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ETHIOPIAN CIVIL SERVICE UNIVERSITY
የኢትዮጵያ ሲቪል ሰርቪስ ዩኒቨርሲቲ
College of Governance and Leadership
School of Diplomacy and International Relations
Graduate Program
Crossing the Border between Humanitarian Diplomacy and
State Interests: The Case of the Dispute between the
Ethiopian Government and European Union
By
Demeke Chanie Mengistu
ECSU1801463
Advisor
Mukerrem Miftah (Ph.D.)
A thesis Submitted to the graduate programme, College of Governance and
Leadership, Ethiopian Civil Service University, in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for MA Degree in Diplomacy and International Relations
June 28, 2021
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
ETHIOPIAN CIVIL SERVICE UNIVERSITY
የኢትዮጵያ ሲቪል ሰርቪስ ዩኒቨርሲቲ
College of Governance and Leadership
School of Diplomacy and International Relations
Graduate Program
Crossing the Border between Humanitarian Diplomacy and
State Interests: The Case of the Dispute between the
Ethiopian Government and European Union
By
Demeke ChanieMengistu
ECSU1801463
Advisor
Mukerrem Miftah (Ph.D.)
A thesis Submitted to the graduate programme, College of Governance and
Leadership, Ethiopian Civil Service University, in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for MA Degree in Diplomacy and International Relations
June 18, 2021
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Declarations
I Demeke Chanie Mengistu, I.D. NumberECSU1801463, do hereby declare that this thesis is
my original work and that it has not been submitted partially; or in full, by any other person for
an award of a degree in any other university/institution.
This Thesis has been submitted for examination with my approval as College supervisor.
i
Approval
The undersigned certify that they have read and hereby recommend to the Ethiopian Civil
Service College to accept the Thesis submitted by Demeke Chanie Mengistu, and entitled
“Crossing the Border between Humanitarian Diplomacy and State Interests: the Case of the
Dispute between the Ethiopian Government and European Union, in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the award of a Masters Degree in Diplomacy and International Relations.
ii
Acknowledgement
First of all, I offer my heartfelt thanks to God, for giving me his blessing, for helping me
complete this study and for bringing my dreams into reality.
Next, I express my heartfelt gratitude to my advisor Dr. Mukerrem Miftah for all his
necessary advice, constructive comments and invaluable assistances; without his
supervision and support, this thesis would not be finalized.
Then, my special grateful goes to my beloved the late mother, Ytefneta Tibebu, for her all time
invaluable support and caring me as a single mother, my beloved wife, Worknesh Mebratie and
my son, Amanuel Demeke, who encouraging, motivating and inspiring me daily.
I would also like to thank experts and department heads of the Directorate General of European
Countries and European Union Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia for their
cooperation in providing the relevant information related to Ethio-EU relationship in
humanitarian assistance during the period of this research study.
Last, but not least, I send many thanks to everyone who directly or indirectly encouraged me in
doing my research.
iii
List of Abbreviations
EFP
Ethiopian Foreign Policy
ENA
Ethiopian News Agency
EU
European Union
FBC
Fana Broadcasting Corporate
FANSPS
Ethiopian Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy
GCAO
Government Communication Affairs Office
HPN
Humanitarian Practice Network
IDP;
Internal Displaced People
IGAD
Intergovernmental Authority on Development
INSAMER
Humanitarian and Social Research Center
IOM
International Organization for Migration
MoFA
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia
OCHA
United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
TPLF
Tigray People's Liberation Front
UNHCR
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
UNICEF
The United Nations Children's Fund
USA
United States of America
WFP
World Food Programme
iv
Abstract
The main objective of the research is to assess crossing the border between humanitarian
diplomacy and state interests: the case of the dispute between the Ethiopian government and
European Union with regarding to humanitarian assistance to the people in need in Tigray
region who were affected by the law enforcement campaign. For this research, the descriptive
research design was employed and non-probability sampling methods were used. The data was
generated through interviewand document review. The collected data also analyzed based on
their themes and presented the results based on their themes. Accordingly, the result showed that
the government tried to provide humanitarian assistance to those in need, facilitated
international organizations to provide humanitarian assistance in line with protecting national
interests, informed aid agencies about the risks and benefits of providing humanitarian aid
independently and in collaboration with the government. In addition however the government of
Ethiopia tried to solve humanitarian assistance provision differences with EU through time,the
research founded that there was aid agencies providedinsufficient amount. Furthermore, it was
showed in the research that the Ethiopian government practiced at low level of multilateral and
bilateral diplomacy with the EU, EU member states and others and low level taking the
advantage of using its geopolitical strategic place in the Horn of Africa. Finally, the research
concluded that both parties need to improve the implementation of humanitarian
diplomacy.Hence, the research strongly recommends that the Ethiopian Government, the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia, European Union, and other aid countries and
organizations needs to establish a viable diplomatic relation,improve their humanitarian
assistance provisionapproaches, make sure the humanitarian assistance does not harm the
national interest and implementing humanitarian diplomacy professionally
Keywords:Humanitarian diplomacy, humanitarian aid, national interests, geopolitical
interests of humanitarian aid,humanitarian aid provision principles, legitimacy
of humanitarian intervention
v
Table of Contents
Contents Page
Declaration ................................................................................................................................... i
Approval ......................................................................................................................................ii
Acknowledgement .................................................................................................................... iii
List of Abbreviations ................................................................................................................. iv
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................ v
Table of Contents ....................................................................................................................... vi
List of Figures ......................................................................................................................... viii
List of Tables ........................................................................................................................... viii
Chapter One
1. Introduction ....................................................................................................................….1
1.1. Background of the Study............................................................................................... .1
1.2. Statement of the Problem ............................................................................................... 2
1.3. Research Questions ........................................................................................................ 4
1.4. Objectives of the Study .................................................................................................. 4
1.4.1. General objective ................................................................................................ 4
1.4.2. Specific objectives .............................................................................................. 4
1.5. Significance of the Study ............................................................................................... 4
1.6. Scope of the Study .......................................................................................................... 5
1.7. Limitations of the Study ................................................................................................. 5
1.8. Organization of the Study .............................................................................................. 6
Chapter Two
2. Literature Review ...........................................................................................................….7
2.1. Theoretical Literature Review .......................................................................................... .7
2.1.1. Humanitarian Diplomacy ................................................................................... 7
2.1.2. Humanitarian Aid Provision Principles ............................................................. 10
2.1.3. Humanitarian Aid and National Interest............................................................ 11
2.1.4. Foreign Policy and National Interest ................................................................. 14
2.1.5. Realist, Liberalist and Constructivist Views of Humanitarian Aid ............ 15
2.2. Empirical Literature Review ............................................................................................ 16
2.2.1. Ethiopian Foreign Policy and its National Interests ........................................... 17
2.2.2. Ethiopian Foreign Policy Towards EU and European Countries........................ 18
vi
2.2.3. EU Humanitarian aid Policy Towards Ethiopia ................................................ 18
2.3. Conceptual Framework of the Research ........................................................................... 20
Chapter Three
3. Methodology ..................................................................................................................….22
3.1. Research Design.............................................................................................................. 22
3.2. Research Approach ......................................................................................................... 22
3.3. Target Population ............................................................................................................ 22
3.4. Sampling Method ............................................................................................................ 22
3.5. Sample Size .................................................................................................................... 23
3.6. Data Collection Methods/Instruments .............................................................................. 24
3.7. Data Analysis Method .................................................................................................. 25
3.8. Ethical Considerations.................................................................................................. 25
Chapter Four
4. Data Analysis, Interpretation and Findings ................................................................... 26
4.1. Introduction..................................................................................................................... 26
4.2. Humanitarian Diplomacy Implementation Regarding toLaw Enforcement Campaign ...... 27
4.2.1. Humanitarian Diplomacy Practices: Ethiopia and EU ..................................... 27
4.2.2. Approaches of Humanitarian Assistance Provision ......................................... 28
4.2.3. Humanitarian Aid Provision and National Interests ........................................ 29
4.2.4. Geopolitical Interest, Humanitarian Assistance and National Interests ............. 31
4.3. Legitimacy of Humanitarian Intervention in times of conflict and crisis ........................... 33
4.3.1. Provision of Humanitarian Assistance in Conflict Area ................................... 33
4.3.2. Humanitarian Aid in Tigray Region: Ethiopia and EU Position ....................... 35
4.3.3. Humanitarian Aid Dispute Impacts on Future Ethio-EU Relations .................. 41
4.4. Opportunities and Challenges of Humanitarian Aid for Ethiopia ...................................... 43
4.5.Summary of Findings ........................................................................................................ 45
Chapter Five
5. Conclusions and Recommendations................................................................................. 47
5.1. Conclusions..................................................................................................................... 47
5.2. Recommendations ........................................................................................................... 48
Bibliography .................................................................................................................... 50
Lists of Annexes
vii
List of Figures
Figure 2.1:Characteristics of humanitarian diplomatic practices........................................................ 8
Figure 2.2: Conceptual framework diagram of the thesis ........................................................... 21
List of Tables
Table 3.1: Research participants profile (demography of research participants........................ 23
Table 3.2: Sources of secondary data .......................................................................................... 24
viii
1
CHAPTER ONE
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1. Background of the Study
Diplomacy is the management of international relations through communication, dialogue and
negotiation. It contributes a lot to manage international relations through negotiations between
the representatives of states, to prevent or resolve international conflicts, disputes and other
difficulties peacefully, to reach agreements. Diplomacy is also an instrument to implement and
achieve a country‟s foreign policy goals through diplomatic methods. As one of the fundamental
tools for the achievements of a country‟s foreign policy, it plays a great role to fulfill or
maximize the profit of the interests of the state or nation at national and international level.
