia.
The project leading to this paper was focused on observations of change, which is a precursor to adaptation given
that to be legitimate and effective adaptation needs to respond to local concerns (Bardsley & Wiseman,2016;
Leonard etal.,2013; Lyons etal., 2019; McNeeley & Lazrus, 2014; Naess, 2013; Schlingmann etal., 2021;
Spence etal.,2011; Wheeler etal.,2021). Such research should equally serve the interests of IPLC in adaptation
as well as the interests of the global climate change research community. In responding to local concerns, research
leading to this article does not attempt to identify and qualify Indigenous knowledge, nor does it try to address
in depth the destabilizing effects of colonization on Indigenous populations in Australia. This notwithstanding,
it is important to point out that research that seeks Indigenous knowledge is often framed by notions of Indig-
enous peoples as “traditional” and premodern (Cameron,2012; Nursey-Bray & Palmer,2018; Parsons,2014).
Abstract There is a growing body of research documenting Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities'
observations of changes in climate. The accuracy, efficacy, and transferability of this research depends on
its motives and methods. In this paper, we report on research to produce a working knowledge of changes in
climate and its impacts on local biophysical systems in the Tiwi Islands in Northern Australia. Interviews with
52 Tiwi people were combined with diverse forms of aerial data to produce a nuanced understanding of climate
change in these remote islands. These data show changes in climate-sensitive biophysical systems that would
otherwise remain undetected by instruments conventionally used for monitoring climate change. These include
changes in shorelines, which are causing concerns about damage to buildings that are important for Tiwi
well-being, and changes in the marine environment and wetlands, which are causing concerns about damage to
natural heritage. We discuss the implications of these findings, arguing that systematic observations collected
by networks of people “on Country” can provide excellent monitoring of climate change impacts, and that
Indigenous people's interests in the effects of climate change overlap with those of non-Indigenous people, as
do their rights to support from the State for adaptation.
Plain Language Summary Research that documents Indigenous and local people's observations
of changes in the environment is essential to understand the broader implications of climate change. The
observations reported in this study in the Tiwi Islands (Northern Territory, Australia) show environmental
changes that would otherwise remain undetected by instruments conventionally used for monitoring climate
change, particularly changes that affect crucial infrastructure, as well as changes in the marine and coastal
environment. Tiwi Islanders observations help monitoring climate change impacts while reaffirming the rights
of Indigenous peoples to get support for climate change adaptation from the State.
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© 2023 The Authors. Earth's Future
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“Winga Is Trying to Get in”: Local Observations of Climate
Change in the Tiwi Islands
Jon Barnett1, Teresa Konlechner1, Elissa Waters1, Michelle Woody Minnapinni2, Sergio Jarillo1 ,
Brian Austral3, James De Santis4, Lesley Head1 , Clinton Rioli4, and Andrew King1,5
1School of Geography, Earth and Atmospheric Sciences, The University of Melbourne, Melbourne, VIC, Australia, 2Jilamara
Arts and Crafts Association, Milikapiti, NT, Australia, 3Tiwi Land Rangers, Winnellie, NT, Australia, 4Tiwi Marine Rangers,
Winnellie, NT, Australia, 5ARC Centre of Excellence for Climate Extremes, The University of Melbourne, Melbourne, VIC,
Australia
Key Points:
• Tiwi people observe nuanced changes
in the environment that are significant
to them, and for understanding the
impacts of climate change
• Tiwi people express concern about the
risks of coastal erosion to buildings
that are important for their daily lives
and livelihoods
• Indigenous people's interests in
adaptation overlap with those of
non-Indigenous people, as do their
rights to support for adaptation
Correspondence to:
S. Jarillo,
sergio.jarillo@unimelb.edu.au
Citation:
Barnett, J., Konlechner, T., Waters, E.,
Minnapinni, M. W., Jarillo, S., Austral,
B., etal. (2023). “Winga is trying to
get in”: Local observations of climate
change in the Tiwi Islands. Earth's
Future, 11, e2022EF002808. https://doi.
org/10.1029/2022EF002808
Received 6 APR 2022
Accepted 8 FEB 2023
Corrected 2 MAY 2023
This article was corrected on 2 MAY
2023. See the end of the full text for
details.
10.1029/2022EF002808
RESEARCH ARTICLE
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For example, Cameron(2012) writes of the way some research on Indigenous peoples in the Arctic ignores their
concern over risks to their houses, diesel generators and schools. Underscoring this point, an Australian national
adaptation research plan led by and prepared in consultation with Indigenous peoples stressed the risks of climate
change to Indigenous “individuals, households, communities, businesses, and institutions” and focused on
economic opportunities and the built environment rather than the elements of “Indigeneity” that non-Indigenous
researchers prefer to highlight (Langton etal.,2012).
There is also a focus on proving assumptions of vulnerability in much of the research on Indigenous Peoples and
Local Communities knowledge of climate change, which risks portraying Indigenous people as passive victims
in need of saving while excluding them from environmental planning and managing processes (Cameron,2012;
Ellemor,2005; Halbom & Natcher,2012; Howitt etal.,2012; Veland etal.,2013). Ironically, in such research
in settler societies (such as Australia, Canada, New Zealand, South Africa, and the United States), the profound
effects of colonization on Indigenous people are rarely acknowledged or analyzed as a cause of vulnerability. Those
that do recognize colonization as a driver of vulnerability stress the importance of greater self-determination for
effective and fair climate change adaptation (Howitt etal.,2012; Johnson etal.,2021; Lyons etal.,2020; Nursey-
Bray etal.,2020; Nursey-Bray & Palmer,2018; Zander etal.,2013). In so far as there is recognition of Indigenous
agency it is largely through their “traditional” attributes such as ecological knowledge, but far less so through
their work in more modern institutions such as markets, political systems, and legal systems—including claims
for Native Title (Tran etal.,2013).
There are geographical biases and gaps in place-based studies of climate change informed by IPLC's knowledge.
Most studies show changes in seasonality and rainfall across all continents in which the research is produced
(Pyhälä etal.,2016; Reyes-García etal.,2016,2019; Savo etal.,2016). There is also consistent and significant
evidence of changes in biological systems and species that are culturally significant and/or are important for live-
lihoods, but less evidence about geomorphological changes, with most local observations coming from research
in the Arctic (Pyhälä etal.,2016; Reyes-García etal.,2016,2019; Savo etal.,2016).