Similarly, foreign policy the guideline to make relations with other countries or in the
international arena with respect to the national interest such as protecting and promoting
country's defense, economic, cultural, physical and political identities (Clark, 2018; Rathbun,
2014; Regnier, 2011; Melissen, 2005; Nuechterlein, 1976).
In order to meet these national interests and the needs of their citizens, countries need to increase
their economic potential, by appropriately using both domestic and overseas resources. In order
to do that, countries that has weak economic development need support from other donor
countries and governmental and non-governmental aid organizations by building good economic
relations with them. However, OCHA (2020) indicated that over the past decades, the number of
people displaced by man-made and natural disasters has increased, the economic development
negatively affected worldwide and resulted increased humanitarian assistance in need which
exceed the capacity of local governments and local aid organizations to manage it.
Currently, the number of people in need for humanitarian assistance is increasing globally, and
countries are becoming unable to provide assistance that need for humanitarian assistance by
their own. As a result, many countries, the United Nations and its partner organizations, non-
governmental, governmental, intergovernmental organizations and other humanitarian agencies
are making humanitarian aid one of the main activities. Because of this, humanitarian aid is
becoming part of the government, aid agencies and donor countries foreign policy. Hence, as
engaging diplomacy is one of the key tools of foreign policy implementation, in order to make
their humanitarian assistance more effective and fulfill their foreign policy in relation to their
2
overseas humanitarian assistance, recently, countries and aid organizations have adopted a new
type of diplomacy, humanitarian diplomacy (Sekkat, 2020; Ismail, 2018; Lauri, 2018; Sadik &
Zorba, 2017; Okiro, 2013; Regnier, 2011).
Therefore, from the perspectives of humanitarian assistance, how Ethiopia applied humanitarian
diplomacy in relation to the current issues and how received a support of humanitarian assistance
from foreign aid organizations without compromising its national interests were assessed in this
research. Therefore, conducting this research in these regard was timely and appropriate.
1.2. Statement of the Problem
EU is one of the major aids providing organization in the world. According to the information
obtained from the website of the European Union (EU, 2021
1
; EU, 2016) and Joanna (2014: pp.
115-122), the allocation of humanitarian aid is becoming one of the new and effective
instruments of foreign policy. Hence, EU donates or provides funds around 10% of its budget to
external action and for the year of 2020, EU placed in the third place by contributing 12% of the
global humanitarian assistance next to USA (35.5%) and Germany (14.5%).
On the other hand, being one of the least developing countries, and for many years, recurrent
drought, famine, and war, Ethiopia is not free from food and humanitarian aid. Hence, as
Ethiopia is one of the EU's strategic partners in the African continent for more than 40 years in
areas as diverse as development cooperation, trade and economic development, consolidation of
democratic institutions, regional peace and security and migration, the EU and its member states
provided significant support of humanitarian assistances, development cooperation, loans and
other development assistance to Ethiopia. EU supported Ethiopia over 2 billion euros for the
period of 2014-2020 allocated budget for the year of 2020 and 2021 to supporting Ethiopia in
achieving the political, social and democratic transition (EU, 2019
2
; EFP, 2019; EU, 2016
3
;
Kitessa, 2012; FANSPS, 2002).
At a time when the Ethiopian economy is not free from foreign aid and humanitarian assistance,
the ongoing conflicts and natural disasters in various parts of Ethiopia has caused problems for
many people. For the past three years, there have been many crises and conflicts in various parts
of Ethiopia. Among the clashes, the military conflict between the TPLF and the federal
1
https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/qanda_21_1082 (Retrieved on Monday, March 15, 2021).
2
https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/IP_19_6679 (Retrieved on Friday March, 26, 2021).
3
https://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/ethiopia/1185/about-eu-delegation-ethiopia_en (Retrieved on Tuesday, May 11, 2021).
3
government arisen in late 2020 was one of the main clashes that caused many people in need for
humanitarian assistance. As OCHA (2021)
4
, the government of Ethiopia and other aid agencies
reported, approximately 4.5 million people are currently in need of humanitarian assistance in
Tigray region and around 2.25 million people will need urgent assistance in the region.
However, the European Union has stated to continue providing aid to Ethiopia for the year of
2021, EU disagreed with the Ethiopian government in humanitarian aid provision approaches to
the people in need in Tigray region. EU stated that EU wants provide aid to the people in need
independently without government interference in conflict areas and set other requirements to
fulfill by Ethiopian Government. On the other side, the Ethiopian government took the position
that free access in conflict areas and independently providing aid will violate the national
interests and with the pretext of humanitarian aid it will create unacceptable pressure on the
Ethiopian government (EU, 2021
5
; Reuters, 2021
6
; Bloomberg, 2020
7
; FBC, 2021
8
).
Hence, it is essential to understand that the humanitarian assistance intended to solve the
problems of the recipient countries and the people in need for humanitarian assistance. As some
studies showed, in previous regimes, Ethiopia has never been alienated from famine and disaster
and providing humanitarian assistance. Accordingly, Ethiopia has been started receiving
humanitarian assistance and other types of aid in the modern sense from donor countries since in
the late 1940s and the US aid, the World Bank, and UK Department for International
Development are among the major donors to Ethiopia. For example, the government of America
has been providing humanitarian aid to Ethiopia in 1973-1974, 1980s, 1990s and 2000s, and in
the following years as a result of drought, conflict, displacement, and famine (USAID, 2021
9
;
HPN, 2009); Xavier and James, 2007).
Some researches were also conducted in EU‟s development aid and humanitarian engagement in
the world; such as Purup (2009) conducted a research with the title the politics of aid and
independent development of nation and assessed the activities of some donors in Ethiopia
including the European Union, Tomić (2017) also studied about the comparison of the
development strategies of the European Union and China cooperation inside the African
4
https://reliefweb.int/report/ethiopia/ethiopia-tigray-region-humanitarian-update-situation-report-13-march-2021 (Retrieved on Tuesday, March 16, 2021).
5
https://reliefweb.int/report/ethiopia/we-need-humanitarian-access-tigray-urgent-first-step-towards-peace-ethiopia(Retrieved on Friday January 15, 2021).
6
https://www.reuters.com/article/us-ethiopia-conflict-eu-idUSKBN29K1SS (Retrieved on Tuesday, January 19, 2021).
7
https://www.bloombergquint.com/politics/eu-may-suspend-budget-funding-to-ethiopia-over-tigray-conflict (Retrieved on Tuesday, March 16, 2021).
8
https://www.fanabc.com/%E1%8B%A8%E1%8A%A0%E1%8B%8D%E1%88%AE%E1%8D%93-%E1%88%85%E1%89%A5%E1%88%A8%E1%89%B5-%E1%88%8D%E1%8B%A9-
%E1%88%98%E1%88%8D%E1%8B%95%E1%8A%AD%E1%89%B0%E1%8A%9B-%E1%88%B5%E1%88%88-%E1%89%B5%E1%8C%8D/(Retrieved on Tuesday, March 16, 2021).
9
https://www.usaid.gov/ethiopia/history-usaid-ethiopia (Retrieved on Tuesday, March 16, 2021).
4
continent, Ursu and Berg (2018) conducted a research about the competition and cooperation of
China and the EU in the Horn of Africa, etc.
However, as far as the researcher‟s reading concerned, there has been no previous research
conducted on the EU humanitarian diplomacy practices and the dispute related to its recent
humanitarian engagement in Ethiopia. Hence, since there was no research had been done on this
research topic area, it was worth doing this research by assessing the dispute of EU humanitarian
assistance to Ethiopia and its impact to Ethiopia‟s sovereignty.
1.3. Research Questions
How the Ethiopian government and European Union implemented humanitarian
diplomacy regarding to the law enforcement campaign in the Tigray region?
To what extent does humanitarian intervention legitimately practiced in times of
conflict and crisis?
In what way humanitarian assistance provided to the people in need in conflict
areas without compromising the state interests?
1.4. Objectives of the Research
1.4.1. General Objective
The general objective of the research was to assess the dispute between the Ethiopian
Government and European Union from the perspectives of humanitarian assistance provision and
their of humanitarian diplomacy application.
1.4.2. Specific Objectives
To find out how both Ethiopian government and European Union implemented
humanitarian diplomacy.
To assess to what extent humanitarian intervention is legitimate in providing
humanitarian assistance in times of conflict and crisis.
To assess the challenges and the way of humanitarian assistance provision in
conflict areas without compromising Ethiopia's national interests.
1.5. Significance of the Study
This research was focused on assessing and describing the Ethiopia's current relationship with
EU from the perspectives of humanitarian assistance provision as well as the application of
humanitarian diplomacy on both sides. The researcher believed that the findings of the research
will help the government of Ethiopia, EU, countries which participate in humanitarian assistance
5
activities, for other governmental and non-governmental humanitarian organizations as well as
other individual humanitarian practitioners to improve and effectively perform their current
humanitarian practices. Furthermore, this research could be used as a spring board for those who
will be interested in doing further academic researchers in related to this research topic area.
1.6. Scope of the Study
As research was focused on the application of humanitarian diplomacy and the practices the
current EU humanitarian assistance engagement in Ethiopia, other types of diplomacy other than
humanitarian diplomacy was not discussed in this research. In addition, however there are many
non-governmental, governmental, intergovernmental and global humanitarian organizations in
Ethiopia, this research was not cover all humanitarian organization, which was limited to Ethio-
EU relation in their humanitarian assistance relationships. Similarly, although Ethiopia and the
EU are involved in a number of developments, cooperation and support activities, the research
focused only on humanitarian assistance. Furthermore, although Ethiopia and the European
Union have been working on humanitarian assistance issues for many years, this research was
not cover all EU humanitarian assistance engagement in Ethiopia, but it was focused only to the
EU humanitarian assistance engagement in Ethiopia, since November 2020.
1.7. Limitations of the Study
The primary data for this research were gathered by conducting interview and by collecting
different secondary sources. However, as corona virus is still a threat for everyone in
everywhere, in order to get the willingness of the interviewees and was one of the major
problems for this research in times of data collection. As much of this research was done by
collecting documents and analyzing it, interruption of the Internet to collect such documents and
information was another challenge. In addition, the two selected institutions (the office of
Delegation of European Union to Ethiopia and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia) for
this research were reluctant to respond quickly to provide the intended data by conducting
interview.
Similarly, in order to collect data from European Union of Ethiopia Delegation office by
conducting interview, the researcher requested twice the Delegation of the European Union to
Ethiopia by an official letter written from the Ethiopian Civil Service University. The researcher
also repeatedly asked them in person to get the views of EU by conducting interview, but the
researcher could not find any response other than `wait until the person in charge notifies you by
6
email or official letter`. In addition, however the researcher tried collect data by attaching and
sending the same question to the e-mail address and Facebook page of the EU Delegation Office
in Ethiopia twice, no answer could be found until the end of this research. Finally, the researcher
communicated an Ethiopian employee of the EU Delegation's Office in Ethiopia by telegram,
email, and telephone contact and informed the researcher that information are provided only EU
member state citizens working in the EU.
This employee also commented that although the exchange of information between Ethiopia and
the Union is not currently forbidden, as this research based on current issue that made
disagreement between the two parties, the respondents may not be willing to provide
information. The employee also added that in the current context of Ethiopia's relations with the
European Union, any Ethiopian citizen could not provide information; however, the employee
tried to assist the researcher by giving the interview question to EU staff that could provide
information. Hence, however the researcher tried collect data by conducting interview with the
office of Delegation of European Union to Ethiopia; they were not cooperative.
1.8. Organization of the Thesis
This thesis organized in five chapters. The first chapter is introduction part which consists of
background, statement of the problem, research questions, and objectives of the study,
significances of the study, scope of the study, limitations of the study and the structure of the
thesis itself. In the second chapter the literature review that comprises the concepts and issues
about humanitarian assistance and related issues were presented. Chapter three will also focuses
on the research methodology, data collection and procedures, sampling techniques. Chapter four
will present the data presentation, analysis and discussion and finally, the conclusions and
recommendations part of the research were presented in chapter five.
7
CHAPTER TWO
2. LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1. Theoretical Literature Review
2.1.1. Humanitarian Diplomacy
The history of humanitarian aid is as old as the history of human being; however, humanitarian
aid activities and coordination have been expanding and growing especially after the Second
World War. As a result, the term humanitarian diplomacy has been introduced and entered in to
the field of diplomacy as a new concept in early 2000s (Veuthey, 2012).
As this type of diplomacy is new in the field of diplomacy, it differs from traditional diplomatic
practices. As Louri (2018), INSAMER (2018) and Sadik & Zorba (2017) stated traditional
diplomacy is the practice of negotiating on behalf of a state or institution and pursuing the
interests of the institution or state. On the other hand, the main purpose of humanitarian
diplomacy is to provide humanitarian assistance to those in need by respecting and advocating
humanitarian principles.
Veuthey (2012) also added that humanitarian diplomacy mainly takes place when people
affected by natural disasters and/or armed conflicts and has the goal to obtain access to victims in
order to ensure the necessary degree of protection and assistance towards the people in need,
negotiate for the delivery of humanitarian aid, ensure the security of humanitarian organizations,
workers, local staff, civil population and other beneficiaries of humanitarian work, coordinate
humanitarian action through information sharing mechanisms between humanitarian
organizations and local national authorities, etc. It takes place, as Ismail (ibid) added, at the
international level (mainly through the United Nations and other supranational bodies), the
national level (with national governments) and at the local level (negotiations with local
authorities or opposition groups).
Turunen (2020) defined humanitarian diplomacy in the same way with other scholars that,
however it is a new term in the field of diplomacy, it is an old practice has received relatively
little academic attention. As Turunen (2020) stated, it has distinctive characteristics for
humanitarian imperative and engagement with a variety of stakeholders, including armed groups.
8
Fig. 2.1. Five characteristics of humanitarian diplomatic practices
Source: Turunen (2020: p. 473)
Ismail, (2018) and INSAMER, (2018
10
) also stated that, humanitarian diplomacy takes place at
the international level (such as through the United Nations, intergovernmental and other
supranational bodies), at the national level (with national governments), at the local level
(negotiations with local authorities or opposition groups) and it can be conducted by state, semi
state and non-state actors. As it stated below by INSAMER:
Humanitarian diplomacy conducted by non-state humanitarian actors to
provide humanitarian assistance. Humanitarian diplomacy would not only be
limited to; as diplomats of traditional diplomacy is represents and negotiates
for a country´s interests, humanitarians of non-state humanitarian actors will
represent, negotiation or advocate to access for humanitarian space. In addition
to non-state, humanitarian diplomacy could be conducted by semi-state (state
funded or linked) humanitarian actors which could entail a certain political
purpose. It also conducted by state actors to find solutions to humanitarian
problems. (INSAMER, 2018, 23 October 2018).
Humanitarian diplomacy, as stated by Lauri (2018), Regnier (2011) and Minear and Smith
(2007), is predominantly applied by humanitarian organizations; however, currently, it is applied
not only by humanitarian organizations but also by other non-humanitarian organizations, state
funded humanitarians as well as by the state itself. It can also be implemented by direct contact
10
https://insamer.com/en/humanitarian-diplomacy-a-conceptual-discussion_1730.html (Retrieved on Thursday, March 11, 2021).
9
with the relevant actors, indirect contact through intermediaries, and contact in the field where
humanitarian operations are under way, contact through the use of traditional and modern modes
of communication or by a combination of these (Veuthey, 2012).
In its application, as Veuthey (2012: p. 4) listed, it negotiators will need to clarify and identify
the type of conflict or disaster, parties involved to the conflict, applicable domestic as well as
universal humanitarian law, human rights law and other standards. Hence, the concept of
humanitarian diplomacy encompasses the activities carried out by humanitarian organizations to
obtain the space from political and military authorities within which to function with integrity.
These activities comprise such efforts as arranging for the presence of humanitarian
organizations in a given country, negotiating access to civilian populations in need of assistance
and protection, monitoring assistance programs, promoting respect for international law and
norms, supporting indigenous individuals and institutions, and engaging in advocacy at a variety
of levels in support of humanitarian objectives (Louri, 2018; INSAMER, 2018; Sadik & Zorba,
2017).
Although various scholars have expressed differing views on the meanings, approaches,
practices and application of humanitarian diplomacy, as well as its differences and similarities
with traditional diplomacy, no conclusions have been reached. However, the main characteristics
of humanitarian diplomacy, as summarized by Regnier (2011: p. 1236), listed as follows:
Its objectives are to persuade others to take measures to protect and/or assist
the victims of conflict or disasters, and/or to obtain access to these groups to
carry out these activities directly.
Its instruments are negotiations, communication, and awareness-raising
activities conducted from the headquarters of organizations and/or in the field.
It can take place at different decision-making and geographical levels, both
centralized and decentralized, and either internationally or at various
subnational levels.
Its beneficiaries are victims and any other vulnerable population groups
affected by man-made or natural crises.
It is conducted by a wide range of governmental, inter-state and private civil
society actors, which can be specialized in humanitarian assistance or offer
more general services related to a variety of risk prevention and crisis-
management services.