The lack of local observations of geomorphological changes reflects the strong geographical bias in the research,
which is dominated by studies of agricultural livelihood systems from inland areas of Africa and Asia (Pyhälä
etal.,2016; Reyes-García,2019; Savo etal.,2016). This is changing in Australia, for example, whereas Maru
etal.(2014) argued that there was little empirical evidence from remote Indigenous Australian communities,
and Savo etal.(2016) found only four studies had been conducted in Northern Australia, research on Indigenous
Peoples and Local Communities' knowledge in Australia has increased significantly in the last 5years. In particu-
lar, several studies have demonstrated the cobenefits of collaborative partnerships with Indigenous people for
environmental monitoring (Dobbs etal.,2016; Dutra etal.,2018; Laborde & Jackson,2022; Lyons etal.,2019;
McKemey etal., 2021; Pyke etal.,2018; Sloane etal.,2018; Wiseman & Bardsley,2016). Still, much more
research of this kind is needed given Indigenous Australians have continuously occupied and managed their lands
for at least 65,000years, approximately 100,000 Indigenous people live in remote areas across the north of the
country where instrumental records show significant climate changes, and the significant investments in research
on climate change and the apparent concern of Australian governments for Indigenous well-being (AIHW,2020;
Petheram etal.,2015; Reisinger etal.,2014).
Though seemingly an elementary thing to do, recording Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities' obser-
vations is nevertheless not always the norm in the research. Pyhälä etal.(2016) review of 126 papers on local
perceptions of environmental change found that documenting change was rarely the primary object of the study,
and only a secondary objective in a third of these studies. Indeed, methodological rigor is generally lacking in
research of this kind: most studies are not done by social scientists and methods are rarely reported consistently
or completely, creating significant problems of reliability and comparability, in seeking external assistance for
responses, and with shifting baselines for future generations (Nielsen & D’haen,2014; Reyes-García etal.,2016;
Soga & Gaston,2018).
Nevertheless, a recent study examining the efficacy of local observations for guiding climate change adaptation
cautions that local understandings alone may overlook the multicausal and multiscalar nature of climate change
risks (van Gevelt etal.,2019). Engagement between Indigenous and scientific observations therefore seems
necessary to enhance the efficacy of decision-making (see also Haag etal.,2021). Records of local observations
can be combined with other data and measurements to add explanation of the causes and potential consequences
of climate change. This kind of “bottom-up,” transdisciplinary and coproduced research produces what Barber
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etal.(2014) call “working knowledge.” Working knowledge is characterized as: stemming from participants with
diverse backgrounds; as being not necessarily entirely “local” or “Indigenous”; and as being “provisional,” “util-
itarian,” and sufficient for the purposes of assisting with environmental management interventions.
In this paper, we report on research in the Tiwi Islands, which are Indigenous-controlled lands in the Northern
Territory, Australia. As explained below, this research was conducted at request of the Tiwi people, who expressed
concerns about climate change and the need to initiate responses. This research therefore sought to produce a
“working knowledge” sufficient to inform initial responses, including from governments. Nevertheless, the find-
ings also contribute to the stock of global knowledge of climate change's impacts and Indigenous Peoples and
Local Communities' knowledge of climate change, particularly in the under-studied region of Northern Australia.
1.1. Case Study History and Geography
The Tiwi Islands comprise Melville and Bathurst islands and a number of smaller, neighboring uninhabited
islands, with a total landmass of over 8,000 square kilometres and more than a thousand kilometers of coastline
(see Figure1). The islands are home to 2,453 inhabitants, 2,180 of whom identify as Aboriginal and most of
whom speak Tiwi as their first language (ABS,2018). The islands lie 80km north of Darwin in the Northern
Territory of Australia, in a region that is subject to seasonal monsoons and periodic cyclones.
The Tiwi islands were likely occupied by ancestors of the current population sometime before the last Ice Age,
around 18,000 to 20,000years ago. For 99% of their history, the Tiwi lived in small groups spread across the
islands (Thompson etal.,2019), but with colonization the Tiwi were progressively settled into three settlements
where the vast majority of the population now resides (see Figure1). A notable consequence of this change
has been a deterioration in the health of the Tiwi, who were noted for their physical health at the time of Euro-
pean contact, but who now suffer from a range of illnesses, including very high rates of kidney disease, which
result in a death rate that is six times that of the Australian mainstream population (Hoy etal.,2017; Thompson
etal., 2019). Another consequence was the introduction of horses and a number of water buffaloes, the latter
reproducing in great numbers given the lack of natural predators (Albrecht etal.,2009).
Although colonization affected the livelihoods of the Tiwi people, the islanders have maintained a large degree of
self-governance and a unique and dynamic culture with rich artistic expressions (Ford etal.,2021). Art is central
to many aspects of Tiwi life, and the Tiwi Islands earn more from the sale of creative arts relative to other forms
of income than any other local government area in Australia (Gibson etal.,2010), though average household
incomes are still only two-thirds of the national average and unemployment is approximately 3 times the national
average (ABS,2018).
Nowadays, the Tiwi are divided into four matrilineal skin groups (yiminga) and eight land-owning groups
(Morris,2001). All groups have claims to the land, of which the Tiwi are the legal owners and custodians. The
importance of Country for the Tiwi people (extending into the marine environment) cannot be overstated. People
in the islands rely on the bush to harvest food, materials and medicinal plants almost on a daily basis. Tiwi island-
ers are the stewards of an environment that is central to their identity and well-being and that requires active and
sustainable management on their part, a commitment that is maintained individually and by landowner groups,
the Tiwi Land Council, and through the Tiwi Marine and Land Rangers programs (Hicks etal.,2012). As a result,
Tiwi people are particularly attuned to their environment and any potential changes that take place there. Looking
after the land includes regular burning (managed through the Savanna Fire Management Program), controlling
introduced species and pests such as water buffalos and pigs that threaten local ecosystems, and managing water,
flora, and fauna (Hicks etal.,2012; Hoverman & Ayre,2012; Richards etal.,2012).
In these ways, the Tiwi assert control and use of their lands, which will be further strengthened by a forthcoming
Indigenous Protected Area for the islands (TLC,2018). Though the three townships are also Tiwi lands over
which there is native title, their governance differs as these are managed by the Office of Township Leasing under
a long-term lease granted by Traditional Owners to the Commonwealth Government (Terrill,2011). The first of
these was signed in 2007 (Wurrumiyanga), with the lease for Milikapiti signed in 2011, and for Pirlangimpi in
2017. Compared to management of lands outside the town boundaries management of townships is more complex
as it involves the Commonwealth Office of Township Leasing, various Northern Territory Government agencies,
the Tiwi Land Council, and the Tiwi Islands Regional Council. The Tiwi Land Council have been proactive in
seeking to understand changes in their environment so they can better manage them.
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2. Methods
This research aimed to produce a “working knowledge” of climate change impacts in the Tiwi Islands that was
sufficient for the purposes of informing initial responses, including from governments. The project was established
through several meetings between the University of Melbourne Scientific Reference Committee and the Tiwi
Land Council, a partnership that was established in February 2011 for the purposes of sharing information with
Figure 1. The Tiwi islands.
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the Tiwi Land Council on matters that have a scientific and/or research basis, and to build research collaborations
between the Tiwi and the University of Melbourne. The Scientific Reference Committee framework recognizes
the validity and complementarity of both scientific and Indigenous systems of knowledge, and acknowledges that
research should be determined and conducted collaboratively, with the Tiwi Land Council indicating areas of
proposed research. Yet, drafting and implementing research agendas in partnership between Indigenous Peoples
and Local Communities and Western institutions does not guarantee a symmetrical integration of knowledge
systems, epistemological frameworks, and power structures (Parsons etal.,2016). This notwithstanding, good
practice dictates that the scope and methods be mutually agreed upon, and that members of IPLC participate in
all the stages of research, from design to drafting ethics protocols to the divulgation of results.
In this case, research was codesigned with members of the Tiwi Land Council through two preliminary meetings
in 2018. The research team assembled for this project included staff members of Melbourne University, Tiwi
Rangers and a local artist from Milikapiti, with the latter contributing unique knowledge such that they were
invited and agreed to be co-authors after seeing drafts of this paper. The team composition—the University
members in particular—is likely to have had some influence on the observations component of the data gathering
process (Nielsen & D’haen,2014). Despite closely following all the appropriate social and cultural protocols,
University members remain outsiders to Tiwi communities and perceiving them as such means that some data
may have been withheld, especially information pertaining to secret and sacred knowledge.
As advised by Tiwi partners, the research sought to record Tiwi people's observations of changes in the environ-
ment in recent decades, and to analyze changes in coastlines around the three major Tiwi settlements of Milika-
piti, Pirlangimpi, and Wurrumiyanga—as the latter was a key issue raised repeatedly in discussions with the Land
Council. In designing this research Tiwi partners requested that it utilize available secondary evidence as much
as possible so as to avoid consultation fatigue, and be as inclusive as possible of Tiwi people including from
each of the major townships and particularly women. Fieldwork was conducted over 2days in each of the three
Tiwi settlements of Milikapiti (population of 374 people), Pirlangimpi (371), and Wurrumiyanga (1,410), which
together comprise 98% of the population of Tiwi people resident in the Islands (ABS2016 census). Primary data
were collected over the period 19–26 September 2019.
It is important to highlight that the Tiwi Traditional Owners set the research aims and asked for the team to
avoid unnecessarily intrusive methods such as photography or video recordings of people in observance of Tiwi
customs. Although by no means can the methodology used in this study be labeled as entirely coparticipatory,
it is nonetheless consistent with current research practice with IPLC since it avoids extractivist practices and
focuses exclusively on shedding light on the questions raised by Tiwi Traditional Owners (Neale etal.,2019;
Schultz,2019; bib_tuhiwai_smith_1999Tuhiwai Smith,1999; Walter etal.,2021; Walter & Suina,2019). Using
different methods of engagement with the Tiwi people other than those proposed by the joint Tiwi/Melbourne
Scientific Reference Committee, or seeking further insights into Tiwi traditional knowledge, values and world-
views would have gone against the explicit mandate given by the Traditional Owners to carry out this research in
the prescribed manner.
In total the research team listened to 52 Tiwi people: 23 women, 27 men, and 2 gender diverse. All were adults
over 18years of age, the majority (31) of respondents were artists, and 4 worked with the Ranger program. The
team listened to 13 people at Wurrumiyanga (7 females, 5 males, and 1 gender diverse), 15 people at Pirlangimpi
(4 females and 10 males and 1 gender diverse), and 24 people at Milikapiti (12 females and 12 males).
Respondents were recruited through a purposive sample (McGuirk & O’Neill,2016) that targeted senior women
and men as highly authoritative informants on the subject of environmental change. These included artists and
Tiwi Rangers, as Tiwi art is largely about Country and Rangers are heavily engaged in the management and moni-
toring of lands and seas in the Islands. The Rangers also provided recommendations of people in each community
to talk with, whom the research team then sought out to see if they would be interested to talk.
The interviews were conducted through informal conversations about environmental changes, and associated
social, economic, infrastructure, and governance issues, using maps and traditional calendars as prompts (e.g.,
Tiwi seasonal calendar prepared by CSIRO and Tiwi Traditional Owners, see Tipiloura etal.,2014). Conversa-
tions were very varied in nature and length (from 5min to 2hr, with an average of around 30min per individual).
Primary data collection for the analysis of coastal change was conducted at the same time as interviews. Contem-
porary aerial images and elevation data of the coastline were taken using a UAV (drone) (DJI Phantom 4 RTK
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quadcopter in PPK mode with Propeller AeroPoints). Images were acquired in nadir mode using a front and side
overlap of 75% at altitudes of 50–80m. A total of 262 images were acquired at Wurrumiyanga over four flights,
887 images at Milikapiti over eight flights, and 714 images at Pirlangimpi over four flights.
Bureau of Meteorology station data from Darwin airport from 2000 were used to assess changes in climate.
This is sufficient given the wet/dry cycle occurs in Darwin and the Tiwi Islands at the same time, and analysis
of 20years of data is enough for the purposes of detecting the influence of climate change on temperature and
rainfall. Darwin Airport has the most complete and quality-controlled data for the region (the data from local
meteorological stations in Pirlangimpi and Point Fawcett are incomplete and have not undergone the same exten-
sive quality control as Darwin Airport).
2.1. Analysis
Our analysis of the responses from Tiwi people sought to assess both the frequencies of responses (the number
of people who said things), and the depth of responses from key individuals whose answers were given greater
weight because of the length of conversations, their experience and profession (e.g., elders and Rangers), and
their ability to provide very detailed information that identified specific sites, animal and plant species, moments
in time, and causal processes. Analytical tables were constructed in Microsoft Excel that compared the township
where conversations were conducted, the gender of respondents, and the environmental changes each respondent
identified. The nature of these changes was then categorized according to the categories provided by Reyes-Garcia
etal.(2019). Table1 summarizes this analysis.