Its legal basis can be fundamentally in international humanitarian laws, human
rights, and emerging disaster law.
10
2.1.2. Humanitarian Aid Provision Principles
Scholars defined that humanitarian aid is a response to man-made crises and natural disasters.
The goal of humanitarian assistance is to alleviate sufferings and to save lives by providing
assistance such as protection of civilians, provision of food, health services, shelter, water and
sanitation and other items of assistance to those affected by disaster and conflict. It is provided
by governmental or non-governmental humanitarian agencies to the people in need with
particular regard to international humanitarian laws (applies in armed conflict), human rights
law (applies at all times) and humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and
independence. International Humanitarian Law is a set of rules that lays out the responsibilities
to limit the effects of conflict among states and non-state armed groups, facilitate rapid and
unrestricted passage of humanitarian relief in armed conflict areas, the freedom of movement of
humanitarian relief personnel, the protection of civilians and the protection of refugees, etc. The
four fundamental humanitarian principles are also universally applicable out of seven principles
established at the 20th International Conference of the Vienna Red Cross in 1965. They
determine the way humanity is to be achieved in external relations towards beneficiaries, and
donors (Clark, 2018; Willitts-King, McCarthy & Bryant, 2018; Heintze & Thielbörger, 2018;
Minear & Smith, 2007). The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
OCHA (2012: p. 1) also stated the four fundamentals humanitarian principles of humanity,
impartiality. These four humanitarian principles together form the humanitarian space.
According to Heintze and Thielbörger (2018), humanitarian space can be defined as the
operational space of humanitarian agencies necessary to meet humanitarian needs in accordance
with the humanitarian principles. It is also a product of the dynamic and complex interplay of
political, military and legal actors, interests, institutions and processes. They (ibid) added that
within humanitarian space international humanitarian law will be respected and beneficiaries will
be able to uphold their rights to relief and protection. Heintze and Thielbörger (2018) also
explained that humanity is the overall objective, the reason underpinning all humanitarian work.
Neutrality is also the operational instrument in the field ensuring that nobody is being
discriminated against. Similarly, impartiality refers to not taking sides between the opposing
goals of parties in a conflict and independence serves to create an image of detachment from
political goals, which are often present in the donor sphere.
11
Hence, as Gil (2019) stated, these four fundamental principles are central to humanitarian action
aiming to save and improve the lives of those with the greatest need by addressing human
suffering wherever it is found, by not take sides as well as not engaging in political, economic,
military racial, religious or ideological or other controversies where humanitarian action is being
implemented and by caring out humanitarian action on the basis of need without arbitrary
prioritization. Gil (ibid) added that voluntary service, unity and universality are the other three
principles which are the foundational values of the above-mentioned four fundamental
principles.
Recently, as different scholars stated, the allocation of humanitarian assistance is becoming one
of the new and effective instruments for their foreign policy implementation for their overseas
humanitarian activities by adopting a new type of diplomacy, humanitarian diplomacy.
Accordingly, scholars recommend that, in order to effectively implement their humanitarian
activities, all states as well as governmental and non-governmental humanitarian organizations
needs to follow the humanitarian principles equally in all their humanitarian operations (Heintze
& Thielbörger; Lauri, 2018; Joanna, 2014).
2.1.3. Humanitarian Aid and National Interest
As the above-mentioned literature suggests, humanitarian aid should be provided based on
fundamental humanitarian principles. On the other hand, donor countries and other humanitarian
organizations provided assistance not only solve the problems of the recipients but also to
achieve their humanitarian organizations foreign policy. As discussed above, the main purpose of
any foreign policy is to promote the interests of the party/or a state that issued the policy. On the
other side, in order to solve the problems of their citizens, recipient countries receive support
from donor countries and other humanitarian organizations. However, when accepting donations
from other countries and other humanitarian organizations, the recipient countries need to make
sure that their support is in the best interests of the nation.
As a result, regarding to the provision of humanitarian assistance, there may be differences of
interest between donor humanitarian organizations and recipients. Therefore, in order to
effectively provide humanitarian assistance to the people in need, it is important to understand
the motives of both humanitarian assistance providers and humanitarian assistance recipient
countries (Purup, 2009).
12
As Heintze and Thielbörger (2018) stated, although humanitarian organizations established to
provide humanitarian assistance to people in need, they will have their mission and mandate how
to operate it. For instance, powerful states are the primary financial sponsors of humanitarian
action, as well as principal donors of humanitarian and development aid at global level. As a
consequence, it is primarily powerful states that determine the size and scope of humanitarian
efforts in various parts of the globe based on their strategic and wider political interests. Heintze
and Thielbörger (2018) and McCarthy, Metcalfe-Hough and Willitts-King (2016) also explained
that different humanitarian agencies have different approaches to providing aid depending on
their mandates. They use it to gain regional or international power and influence which is
becoming a common thread in states‟ behavior. It can also be used to improve or repair a donor
state‟s image in overseas. Hence, powerful states used humanitarian aid as a useful tool to fulfill
interests, to gain influential power and to build alliances internationally.
Other challenges encountered on the provision of humanitarian assistance lies in how to respond
to the demands of developing countries, which seek support to create resilient national and local
capacities. As Heintze and Thielbörger (2018) discussed on it, host states are becoming
increasingly reluctant to express their needs of humanitarian assistance and how to respond
disasters during crisis by their national disaster management authorities. Authoritarian states also
hindered humanitarian access to people in need by closing keep closing their eyes for
humanitarian interventions. In addition, as Heintze and Thielbörger (ibid) highlighted, it was
learned from the past experiences of humanitarian intervention in Sudan, Somalia, Syria and
other states which were in crisis that delivering humanitarian assistance by directly funding the
government as well as local actors were not effective. As they stated below:
……supporting more localized humanitarian responses, particularly by directly
funding local actors, faces several challenges besides differing from
international humanitarian financing practice based on appeals. These
challenges include fiduciary risks, aid diversion and corruption at a time where
there is a growing request for greater accountability and transparency in
developed countries. In some contexts, a local-level response is not the most
effective (Heintze & Thielbörger, 2018: p. 14).
However, while these humanitarian organizations believe that humanitarian assistance will not
be effective by providing direct support to governments and local actors, international and non-
governmental organizations are not freely decide and provide humanitarian assistance
assistances. In this regard as Purup (2009) and Minear and Smith (2007) stated,
intergovernmental organizations are composed of member states to which governments send
13
representatives with a greater or lesser degree directly accountable to the sending governments.
Hence, the scale of the degree of institutional autonomy of intergovernmental organizations as
well as the accountability of states representatives to the intergovernmental organizations will be
relatively high or low.
Willitts-King, McCarthy and Bryant (2018) also discussed that humanitarian action by its nature
also mostly operates in politically charged situations. Because of this, there are tensions between
delivering assistance in according with the humanitarian principles of impartiality, neutrality and
independence, and understanding and responding to the political realities of crises that strongly
influence how, what and where humanitarian action takes place. Similarly, Clark (2018) and
Luari (2018) stated that governmental or non-governmental humanitarian organizations
involvement that delivering of humanitarian assistance may clashes with humanitarian
principles. As Clark and Luari (ibid) explained, however neutrality and independence are central
pillars of the humanitarian principles, in order to establish ground rules for state and non-state
interaction, the humanitarian principles will help to set the agenda for the negotiations. Hence, in
order to conduct such humanitarian activities, in the times of complex conditions, it will be better
to negotiate and accept some compromises. These helps to recognize the tension between state
and non-state actors to do their activities by complementing what the one cannot do, instead of
competing with each other. Hence, in order to effectively meet the humanitarian needs of all
people with timely delivering appropriate aid needs working in collaboration with the host states.
Humanitarian action also takes place based upon the needs of vulnerable populations. However,
it has always been influenced the political economy of recipient countries and the political
considerations of donor governments. Geopolitical nature and world politics are other
challenging elements that affect humanitarian aid provision activities. This influence also has an
impact on the four fundamental humanitarian assistance principles (Heintze & Thielbörger,
2018; Curtis, 2001).
In addition, as Curtis (2001) stated, universal and neutrality refers to the support of all victims
without exception such victims are bad or good beneficiaries. However, by subordinating
humanitarian objectives to political and strategic ones, some victims may be seen as more
deserving than others, and impartiality is foregone. The principle of independence and action of
impartial will be violated if humanitarian agencies remain dependent on financial support from
14
major donor states. Among these fundamental principles, neutrality is the most debated and
disputed humanitarian principle.
2.1.4. Foreign Policy and National/State Interests
National interest is the protection of physical, political and cultural identity that all nations
engaged to fulfill or secure the goals of their interests. It plays a key role in countries' relations at
home and at international arena. It is also the perceived needs and desires of one sovereign state
in relation to other sovereign states (Nuechterlein, 1976). Ebegbulem (2019) also stated that the
foreign policy of all the countries in the international system is guided by their national interest.