Contemporary data collected from the drone were used to analyze changes over time by comparing them against
historic aerial photographs (spanning the period 1989–2019 for Wurrumiyanga, 1971–2019 for Milikapiti,
and 1986–2019 for Pirlangimpi), satellite imagery, and analysis of shoreline changes provided by Geoscience
Australia. All images were georectified to the 2015–2016 basemaps in ArcGIS prior to manual digitization of
the shoreline.
Temperature and rainfall data since the year 2000 were analyzed for trends over time and across the wet/dry cycle,
including analysis of rainfall trends for each calendar month over the period to assess timing of each season, as
well as the total rainfall in each wet season over the period.
Our analysis did not seek to compare these data for their relative accuracy in explaining climate-driven environ-
mental changes. This was never an intention of this research because this was not requested by Tiwi Traditional
Owners; as explained above, the research sought to produce a working knowledge of climate-driven environ-
mental changes and not assess the veracity of Indigenous observations versus instrumental ones. Moreover, the
research did not collect sufficient data for such purposes: such data would need to be over much longer time
frames, and would require much richer data from both Indigenous people and climate science (the former was not
permitted, and the latter is not available).
Each of these data have their limitations. The results presented here cannot be taken to be representative of the
view of all Tiwi people, as the sample is equal to only 3% of the Tiwi population, and excludes youth. Nor can
it be said that our results are spatially comprehensive, because research that sought to show changes beyond the
townships would rely far more heavily on the expertise of people who spend time on Country (such as Rangers,
fishers, and hunters, or others who harvest materials, food or medicinal plants from the bush regularly), and on
Table 1
Five Most Frequently Observed Changes, by All Respondents, and Township
Observed changes
Total all people (% of
all responses)
Wurrumiyanga (% of
responses in town)
Pirlangimpi (% of
responses in town)
Milikapiti (% of
responses in town)
Coastal erosion at town 26 (50%) 6 (46%) 8 (53%) 12 (50%)
Dry season longer 23 (44%) 4 (31%) 10 (67%) 9 (38%)
Changes in tides 15 (29%) 1 (8%) 6 (40%) 8 (33%)
Changes in sandbars 12 (23%) 2 (15%) 2 (16%) 7 (29%)
Temperature variations 11 (21%) 2 (15%) 6 (40%) 3 (13%)
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data such as wildlife and vegetation surveys, and satellite and other data that show changes in the bush areas
outside of the settlements. The analysis of shoreline changes using aerial data would be more insightful were
images available for a longer time period as this would better show long-term trends, the effects of rapid perturba-
tions such as cyclones, and any changes possible associated with changes in currents and the wave environment.
As explained above, reliable climate data from the Tiwi islands themselves is not available, meaning detection of
changes in microclimates is not possible.
Such limitations in data are common in more remote areas, and this further reinforces the need for multiple types
of data of the kind we have collected as this enables some triangulation of information. Nevertheless, in combi-
nation, all these data give confidence in our findings about environmental changes, especially those in and nearby
townships. These limitations do mean, however, that statistical attribution of observed changes to climate change
is not possible, but the data does suggest the observed changes are strongly consistent with those expected to arise
under a changing climate.
Information collected during this research was iteratively discussed with Traditional Owners via presentations
and discussion at successive meetings of the Tiwi Land Council/Melbourne Scientific Reference Committee
(in August 2020 and May 2021). A final report was sent as PDF file to Tiwi Land Council and Tiwi Resources
in June 2021. Visits to each community to deliver hard copies of the report were canceled due to the COVID
outbreak. A briefing about the research was also written for inclusion in the Tiwi Newsletter. The spatial data
were shared with Tiwi Resources via a shared Dropbox, file, including UAV photos (lidar and obliques saved as
TIFF files), the DTM and orthophotos, and maps of shoreline changes (as kmz files that can opened in Google
Earth). The research team remains in regular contact with Traditional Owners via email and twice yearly through
the Tiwi Land Council/Melbourne Scientific Reference Committee.
3. Results
3.1. Instrumental Observations of Change in the Climate of the Tiwi Islands
Monthly rainfall data from Darwin airport since 2000 does not show any significant changes in the onset of the
wet season, and shows a slight increase in rainfall in October and November. The only statistically significant
trend is toward a decrease in rainfall in February.
Maximum and minimum temperature data for Darwin Airport show increasing trends in monthly average maxi-
mum temperatures in every calendar month in the period since 2000, with statistically significant increases in
March, July, and August. In general, monthly average maximum temperatures showed greater warming in the
dry season than the wet season. Monthly average minimum temperatures showed increasing trends in all months
except September and October with significant increases in March.
Rates of sea level rise in the Tiwi region have been estimated from tide gauge data located at Darwin and from
satellite altimetry data (CSIRO and BoM,2020). Consistent with global patterns of sea level rise, the rate of
relative sea level rise in the Tiwis has accelerated since the 1990s, rising at a rate of approximately 6mm per year
since 1993 (CSIRO and BoM,2020). This rate of increase is almost double the global average and is among the
highest on the Australian coast.
3.2. Overview of Local Observations of Change
Coastal erosion is the change that respondents most frequently noticed, and that this did not vary significantly
by location (Table1). This is linked to the third and fourth most observed changes (in tides, and sandbars)—
suggesting in sum that significant changes are occurring in the coastal environment in the Tiwi Islands.
The second most observed change is that the dry season is getting longer (the wet season is starting later), and
the only noticeable variation in responses here was that this was much more likely to be observed by people in
Pirlangimpi. The third most observed change relates to tides, and more specifically to tides being higher than
usual, something that many people associated with increased rates of erosion. This observation was made more
frequently by men than women (possibly because men are more likely to use boats for fishing) and was not much
reported by people in Wurrumiyanga (possibly because there were few fishers among the people interviewed
there). There was not much variation among the people who observed changes in sandbars, though people in
Milikapiti did report this more. In almost all cases, the examples people referred to were visible from the towns.
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No respondents reported any changes in the intensity, frequency or timing of cyclones. The Tiwi Islands have
been impacted by approximately 12 tropical cyclones or tropical lows since 1990 (CSIRO and BoM,2020).
Significant damage was reported following Cyclone Thelma in December 1998 and Cyclone Ingrid in 2005.
Most cyclones experienced over the past 3decades have not passed directly over the Tiwi Islands, have been
relatively low in intensity or have not coincided with spring tides, and consequently resulted in only relatively
minor damage.
Finally, people also reported that temperatures were changing—though the direction of that change was not
consistent: for example, some people said it was getting hotter at night and others said it was getting cooler.
Finally, it is worth noting that all respondents seemed familiar with the concept of climate change, and climate
change was frequently mentioned as a possible cause of coastal erosion, the longer dry season and temperature
variations.
3.3. Changes Observed in Tiwi Towns
The most frequently mentioned observation of people in Wurrumiyanga was of erosion along the town's shore-
lines, expressed in phrases such as “our Islands are getting smaller,” “beaches are getting smaller,” and “the sea is
getting closer.” The analysis of aerial photographs shows a general trend of erosion and shoreline retreat consist-
ent with these observations (Figure2). Erosion was particularly severe along the shoreline south of the Catholic
Mission. Here the shoreline opposite the Renal Center has retreated by 4–7m since 1989, and by 5–10m opposite
the Mantiyupwi Hotel (Figure2b). The available aerial photographs were not of sufficient quality to allow quan-
tification of changes in the rate of erosion along these sectors of coast through time. However, as described by the
respondents, erosion appears to have occurred gradually as a series of incremental landward shifts in shoreline
position (in contrast to a single large erosion episode). Many respondents gave detailed descriptions of how
the shoreline in front of the Renal Center used to be, including by drawing our attention to a fish trap that used be
on what was then a large intertidal flat nearby, and which is no longer evident (Barnes,1999).
Fewer people in Pirlangimpi reported changes in the coastline compared to those in Wurrumiyanga and Milika-
piti. Nevertheless, half of the people we listened to reported that there was some coastal erosion, saying there was
“less beach” now and “a lot more water around.” In addition, over one-third reported changes in tides, including
that high tides were higher, and a third reported that there was increased (minor) flooding associated with storm
surges. Unlike in Wurrumiyanga and Milikapiti, people in Pirlangimpi did not seem to be overly worried about
the effect of these changes on the town and its infrastructure, possibly because the rate of erosion there is less,
and also because there are fewer buildings close to the shoreline.
The analysis of historic aerial imagery did not show any significant shift in shoreline position between 1985 and
2019 for most of the Pirlangimpi coast (Figure3). Pirlangimpi is relatively sheltered from waves and cyclones
compared to Wurrumiyanga and Milikapiti, resulting in a decreased vulnerability to erosion. We did observe
some evidence of recent flooding and minor erosion during site visits in 2019; namely dead trees at the northern
end of the sand beach and extensive overwash deposits at the back of the beach (e.g., Figure3c). These are indic-
ative of a certain degree of exposure to episodic flooding and erosion events.
The most frequently reported change in Milikapiti was coastal erosion, which several respondents thought posed
risks to critical infrastructure, as well as people's health and safety. Many people pointed to changes in the beach
along the town, giving detailed evidence of places where “the coast is getting close,” “the sea is pushing the trees
over,” “Winga (the sea) is trying to get in,” rocks that had been covered by sand are now exposed, sand is pushing
further inland, and cliffs are eroding. People reported playing on beaches when they were children, and that the
beaches are now much smaller; they also reported playing in a stand of trees on the beach i.e., now gone.
Most of the Milikapiti shoreline consists of small sand beaches separated by headlands that are backed by soft
sediment coastal cliffs. These cliffs show signs of recent erosion as reported by respondents; these include slump-
ing, cracking and other mass movement processes similar to those observed at Wurrumiyanga, as well as the
undermining of mature trees. The analysis of aerial images indicates that the north-east facing coasts have expe-
rienced a general trend of shoreline retreat since 1971, but of a magnitude of only a few meters (Figures4a
and4b). One exception is the beach opposite the Jilamara Arts and Crafts center which has retreated by 7–12m
(Figure4c). Most of this retreat seems to have occurred between 1991 and 2001 and could be related to cyclone
Thelma in 1998, which was reported to have caused minor coastal erosion at Milikapiti.
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Several people in Milikapiti also reported that there have been changes in the tides and currents and that these
were causing significant changes in sandbars. King tides were seen to be getting higher, and several older people
said they thought currents were now different. One elderly respondent who regularly walked along the beaches
said natural debris on the beach had changed, including more seaweeds, different types of shells, and big clams;
and one elderly man said that in some places mangroves were dying because of changing currents. Many people
pointed out that a nearby spit called Family Point was “cracking up” and was now sometimes an island, and, a
time-series showing the average position of the shoreline for each year between 1988 and 2019 shows considera-
ble changes in the position and morphology of Family Point over the last 3decades (Figure5). Since 1988 Family
Point has migrated eastwards by ∼30–50m with a concurrent loss of vegetation. The observation that Family
Point was “cracking up” implies a simultaneous decrease in elevation across the arm of the spit.
These changes were seen to pose risks to important elements of people's lives, particularly in Wurrumiyanga
and Milikapiti. In Wurrumiyanga people worried about risks to critical infrastructure, including: the Tiwi Renal
Center, the Calvary aged care home, the ferry terminal, the barge landing, Tiwi Designs, and housing. The
importance of these assets to the Tiwi people cannot be overstated. The Tiwi have a mortality rate far in excess of
the mainstream Australian population, and improvements in recent decades have in part been due to better health
services tied to infrastructure such as the Renal Center and Aged Care Home (Hoy etal.,2017). Kidney failure
is a leading cause of mortality and the Renal Center is the only such service in the Tiwi Islands. Its five dialysis
Figure 2. Key changes in shoreline position between 1989 and 2019 at Wurrumiyanga. (a) The position of the shoreline in 1989 compared to 2019; (b) erosional cliffs
opposite the Renal Center; (c) localized “hotspot” of erosion opposite the Kerinauia Highway intersection; and (d) coarse sand beach looking south to the new ferry
terminal.
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chairs are important as they enable patients able to self-care to remain living on Country, and reduce the costs of
transport to and accommodation in Darwin. Because of its value to the Tiwi people, and because of its location on
an eroding shoreline, the loss of the Renal Center due to erosion has consistently been the most pressing concern
about climate change expressed by Tiwi people in this research and in earlier discussions.
In many interviews Tiwi people expressed concern about negative social changes associated with alcohol,
gambling and violence, which they attribute in part to a weakening of culture, saying “sometimes our culture is
not there for us.” Culture is strongly associated with customary ways that are tied closely to Country, and Tiwi
elders are seen to be the custodians of knowledge of these ways. This makes the Calvary aged care home in
Wurrumiyanga an extremely important facility in that its 22 beds and respite and palliative care services enable
Tiwi elders to remain on Country and in their communities. It too, however, appears to be at risk from erosion
and flooding, and this was also a key concern raised frequently in interviews.