It is the aggregation of the interests and objectives that a state seeks to achieve in her dealings
and interactions with other states in the global community. Foreign policy is therefore predicated
on the national interests of states, and any foreign policy that fails to reflect the country‟s
national interest is lost to the citizens of that state. Hence, as Ebegbulem (ibid) stated, national
interest constitutes a key element in the formulation of foreign policy and it is a means or device
for analyzing fundamental objectives of foreign policy of a state.
Nuechterlein (1976: p. 248) also stated that the national interest of a country should be based on
these four main vital needs or goals of a state and its citizens as listed below:
(i) Defense and security interests: the protection of the nation-state and its
citizens against the threat of physical violence directed from another state,
and/or an externally inspired threat to its system of government. It is also
ensuring the safety of citizens from harm by foreign enemies, protecting
allies, preventing foreign intrusions into the national territorial regions,
maintaining military power and capacity to project power where and as
needed to protect national sovereignty and security interests, maintaining
knowledge regarding potential threats to national security, etc.
(ii) Economic interests: the enhancement of the nation-state's economic well-
being in relations with other states, protecting and/or promoting an
adequate standard of living for domestic citizens, protecting and/or
promoting adequate levels of domestic employment, ensuring economic
development and growth, establishing trade relations with other nations,
protecting economic investment abroad and at home, protecting the means
and routes of trade, maintaining economic power to ensure economic self-
determination, etc.
(iii) World Order interests: the maintenance of an international political and
economic system in which the nation-state may feel secure, and in which
its citizens and commerce may operate peacefully outside its borders and;
(iv) Ideological interests: the protection and furtherance of a set of values which
the people of a nation-state share and believe to be universally good. It is
also protection and protection of the citizen moral way of life, economic
15
and political system of a state, cultural and religious values of a nation,
universal conception of freedom, human dignity etc.
Similarly, the foreign policy of each nation is formulated on the basis of its national interest.
According to Ahmed (2019), it is formulated with certain principles to realize their respective
objectives such as to maintain territorial integrity and political independence, to speeding up of
social and economic development, to increase the nation strength, and to fulfill other national
interests. It can also be defined as a state‟s approach to its interactions with the wider
international system: other states, organizations such as the United Nations or non-state actors
such as international corporations, etc. (Willitts-King, McCarthy & Bryant, 2018). As Ahmed
(2019) stated, sovereign states will conduct their foreign relations and interact with each other
through their foreign policies. It is formulated to safeguard and promote the countries national
interests in the conduct of relations with other countries.
2.1.5. Realist, Liberalist and Constructivist Views of Humanitarian Aid
As different scholars stated, European countries are mostly classified as western world and the
western world is believed to be promoting liberalism and put their national interests in their day
to day international relation activities. However, in order to fulfill their national interests,
countries need cooperate with each other based on their own common interests. On the other
hand, for realists, states are the key unit of analysis or major and rational actors in world politics.
In addition, realists assume that the state is the principle, unitary and rational actor in
international relations. For them; the highest goal is the survival of the state; hence, other bodies
such as individuals and organizations will exist with limited power. Realist also gave priority to
the protection of national interests and states‟ actions are judged according to the ethics of
responsibility rather than by moral principles (Antunes and Camisao, 2018; Mcglinchey, Walters
& Scheinpfulg, 2017; Ozkan & Cetin, 2016).
Accordingly, as Heintze and Thielbörger (2018) and Ozkan and Cetin (2016) stated,
humanitarian assistance and development aid is seen as a subservient to state interests and
perceived as another tool that states used it to gain influence, reinforcing or strengthening and
build alliances internationally. In addition, from realist point of view, humanitarian aid has been
also mainly seen and evaluated in terms of the interests and pursuits of powerful states.
16
On the other side, unlike realism which judged states‟ actions by ethics of responsibility,
liberalism is based on the moral argument that ensuring the right of an individual person to life,
liberty and property is the highest goal of government.
Liberalism has also many common grounds with realism when used to try and explain the
structure of an international system; however, they agree that the fundamental actors in
international politics are states but that there are other actors, such as subnational and
supranational actors, which should be taken into account. Therefore, the main concern of
liberalism is to construct institutions which advocate global diffusion of liberal policies to protect
individual freedom by limiting and checking the state political power (Meiser, 2018;
McGlinchey, Walters & Scheinpfulg, 2017).
Liberalism also focuses on preferences of individuals or groups and their influence on its
external action. Hence, although liberalists accept states are important, they believe that states
are not self-sufficient to meet their needs alone. Thus, according to liberalists, other actors such
as intergovernmental and non-governmental international organizations as well as multinational
corporations and others have made significant contributions. International organizations advocate
global diffusion of liberal policies driven by concerns of organizational legitimacy (Ozkan &
Cetin, 2016).
Constructivism sees the world, as socially constructed. Differing from the realist understanding
of national interest, which is closely related to the self-interest of that country, constructivists
understand national interest that it is not something objectively given but constructed and shaped
by international norms or the relationship between and among the actors of international politics,
and not only states. Hence, social norms are central to constructivism. It studies the role of norms
and their influence on national interests.
As Alexander Wendt (1995), cited by Theys (2018) and McGlinchey, Walters and Scheinpfulg
(2017) explained how constructivism is socially constructed that, both British and United States
have shared understanding and similar social and ideological norms than North Korea. Hence
500 British nuclear weapons are less threatening to the United States than five North Korean
nuclear weapons. As a result, the humanitarian assistances of countries, the international
community, as well as governmental and non-governmental organizations, may be influenced by
geographical location, policy and ideology they follow, and social construction in general.
17
2.2. Empirical Literature Review
2.2.1. Ethiopian Foreign Policy and Its National Interests
The objectives of state foreign policy include maintaining territorial integrity or sovereignty of
the state, providing for national security, promoting economic development and social welfare
and serving to fulfill other foreign and domestic‟s state interest. As one of the world‟s most
ancient civilizations, Ethiopia has maintained bilateral relations with some countries for many
centuries. However, formal institutionalized diplomacy only began with the establishment of the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1907. Thus, since the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie, Ethiopia
has formulated and implemented a foreign policy (Mehari & Abel, 2018).
However, the current Ethiopian constitution clearly states that Ethiopia's foreign relations and
national interests are stated in better way than Ethiopia's previous ones. As stated in the Federal
Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution Proclamation No. 1/1995 of Article 86, published
on the Federal Negarit Gazeta (1995: p. 32), the principles of making external relations are the
following:
1. To promote policies of foreign relations based on the protection of national
interests and respect for the sovereignty of the country;
2. To promote mutual respect for national sovereignty and equality of states and
non-interference in the internal affairs of other states;
3. To ensure that the foreign relation policies of the country are based on mutual
interests and equality of states as well as that international agreements promote
the interests of Ethiopia;
4. To observe international agreements which ensure respect for Ethiopia's
sovereignty and are not contrary to the interests of its Peoples;
5. To forge and promote ever growing economic union and fraternal relations of
Peoples with Ethiopia‟s neighbors and other African countries, and;
6. To seek and support peaceful solutions to international disputes.
Based on the above mentioned principles, as stated by GCAO (2012), in order to protect the
national interests and security of the country, the government of Ethiopia designed and started to
implement the Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy (FANSPS) since 2002.
As foreign policy is a state instrument for addressing national interest, it is the sum total of goals
and objectives of foreign policy. According to the 2002 foreign affairs and security policy of
Ethiopia, security policy is a matter of ensuring national survival and territorial integrity. The
government believes that unless the overall policy direction pursued towards fighting against
poverty and promoting speedy economic development, democracy and peace, the country‟s
national existence and security will face serious danger. Hence, as stated in the document,
18
attainment of speedy economic development, fighting poverty, democratization and peace are
fundamental to the survival of the country (FANSPS, 2002).
2.2.2. Ethiopian Foreign Policy Towards EU and European Countries
Foreign policies formulated after the ratification of the current Ethiopian constitution, especially
the 2002 Ethiopia's foreign affairs and national security policy and strategy shows that Ethiopia's
foreign relations better than previous policies (Mehari & Abel, 2018). One of the activities stated
in the 2002 Ethiopian foreign policy is what Ethiopian should conduct foreign relations with the
European Union. According to FANSPS (2002), The European Union is one of the powerful
agents shaping the rules governing globalization. It is stated in the document that, EU will be
Ethiopia‟s largest source of aid. Hence, strengthening of Ethiopia‟s relations with EU will
maximize of the benefits in areas of development and security. Therefore, the document states
that it need to identify the gaps and create a relationship with the Union to facilitate Ethiopia's
assistance. In addition, the document stated that the relationship between Ethiopia and EU needs
to be addressed not only by the government but also by trade and investment, private businesses
and other stakeholders.
Similarly, the draft revised Ethiopian foreign policy (EFP) stated that strengthening cooperation
with the European Union will benefit Ethiopia. According to the draft document (EFP, 2019),
currently, the EU (and its member states), is a major player in the field of international
economic, trade and political cooperation. According to the document, Ethiopia's poverty
reduction policy is largely in line with the EU's development assistance policy, which will
strengthen the EU's support to Ethiopia and increase its relationship to a strategic partnership.
Therefore, the revised draft foreign policy believes that strengthening our relations with the
European Union will benefit Ethiopia the most.
2.2.3. EU Foreign Policy and its Humanitarian Assistance Towards Ethiopia
EU set its foreign and security policy aiming to promotes peace; strengthen international
cooperation based on diplomacy and international rules, foster trade and humanitarian aid. It is
stated in the EU foreign and security policy that it maintains partnerships with the world's key
players, seeks to ensure relationships based on mutual interests and benefits. The EU sends
missions to the world‟s trouble spots to monitor and preserve law and order, participate in
peacekeeping efforts or provide humanitarian aid to affected populations. The External action
service is one of the organs of EU which acts as the EU's diplomatic service. It has over 140
19
delegations and offices around the world promote and protect the EU‟s values and interests. The
European Council which comprises EU country heads of state and governments is the EU's
ultimate decision-making body of EU foreign policy, decisions which require the agreement of
all EU countries (EU, 2021)
11
. According to Friesen, Veron and Mazzara (2020) and Joanna,
2014), EU was actively participated in the humanitarian aid sector. Accordingly, it was the
second position among major donors of humanitarian aid in the world during the period of 2001-
2012 and the third biggest contributor of humanitarian aid worldwide around in the following
years, considering both of its own and its member states‟ bilateral assistance.
According to Muguruza (2016), partnerships are crucial for the delivery of EU's humanitarian
aid. Currently, Ethiopia is one of the EU partner countries which benefited in investment and
trade as well as EU‟s development aid and humanitarian assistance. The EU has also taken
Ethiopia as a key partner which plays a leading role in promoting economic integration, peace
and stability in East Africa (FANSPS, 2002). Purup (2009) stated that, EU considered Ethiopia
as one of its development partners and their relationship is becoming more strategic, well
organized and EU continued to support Ethiopia. Accordingly, EU has provided development
and humanitarian assistance to Ethiopia in the past years. For example EU reported that for the
period 2014-2020, EU supported Ethiopia over 2 billion euros for enhancing the
implementations of food, health, transport and energy, governance, democracy & human rights,
peace & stability and other facilities. Ethiopia is also one of the major beneficiaries of the EU
Emergency Trust Fund for Africa. European Commission's Civil Protection and Humanitarian
Aid Operations also support coordination work in the country and information gathering and
analysis of IDP situation in Ethiopia (EU, 2019)
12
.
As it is indicated in the EU website (EU, 2021)
13
the EU‟s priorities for EU-Ethiopia relations
for the period 2014 to 2020 were the following:
Support Ethiopia's immediate stability and peace by means of dialogue and by
providing technical and financial support to the political reform programmed and
to more inclusive governance.
Support Ethiopia's long term inclusive economic development and prosperity with
programs that promote infrastructure, investments and industrialization, and
quality employment.
11
https://europa.eu/european-union/topics/foreign-security-policy_en (Retrieved on Monday, March 15, 2021).
12
https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/IP_19_6679 (Retrieved on Friday March, 26, 2021).
13
https://ec.europa.eu/international-partnerships/where-we-work/ethiopia_en (Retrieved on Friday, March 26, 2021).
20
Support vulnerable populations, reducing root causes of conflict and forced
displacement in Ethiopia, by building resilience, sustainable livelihoods, climate
change adaptation and mitigation, as well as by backing Ethiopia's role as a host
of refugees and its development of a comprehensive migration management
system.
Support Ethiopian people and country's social capital creation by improving the
health system with specific focus on gender.
As mentioned above, one of the EU's supports to Ethiopia is humanitarian assistance. As it
stated, the EU provide unconditional, unhindered, safe, and urgent access for humanitarian aid to
assist people in need in all affected areas, in line with the fundamental humanitarian principles of
impartiality, neutrality, and operational independence. Accordingly, the EU has supported
Ethiopian pastoralists and farmers affected by desert locust swarms, allocated humanitarian aid
for the urgent humanitarian needs of Ethiopian refugees who fled to neighboring Sudan and for
emergency humanitarian assistance to people affected by crisis. In addition, EU humanitarian aid
also contributes to helping refugees in Ethiopia. The main actions include: the creation of a
protective environment for the most vulnerable refugees, food assistance, and shelter, access to
safe water and sanitation, the detection and treatment of malnourished children and mothers, and
primary education for refugee children as well as emergency assistance and shelter for the most
vulnerable Ethiopians deported from Saudi Arabia (EU, 2021)
14
.
2.3. Conceptual Framework of the Research
The research tried to assess the Ethiopia's current relationship with EU from the perspectives of
humanitarian assistance provision and identify the challenges currently faced on EU‟s
humanitarian assistance to Ethiopia. Accordingly, in order to fulfill these research objectives,
both primary and secondary sources of data were used and thematically analyzed by following a
descriptive type of research design.
As stated in the various sub-chapters of this chapter, for the effectively provision of humanitarian
assistance to the victims of natural and man-made disasters, it is essential to respect the
fundamental humanitarian principles, international humanitarian law. Similarly, the donors need
to establish better relations with the recipient countries and other concerned bodies in order to
reach those in need. These countries, on the other hand, want to ensure that the aid they receive,
or the aid distributed to those in their territory, does not violate the sovereignty of the country
and does not harm the national interest.
14
https://ec.europa.eu/international-partnerships/where-we-work/ethiopia_en (Retrieved on Friday, March 26, 2021).
21
As a result, by using primary and secondary data, as well as theoretical and theoretical literature
reviews, this research explored the current Ethiopia's current humanitarian relationship with the
European Union and how both the donor and the recipient are delivering and receiving assistance
free from influence.
It also assesses and analyses whether the current EU‟s Humanitarian assistance will have a
mutual support with the interests of the state (Ethiopian government) or harming it and finally it
will set some recommendations that will fill the gap identified by this research.
Fig. 2.2: Conceptual framework diagram of the thesis
Source: survey of theoretical and conceptual literatures
(developed by the researcher, in March 2021)
22
CHAPTER THREE
3. METHODOLOGY
3.1. Research Design
The objective of this research was to assess the Ethiopia's current relationship with EU from the
perspectives of humanitarian assistance provision and examine the application of humanitarian
diplomacy. Hence, as the research design is the overall strategy or a master plan for fulfilling
research objectives (Adams et al, 2007; Kothari, 2004) and the major purpose of descriptive
research is to describe a state of phenomenon or the characteristics of a group or a particular
situation that already exists at present (Sahu, 2013; Kothari, 2004), this research followed a
descriptive type of research design.
3.2. Research Approach
In descriptive research, primary data were collected by either quantitative, qualitative or both
mixed approach (Vanderstoep & Johnston, 2009; Dornyei, 2007; Miller & Brewer, 2003).
Therefore, in order to make it suit to the collection of the required information from a larger
sample and make the analysis easier, the research conducted in a qualitative research approach
and the researcher collected data by conducting interview and other secondary sources.
3.3. Target Population
Population is all the items constitute under consideration in the research. It is the universe or a
collection of all the elements that can be included in the study. It is consists of any well-defined
set of elements (Vanderstoep & Johnston, 2009; Adams et al, 2007). Hence, the population of
this research includes officials and employees of the office of Delegation of European Union to
Ethiopia, officials and employees of Ministry of Foreign Affairs Ethiopia, beneficiaries of
humanitarian assistance, government and non-governmental humanitarian organizations working
in Ethiopia, other parties engaged in humanitarian aid activities as well as posted, broadcasted or
publicized contents related the research topic on different print, broadcast or online media outlets
are included for the target population of the research.
3.4. Sampling Method
This research was conducted by collected by conducting interview with purposefully selected
interviewees, and by collecting different secondary sources. For this research, in order to select
23
the interviewee, purposive sampling, which involves purposive or deliberate selection of
particular units from the population by the researchers which considers as representative and
gives a chance to select those who are experienced, have the knowledge on the subject matter
and willing to take part in the research project was applied. Hence in order to get more relevant
information on various issues related to this research topic, the researcher purposively selected
five interviewees based on their position, knowledge, experience and their willingness.
Similarly, besides interview, convenient sampling method also applied in this research for
collecting the data from different media organization and institutions websites which were near
to the research site and readily available for research purposes. Therefore, in this research,
qualitative types of data were used and non-probability sampling method was employed.
3.5. Sample Size
For this research purpose, five interviewees were selected by purposive sampling method, based
on their position, expertise, and experience from the Ethiopia side. Thus, after the researcher
explained the main purpose of the research to the respondents that information was obtained
from them by interviewing the respondents in the way they wanted to respond to each of the
interview questions.