In Milikapiti, erosion was of concern to people because it is seen to increase damage from flooding during king
tides and storms, threaten the boat ramp and roads, and allows crocodiles to encroach on the town at high tide.
The erosion of cliffs, described as being “washed off,” was a particular concern as it posed risks to houses along
the cliff top.Higher sea levels and narrower beaches coupled with more extreme temperatures was seen to be
causing increased problems with crocodiles, and several people mentioned that at high tides crocodiles were now
coming up the drains and entering the town. This was an acute concern of many of the elderly women in the town.
One woman said that hot days were getting hotter and that this caused kids to sneak off to the beach against their
Figure 3. Key changes in shoreline position between 1986 and 2019 at Pirlangimpi. (a) The position of the shoreline and mangrove extent in 1986 compared to 2019;
(b) area of mangrove expansion to the sand beach; (c) sand beach with sand deposits indicative of overwash events; and (d) south facing coast between Garden Point
and the Barge Landing.
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parents' wishes, and that with narrower beaches this was increasing the chances that they would be attacked by
crocodiles.
People were also worried about stronger cyclones causing damaging to the Jilamara Arts and Crafts center in
Milikapiti, which is the key source of employment in the town and the point of sale for local artworks. Within
Jilamara Arts and Crafts is the Muluwurri Museum, a keeping place which houses historical collections that
are crucial for the preservation and transmission of Tiwi culture and knowledge. The structural soundness and
conservation conditions of the Muluwurri Museum are considered of the utmost importance in a bid to repatriate
historical and culturally significant Tiwi items from collections worldwide.
Another frequently observed change in Milikapiti was that the dry season was getting longer and hotter (wet
season starting later), and to a lesser extent people said that there was less rainfall during the wet season. This
was seen to be causing drying in local creeks and waterholes, and this reduction in volumes of freshwater coupled
with rising sea levels and higher tides was causing increased problems of saline incursion into freshwater systems.
A Tiwi ranger expressed concern about the large freshwater wetland that is adjacent to the town and which is its
source of freshwater (from bores). He said the wetland is typically separated from the sea by a sand plug that at
times gets washed out due to high rainfall, but that in recent years storm surges are pushing the sand plug further
Figure 4. Key changes in shoreline position between 1971 and 2019 at Milikapiti. (a) The position of the shoreline in 1971 compared to 2019; (b) erosional cliffs;
(c) sand beach opposite the Jilamara Arts and Crafts center; (d) beaches showing increased exposure of rock; and (e) sand beach and barrier adjacent to the freshwater
lagoon.
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inland, with an increased risk of salinization of the wetland and so to the town's water bores. These changes are
consistent with observations of reduced rainfall in the previous two dry seasons, as 2018–2019 and 2019–2020
are ranked as the second and third driest wet seasons respectively at Darwin Airport since 2000.
3.4. Changes Beyond Township Boundaries
A notable pattern in responses is the consistent lack of observations of significant changes in the availability
of bush tucker, with people saying “not much has really changed” and “we never run out of bush food.” People
explicitly mentioned a variety of foods that were said to still be abundant, and with no change in their quantity
or quality, including: carpet snakes, crabs, dugong, goannas, longbums, mangrove worms, magpie geese, mud
mussels, possums sugarbag, and yams. One elderly respondent said that “the bush changes but it stays the same,
it's the same bush as it was before,” and another said that the bush had not changed, but that “you have to keep an
eye on the coast instead, that's what's changing the most.” This is consistent with other people's observations and
instrumental measurements of changes in rainfall and temperature, since neither suggest changes that are so large
as to impact on species abundance or distribution. Nor have changes in shorelines been of a magnitude that would
affect the abundance of or access to coastal species. This is not to say, however, that there has not been significant
decline in the abundance of small mammals (see Davies etal.,2018), but rather that people did not report these
changes in our research, perhaps because they are not important sources of food. There were, however, changes
reported in the marine environment, in the seasonal patterns of some plants, in bird nesting behavior, and in
important freshwater ecosystems.
Two Tiwi Rangers described in detail changes in the marine environment around Pirlangimpi, including changes
to the coast and tides, as well as the behavior of fish and other marine species. They reported that when gutter
fishing for barramundi the fish were less easy to spot and it was now harder to find them. Whereas barramundi
“used to show himself off a lot” it does not anymore. They attributed these changes to higher water temperatures,
saying that whereas the water was usually between 26° and 27° it can now get to over 30°, and this affects the
behavior of fish. In response, fishers increasingly rely on satellite technology to locate fish.
The Rangers also said tides are now less predictable, for example, the period of still water at high tide now seems
to be shorter, and sometimes the tide seems to go out more rapidly. They speculated that this might in part be
because of changes in the banks of channels, which were becoming steeper in some places due to the effects of
wild pigs and buffalo, but also perhaps due to changes in tide behavior. The Rangers also described the effects of
higher tides and smaller beaches on Olive-Ridley turtles. Smaller beaches meant that the turtles were running out
of nesting areas and that high tides were coming in and drowning the eggs. They hoped the turtles would begin
to come up into the dunes to nest in “whatever beach is left.”
The same Rangers also described in detail changes in biological conditions which they thought were linked to
climate. They said that whereas in normal years the flowering of bottlebrush and wattle trees signaled that eggs
Figure 5. Changes in shoreline position and vegetation cover at Family Point. (a) Family Point in 1986; (b) Family Point in 2017; and (c) annual shorelines derived
from satellite images showing eastwards migration of Family Point since 1988 (source GeoScience Australia).
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from tern nests on Seagull Island were ready to be harvested, this year the “birds are out of whack” as the trees
had flowered but there were very few eggs. They said that the signal of flowering trees coinciding with the abun-
dance of tern eggs was now “out by a couple of months,” “the calendar is moving around,” and that “everything
was all falling out of place.” They said that “the people who rely on hunting are worried” about these changes.
These changes (described in 2019) coincide with observations of reduced rainfall in the previous two dry seasons.
Using a November-April definition of the wet season, 2018–2019 and 2019–2020 are ranked as the second and
third driest wet seasons, respectively, at Darwin Airport since 2000.
Elders and Rangers in Milikapiti expressed concerns about observed changes in Goose Creek, which is a wetland
area of ecological and cultural significance east of Milikapiti (see Figure1). Observations included that the
freshwater wetlands were being affected by salinity and this was killing plants and animals. This was likened to
the problem of salinity incursions at Kakadu National Park. Water buffalo and climate change were seen to be
joint causes of this problem. Water buffalo were said to be causing damage to the banks of creeks flowing out
from the wetlands to the sea, causing creeks to be muddy, and enabling saline water to move further upstream and
into the wetlands. Climate change was seen to be a driver due to higher tides pushing salt water further inland,
and less rainfall reducing flows of freshwater downstream. Changes in Goose Creek were concerning, with one
Ranger saying “this is where we getall our magpie geese and ducks from” and he worries that “maybe they will
not come back.”
To summarize, we classify Tiwi observations of environmental change according to the framework proposed by
Reyes-García etal.(2019). Tiwi respondents made observations about changes in the climatic system, includ-
ing changes in temperature, precipitation, and the timing of seasons (in particular the wet/dry cycle). They
also reported changes in marine biological systems (fish behavior) and freshwater wild fauna (bird behavior).
However, the preponderance of observations of changes were in marine physical systems and in particular coastal
erosion (and to a lesser extent channel erosion).
4. Discussion
Data from local people and instrumental observations combined suggest that climate change is impacting on
shorelines, the marine environment and wetlands in the Tiwi Islands, though strong statistical attribution is not
possible given these data. For their part, while most Tiwi people are familiar with the concept of climate change,
they do not strongly attribute these changes to climate change (or any other driver), though those with more
knowledge of climate and environmental science (such as the Rangers) were more confident in making such attri-
butions. These problems of robust attribution are not unique to the Tiwi Islands and remain an ongoing challenge
in climate change research, which is compounded when looking for a climate change fingerprint in environmental
systems where multiple drivers of change coexist. Nevertheless, these changes observed in the Tiwi islands are
consistent with those expected under a changing climate, and consistent with those observed in similar studies
around the world (IPCC,2022; Reyes-Garcia etal.,2019).
In this research, when asked about their observations of environmental change, Tiwi people overwhelmingly
reported changes in townships, and most of their expressed concerns related to infrastructure. This may be for
several reasons, some methodological, and some, we speculate, may reflect Tiwi people's sense that they have
less control over the management of townships. Likewise, remoteness is a key constraint on the provision of
social services and opportunities in the Tiwi Islands. Though not far from Darwin, transport infrastructure and
services are limited, expensive, and nonsubstitutable in that when they fail there are few alternatives. Respond-
ents therefore expressed concerns about the risk of erosion to the ability to operate the barge that connects
Bathurst and Melville Islands, and to the new ferry terminal that was constructed in 2020.
Methodologically, it stands to reason that there was greater frequency of observations of changes in towns because
these are the places where people spend most of their time and so most frequently observe change, and they are
also the places where the interviews were conducted. It is also the case that people are relatively unconstrained in
speaking of environmental changes in towns, whereas they may be reluctant to speak of changes in “bush” lands
belonging to other clans because to do so is to imply some degree of ownership (Barber,2011; Hicks etal.,2012).
We also speculate that there was a greater sense of concern about changes in townships areas than in the “bush”
because Tiwi people feel less in control of decisions about managing the towns as they do for the bush. The eight
land-owning Tiwi clans have a great deal of autonomy over their “bush” lands beyond the township boundaries,
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where the authority of Traditional Owners is unchallenged and recognized by all, and is strengthened by Native
Title, the work of the Tiwi Land Council, the work of the Tiwi Rangers, and the forthcoming Indigenous Protected
Area agreement. As one respondent said “we manage the bush… we manage the plants and animals and put
things back.” In contrast, the townships are governed by a mixture of local, Territory, and national agencies whose
roles and responsibilities are not clear, and whose actions the Tiwi feel less able to influence. These different
geographies of self-determination arguably translate into differences in Tiwi perception of control in responding
to climate risks, and in turn therefore on how they weight those risks. This phenomenon of powerlessness increas-
ing risk perception has been reported elsewhere (e.g., Wachinger etal.,2013), and other research has suggested
that Indigenous people are likely to frame their vulnerability to climate change through the lens of governance
(e.g., Howitt etal.,2012; Tran etal.,2013).
The results nevertheless indicate that townships are where environmental changes are most salient to Tiwi people,
as they threaten infrastructure that is important for people's daily lives and their access to good services. In this
sense, the Tiwi responses overlap with non-Indigenous coastal residents—they are concerned about risks to the
settlements and infrastructure on which they rely for their lives and livelihoods (e.g., see Graham etal.,2018;
Frost & Miller,2021; Kreller,2021). This confirms arguments made by several recent papers investigating the
responses of Indigenous communities to climate change (Nursey-Bray & Palmer,2018; Petheram etal.,2015),
which argue that the concerns of Indigenous communities are often not distinct from those of non-Indigenous
citizens in that they too are concerned about the effects of climate change on access to public goods and services.
4.1. Implications for Responses From Government for the Tiwi
We extend this analysis to propose that one key difference between Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities
in terms of climate change is not to be found so much in their exposure and sensitivity as in the degree of support
they receive from the Australian State. If the Tiwi are more vulnerable, it is because they are far less well served
by the State in terms of access to social opportunities, and in terms of support for climate change adaptation,
even though they, like all Indigenous people, are no less entitled to support from the State than non-Indigenous
citizens. The gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians in accessing fundamental social goods that
reduce vulnerability such as education, justice, and health care is well described (Lowitja Institute,2021). We
posit that there is equally a gap in adaptation support to Indigenous communities: and though there is insufficient
data to prove this comprehensively there is nevertheless ample evidence of adaptation programs in almost every
local government area in Australia's capital cities, and in most primary producing regions, but little evidence of
a commensurate response in Indigenous communities. This point is supported by the fact that a group of Torres
Strait Island people have taken the Australian Government to the UN Human Rights Committee in order to stim-
ulate a response to their climate change concerns, including about adaptation (Marjanac,2020).
Certainly, in the case of the Tiwi, there has been no local, Territory, or Commonwealth government initiatives to
support climate change adaptation. Indeed, it was not until 2020 that the Northern Territory Government developed
a climate change policy (Northern Territory Climate Change Response: Toward 2050)—again lagging behind
other Australian States and Territories. Moreover, invitations from the Tiwi Land Council for these parties to attend
meetings about climate change have not resulted in the attendance of staff from any of these levels of government.
4.2. A Way Forward for Adaptation in the Tiwi Islands
So, although we present here local observations of changes in the Tiwi islands, we do not at all assume that solu-
tions must be similarly local in origin. The Tiwi are citizens of the state and entitled to the same sets of adaptation
responses that other Australian communities receive, be these forms of direct support such as the relocation of
assets and for disaster management, or indirect support in the form of building capacity for adaptation through,
for example, education, maternal and childcare, and specialist health care.