Table 3.1: Research Participants Profile (Demography of Research Participants
Interviewee
Department
Position Level
Date of interview
Interviewee 1
European Union Affairs Directorate
A/Director
May 20, 2021
Interviewee 2
Southern and Western Europe
Desk Officer
May 20, 2021
Interviewee 3
UK Affairs
Desk Officer
May 20, 2021
Interviewee 4
Northern and Eastern Europe
Desk Officer
May 21, 2021
Interviewee 5
European Union Affairs Directorate
Officer
May 21, 2021
Source: Ministry‟s interviewee survey
(developed by the researcher in May 2021)
On the other hand, however the researcher tried to include the EU‟s views on the issue by
conducting interview, but was unsuccessful. For instance, in order to collect data from European
Union of Ethiopia Delegation office by conducting interview, the researcher requested twice the
Delegation of the European Union to Ethiopia by an official letter written from the Ethiopian
Civil Service University. The researcher also repeatedly asked them in person for answers to the
submitted interview questions to European Union of Ethiopia Delegation office, but the
researcher could not find any response other than `wait until the person in charge notifies you by
24
email or official letter`. In addition, the researcher tried to collect the intended data by attaching
and sending the same question to the e-mail address and Facebook page of the EU Delegation
Office in Ethiopia twice and no response could be found until the end of this research. Finally,
the researcher communicated an Ethiopian employee of the EU Delegation's Office in Ethiopia
by telegram, email, and telephone contact to respond about it. However, this employee explained
that the information could not be allowed and provided by any one of Ethiopian citizen of EU
staff, but by EU staff from EU member states, and hence the employee could not cooperate with
the researcher without submitting the interview questions to EU staff that could provide
information.
In addition, as stated on the scope section of this research, this research was conducted since the
Ethiopian government started law enforcement campaign in the Tigray region in November
2020. Following the law enforcement campaign, different information related to humanitarian
assistance was disseminated through various channels. Accordingly, as the research conducted
the European Union humanitarian assistance to Ethiopia, all immediately or conveniently
available 130 documents published/posted in the websites of EU, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in
different media organizations and other publicized sources for six months (from 6 November
2020 to 21 May 2021) were collected.
Table 3.2: Sources of secondary data
S/No
Institutions
Number of Published Documents
1
MoFA of Ethiopia
27
2
Ethiopian News Agency
9
3
The Ethiopian Herald
39
4
European Union
31
5
Euobserver
14
6
Aljazeera
10
Total
130
Source: survey of secondary data from different institutions (developed by the researcher in
May 2021)
3.6. Data Collection Methods/ Instruments
In this research, both primary and secondary sources of data were used. Under primary source,
data were collected by using interview with purposively selected interviewees. In addition,
posted, printed and aired contents of secondary sources of data which were related to this
research topic were gathered from sources. Hence, the researcher developed interview and
unstructured interview questions, tried to make the questions clear, simple, and to the point and
25
conducted the interview face-to-face with purposively selected interviewees after briefing the
purpose and objective of the research to the interviewees. During face-to-face interview, with the
permission of interviewee, the researcher took notes when it is necessary and recorded the voice
of the interview by audio recorder to capture the exact words of the interviewees. In addition to
interview, data for this research were collected by using document review data collecting
method. Accordingly, 130 documents (news statements, resolutions, decisions, strategic
documents, etc.) related to the research topic which were posted, aired and publicized in six and
half months (from November 2020 to May 2021) were retrieved from above-mentioned sources
for this research purpose
3.7. Data Analysis Method
Thematic analysis method was applied in this research. Hence, in order to interpret and analyze
the collected data, researcher categorized the collected data based on themes such as from the
perspectives of EU and Ethiopia humanitarian diplomacy practices, the provision of
humanitarian assistance state interest and the legitimacy of the provision of humanitarian
assistance in conflict areas. Data categorized under these themes also categorized in sub-themes
from the perspectives of EU and Ethiopian Foreign policy directions, international, domestic and
international humanitarian laws as well as political, national security, economic and social
issues. Hence, the categorized data were analyzed based on research questions as well as the
information collected from the literature review. As this research was conducted by using
primary and secondary types of qualitative data, in order to achieve the research objectives, the
researcher will try to triangulate by combining the qualitative data and were presented the result
of the research by interpreting, analyzing and describing it. Finally, the results summarized and
conclusions and recommendations were drawn from the summarized research results.
3.8. Ethical Considerations
Respondents that were selected based on their willingness. In addition, the researcher will
attempt to ensure all respondents to keep their identity and responses as confidential. Data
collected by the above data collecting methods will also use only for this academic purpose.
Maximum efforts will also make to protect the identities and moral values of the research
participants/respondents. Therefore, in connection with this research, data obtained from the
research participants/respondents were report in the aggregate and will remain anonymous.
26
CHAPTER FOUR
4. DATA ANALYSIS, INTERPRTATION AND FINDINGS
4.1. Introduction
This chapter is the section where the collected data for this research were analyzed and the
findings were listed. Accordingly, data were collected from selected interviewees and other
secondary sources. The interviews were conducted from May 20 - 21 /2021 with five research
participants from Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia. The participants were experts on the
European Union and European Countries Directorate General of the Ministry. Although the
sample size was relatively small, data saturation was achieved given their position, qualification,
and experience on the field of this research topic area.
In addition to interview, as the research examined the current relationship between Ethiopia and
the European Union in terms of humanitarian assistance and their humanitarian diplomacy
practices with regarding to humanitarian assistance to the people in need in Tigray region who
were affected by the law enforcement campaign, the necessary data from both sides was gathered
from various documented sources.
Accordingly, since this research covered the dispute between the Ethiopian Government and
European Union from the perspectives of humanitarian assistance provision to the people in need
in Tigray region who were affected by the law enforcement campaign since November 2020,
data have been collected from the websites of European Union, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of
Ethiopia, different media outlets and other sources which were published with in the period of
from the beginning of November 2020 to the end of May 2021.
Hence, for this research, the researcher collected 130 online published materials in the website of
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia, European Union institutions such as the European
Union Delineation to Ethiopian, European Union External Action Service, European Union
Commission and European Civil Protection, Humanitarian Aid Operations and other
conveniently selected media organizations such as Fana broadcasting corporate, Ethiopian News
Agency, euobserver, and Aljazeera. Accordingly, the analysis of this research was conducted by
combining both the data obtained from the above-mentioned organizations and the responses of
interviewees.
27
4.2. Humanitarian Diplomacy Application Regarding to Law Enforcement Campaign
4.2.1. Humanitarian Diplomacy Practices: Ethiopia and EU
One of the main purposes of humanitarian diplomacy is to provide and facilitate humanitarian
assistance to those in need by respecting and advocating humanitarian principles. It mainly takes
place when people affected by natural disasters or armed conflict. As Interviewee -1 (Thursday,
May 20, 2021) stated, humanitarian diplomacy can be short-term diplomacy mostly used by
superpowers which focuses on receiving and delivering aid in times of crisis. Currently, the
number of people in need for humanitarian assistance is increasing globally and many of
countries are becoming unable to provide humanitarian assistance by their own. As a result,
providing humanitarian aid is becoming the main oversees activities for many countries,
governmental and non-governmental organizations. Thus, developed and rich nations use
humanitarian diplomacy as a tool to carry out their foreign policy through providing
humanitarian aid to the people in need and poor countries as well as one tool for the effective
implementation of their oversees relation
Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) added that humanitarian diplomacy is largely a
humanitarian operation by economically developed and politically powerful countries and
organizations to the countries which are not able cover their needs by their own. Interviewee -2
(Thursday, May 20, 2021) also responded in this regard that it is believed that some rich and
powerful countries and organizations will provide humanitarian assistance for the sake of
strengthening their international sphere of influence.
European Union is an intergovernmental organization founded by economically developed
member states. In addition, the member states of European Union are not only economically
developed, but also have the ability to make an impact on international issues. Hence, its
humanitarian diplomacy experience focused on providing humanitarian and other types of
assistances which will have the power to influence in some aspects of the internal affairs of aid
recipient countries.
In contrast, some of Ethiopia's annual budgets were covered by foreign aid and loans and the
European Union is one of the leading donors to Ethiopia in terms of budget and humanitarian
assistance for enhancing the implementations of food, health, transport and other facilities. This
relationship between Ethiopia and the European Union shows that EU is aid provider to Ethiopia
and Ethiopia aid recipient from EU. On the other hand, much of Ethiopia's experience in the field
28
of humanitarian diplomacy focused on receiving assistance; however, Ethiopia is practicing it by
providing assistance to South Sudan when it suffers in war, Sudan when it was hit by flood and
to other neighboring countries when they exposed to natural disaster and man-made crisis. As
Interviewee -2 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) stated „humanitarian diplomacy is the kind of
diplomacy that friendly countries reach out to other friendly countries when there is a crisis‟.
This interviewee mentioned an example that `the distribution of COVID-19 prevention materials
by Ethiopian Airlines to African countries and around the world` can be seen as a humanitarian
diplomacy.