For its part the Tiwi Land Council does not consider climate change adaptation to be an urgent issue, though
it nevertheless thinks it to be an important issue that should be tackled in a measured and controlled way. This
suggests a mainstreaming approach might be best, with climate change risks factored into decisions about, for
example, the location of new and upgraded infrastructure, land use planning, forestry, and fisheries. Within this,
two priority activities seem justified: developing adaptation plans for each town in the Tiwi Islands in consulta-
tion with local stakeholders, and strengthening of the Ranger program so it is better able to monitor and manage
changes in Tiwi Country.
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It is clear that Tiwi people observe changes in their townships, and identify that these changes pose risks to key
facilities. Adaptation plans for these towns and key facilities within them therefore seem essential. This must be
done in consultation with Tiwi people and organizations, who have well-established processes for consultation with
Territory and Commonwealth agencies. Developing urban adaptation plans is, however, easier said than done, as
land use planning has not been used as a policy instrument for emergency management or climate change adaptation
in the Northern Territory (Bird etal.,2013), whereas it is commonly used for this purpose in other Australian States
and Territories. The process is more complicated because of the ambiguous roles and responsibilities of local, Terri-
tory and Commonwealth government agencies in the provisioning of services and regulation of Tiwi towns. Indeed
governance is a key barrier to adaptation (and urban planning) for Indigenous communities across Australia, and the
Tiwi is no exception (Green etal.,2012.; Lane,2006; McNamara etal.,2017; Nursey-Bray & Palmer,2018). It should
be noted, however, that this barrier has almost nothing to do with Indigenous people themselves, but rather with the
(in)capacity of the Australian system of government to govern adaptation (Howitt etal.,2013; Waters etal.,2014).
4.3. Strengthening the Ranger Program
It is also clear from this research that Tiwi people who spend time on Country—and in particular the Tiwi
Rangers—observe changes in their environment that western scientific instruments do not. Indigenous people are
far more present in Northern Australian land—and seascapes than are scientific instruments, and, as Sawatzky
etal.(2020) argue “the best scientists are the people that's out there.” The Tiwi Ranger program is ideally suited
to be a sentinel for climate change impacts, not only in the Tiwi Islands, but for all of Northern Australia—
particularly if they were part of a region-wide network of Indigenous Rangers that were all performing a similar
role. Beyond knowledge of the impacts of climate change, the kinds of observations of change that Rangers
can provide are critical for adaptation, for they signal the pace and location of change, and are key to designing
responses that are triggered by threshold events (Gore-Birch etal.,2022).
The Tiwi Rangers, and indeed the many Indigenous Ranger programs in Northern Australia therefore provide the
means to develop the kind of “view from everywhere” that programs like the Intergovernmental Science-Policy
Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) calls for (as opposed to the tendency in much climate
change research to produce a “view from nowhere”) (Borie etal.,2021). Adaptation in the Tiwi Islands would be
greatly advanced by strengthening the Ranger program through additional personnel, equipment, and training, so
that it can both better serve Tiwi Country and serve as part of a regional climate impacts observations network.
This would also strengthen Tiwi people's autonomy, connection to Country, confidence in the future of their
Country, and increase the number of meaningful careers available to Tiwi women and men.
5. Conclusions
Tiwi people observe nuanced changes in the environment that are significant to them, and for understanding the
impacts of climate change. Tiwi Rangers and those people who journeyed outside the towns identified changes
in the marine environment and wetlands, but by far the most frequently observed changes were in the towns, in
particular coastal erosion in two of the three townships (Milikapiti and Wurrumiyanga). Aerial data also show
significant erosion in these two townships. Tiwi people expressed concern about the risks of this erosion to
buildings that are important for their daily lives and livelihoods. Adapting to these changes requires urban adap-
tation plans, the development of which is challenged by the complex mix of agents responsible for governance
and services in Tiwi townships. There is also much to be gained by strengthening the Tiwi Ranger Programs,
as this research demonstrates that systematic observations collected by people on Country can provide excellent
monitoring of climate change impacts. It also shows that Indigenous people's interests in adaptation overlap with
those of non-Indigenous people, as do their rights to support for adaptation from the State.
Conflict of Interest
The authors declare no conflicts of interest relevant to this study.
Data Availability Statement
In order to protect the identities of the anonymous participants in this study and in line with current research
protocols established by the Scientific Research Committee, data has not been placed in a public repository.
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Acknowledgments
We are extremely grateful to all the Tiwi
people who shared their observations and
time with the research team, including:
Pamela Brooks, Virginia Brooks, Kaye
Brown, Theresa Burak, Doriana Bush,
Jonathon Bush, Michelle Bush, Shannon
Cook, Timothy Cooke, Trina Cunning-
ham, Darren Daniels, David Guy, Glen
Farmer Illormortini, Alan Kerinauia,
Raelene Kerinauia Lampuwatu, Nicholas
Miller, Raylene Miller, Wendy Mungatopi
Miller, Bernadette Mungatopi, Gerry
Mungatopi, Vincent Mungatopi, Regis
Pangiraminni, Carol Puruntatameri,
Fiona Puruntatameri, Gabriela
Puruntatameri, Marius Puruntatameri,
Patrick Puruntatameri, Patrick Freddy
Puruntatameri, Thomas Edward
Puruntatameri, Winifred Puruntatameri,
Jeffrey Simon, Dominic Tipiloura,
Immaculata Tipiloura, Romolo Tipiloura,
Tessie Tipungwuti, Buffy Warlapinni,
Alice Williams, Dino Wilson, and Pedro
Wonaeamirri. This research was also
enabled by the generous support of Steve
Anderson, Kate Hadden, Will Heathcote,
Bruce Holland, Yvonne Kelly, Dominique
Michel, Hannah Raisin, Stephen Swearer,
members of the Tiwi Land Council/
University of Melbourne Scientific
Reference Committee, and the Australian
Research Council (Grant FL180100040).
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Erratum
In the originally published article, “redacted” appeared in six places in the text when “Melbourne” should have
been inserted. In addition, the last sentence of Section 2.1 read “The research team remains in regular contact with
Traditional Owners via email and twice yearly the Tiwi Land Council/redacted Scientific Reference Committee.”
The sentence should read “The research team remains in regular contact with Traditional Owners via email and
twice yearly through the Tiwi Land Council/Melbourne Scientific Reference Committee.” These errors have been
corrected, and this may be considered the authoritative version of record.
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