Hence, different humanitarian agencies will have different purposes such as to fulfill their
interests by influencing others, to improve or repair their image in overseas and to build alliances
internationally. Therefore, as proper application of humanitarian diplomacy has a positive impact
on image building to both internally and internationally, Interviewee -3 (Thursday, May 20,
2021), suggested „proper implementation of human diplomacy is crucial to repair Ethiopia's
recent distorted view by the international community to build Ethiopia's image, strengthen its ties
with neighboring countries, and enhance its international profile‟. According to this respondent,
Ethiopia has more to do with its potential in implementing humanitarian diplomacy; however,
Interviewee -1 believed that it will be practiced in the future than before. The interviewee
supported this argument that
Currently, the former foreign policy of Ethiopia is under revision by giving big
priority to citizen diplomacy which is linked to Humanitarian diplomacy.
Hence, following the draft foreign policy of Ethiopia get approval soon, the
implementation of humanitarian diplomacy would be improved as its foreign
policy could focus on the well-being and human rights of its citizens.
(Interviewee -1, Thursday, May 20, 2021).
Hence, as powerful aid provider has the power to influence in the internal affairs of aid recipient
country, EU humanitarian aid will have positive or negative impact on Ethiopia‟s interest and
hence, care must be taken not to cause problems in Ethiopia's internal affairs. Similarly, care
must be taken not to harm if the aid is discontinued is not provided in time.
4.2.2. Approaches of Humanitarian Assistance Provision
Different humanitarian agencies use a variety of humanitarian aid delivery methods or
approaches to assist those in need. In most cases, the eastern world prefers to provide aid manly
by directly funding it to government of recipient countries. On the other side, the western world
29
want to provide via international governmental or non-governmental organizations of their own,
while religious organization provide aid assistance under the umbrella of its religious principles.
In this regard, Interviewee – 1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) stated that addressing humanitarian
assistance to the people in need in Tigray region following the law enforcement campaign were
not out of the above mentioned aid provision possibilities. This Interviewee added that:
Currently, Ethiopia has a large number of people in need of humanitarian
assistance who have been displaced due to man-made and natural disasters.
The government of Ethiopia is also working with local and international aid
agencies to meet the humanitarian needs of these citizens. However, those
countries and organizations which are interested to provide humanitarian
assistance are usually wanted to provide humanitarian assistance via their own
international aid organizations found in Ethiopia. On the contrary, in most
cases, especially in conflict areas, such as the people in need for humanitarian
assistance in Tigray region by the recent conflict, the Ethiopian government
wants aid agencies to provide their humanitarian assistances to those in need in
collaboration with the government where aid providers do not want these
approaches. (Interviewee – 1, Thursday, May 20, 2021).
Hence, the people who need for humanitarian assistance may found in any parts of the
world and needs to get humanitarian assistance as soon as possible. Therefore, in order to
provide immediate assistance to those in need, it is important to work closely with the
Eastern and Western worlds as well as religious institutions and the needs of the
government by harmonizing their interests.
4.2.3. Humanitarian Aid Provision and National Interests
Respecting the fundamental humanitarian principles, international humanitarian law and human
rights law is essential in the provision of humanitarian assistance to the victims of natural and
man-made disasters. On the other hand, in order to meet the needs of donor countries and other
humanitarian organizations may provide assistance in contrary to the recipient countries‟
national interest. Hence, when accepting humanitarian assistance from them, the recipient
countries need to make sure that the aid will be in the best interests of the nation.
In Ethiopian case, as Interviewee – 1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) responded, the need of
humanitarian assistance to the people in need is a priority in the use of domestic resources.
However, if it cannot be covered on its own, efforts will be made to cover by donor countries and
organizations based on the needs of Ethiopia. Nevertheless, as this interviewee responded about
it, Ethiopia will not accept any assistance if it considers will harm its national interests.
30
Responding to a question about the advantages and disadvantages of receiving humanitarian
assistance, Interviewee – 4 (Friday, May 21, 2021) said that countries can save their citizens
from the worst possible problems by receiving help from donor countries and organizations
when they are unable to provide humanitarian assistance by their own. This interviewee added
that since donor countries and organizations often view aid as an investment, care must be taken
as it may harm the national interests of the recipient countries. Hence, as Interviewee – 2 and
Interviewee – 3 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) responded in this regard, the central theme of
Ethiopia‟s foreign policy is to maintain sovereignty of the state, fight poverty and build
democracy. To this end, as they stated, policies are being formulated and implemented to achieve
the national vision of becoming a middle-income country by 2025 E.C.
However, as Interviewee – 3 stated below that:
…….different development activities planned and implemented in the previous
years; however, still, we are not left out from foreign assistance. I think
humanitarian assistance getting from aid agencies and others will fill our gaps and
it is better to continue receiving foreign aid until we are able to cover our needs by
ourselves unless it contradicts with our national interest. (Interviewee – 3, on
Thursday, Thursday, May 20, 2021).
As powerful states are the primary financial sponsors of humanitarian action, as well as principal
donors of humanitarian and development aid at global level. As a consequence, it is primarily
powerful states that determine the size and scope of humanitarian efforts in various parts of the
globe based on their strategic and wider political interests. Interviewee - 2 also stated about the
benefit and cost of the provision of humanitarian assistance by donor countries and aid agencies
on the national interests of a country.
As this interviewee stated below:
……..while some countries provide assistance, there are countries that want to
change their own policy and adopt their policy in line with the policy of donor
countries and organizations. It has been observed that some recipients of this
aid may change the policy direction of the recipient countries. However, as
Ethiopia's national interest is based on the sovereignty of the country and
Ethiopia's foreign policy is formulated based on the national interests of
Ethiopia. Hence, there is no need for us to involve any foreign relations that
affect the national interest and accept any humanitarian aid that endangers our
national interests. (Interviewee – 2, Thursday, May 20, 2021).
31
Similarly, the foreign policy of each nation describes the aspirations and goals of sovereign state
in the international arena are formulated on the basis of its national interest. In the same way,
Interviewee -2 replied about the question how far Ethiopia benefited by receiving humanitarian
aid or negatively affected its national interest by getting it that:
Ethiopia's national interest is based on the sovereignty of the country. Ethiopia's
foreign policy clearly stated that it does not involve any foreign aid or foreign
relations that affect the national interest. Hence, there is no need for us to accept
humanitarian aid that endangers our national interests. (Interviewee -2,
Thursday, May 20, 2021).
The dispute between Ethiopia and the European Union over the provision of humanitarian aid is
due to the fact that the EU wants to provide aid to those in need in the Tigray region
independently while the Ethiopian government believed that there is threat that poses to the
country's sovereignty in the Tigray region and it needs be provided humanitarian assistance to
those in need in collaboration with the government (Interviewee – 4, Friday, May 21, 2021). As a
result, with this and other preconditions, as Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) responded,
the European Union announced to suspend/flout the EU's humanitarian assistance to Ethiopia.
In this cases, as Interviewee -2 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) answered, until the problems will be
resolved, the intended assistance to the victims may be delayed. Hence, this respondent
recommended that „when such troublesomeness happened with aid agencies in the way of
providing humanitarian assistance to the people in need, the government should have other
alternatives option that help to provide immediate assistance to those in need‟. This interviewee
added that this was one of the ways that the Ethiopian government is resolving the disputes with
the European Union over the EU humanitarian aid provisions.
4.2.4. Geopolitical Interest, Humanitarian Assistance and National Interests
When asked about the role of geopolitical interests in the delivery of humanitarian aid and its
impact on the European Union humanitarian engagements to Ethiopia, the interviewees
explained as follows. Accordingly, as Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) described „no
country can function any humanitarian, development or other aid without geopolitical interests‟.
Interviewee-4 (Friday, May 21, 2021) also added that donor countries and organizations will
provide assistance based on the similarity of ideology they follow, geographical proximity,
number of the recipient countries population, poverty and socio-political situation, etc.
32
As Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) stated „Ethiopia is a country in the Horn of Africa
that needs a lot of aid, so donors want to work in partnership with Ethiopia‟. This interviewee
also stated below why countries want to work with Ethiopia that:
The Red Sea and Horn of Africa region is way of the world's largest trade route.
As a result, the region attracts the attention of many worlds‟ super power
countries and organizations. As this region is a vital place, these superpower
bodies have a base in this area to meet their needs. On the other side, Ethiopia is
a relatively influential country in the horn region as well as in IGAD. Hence, in
order to fulfill their own needs, many countries need Ethiopia to make a
strategic partner. (Interviewee -1, Thursday, May 20, 2021).
In this regard, as Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) stated, however EU is one of among
the influential intergovernmental organization which has politically enhanced and economically
developed member states, it does not yet have a base in the region which desires to have it. In
addition, as this interviewee responded, the European Union consider Ethiopia as a strategic
partner because of Ethiopia‟s strategic location in the horn Africa, its influence on IGAD and its
population estimated over 110 million for their need human resources.
Interviewee -3 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) also added that, „because of its strategic place, there is
no country in the world that has no geopolitical interest East Africa and, in order to meet their
interests in the horn region, countries need Ethiopia as strategic partner‟. In the same way, when
they asked to the geopolitical interests of EU and its member states, both Interviewee -1
(Thursday, May 20, 2021) and Interviewee -5 (Friday, May 21, 2021) replied that to satisfy their
own desires EU and its member states needs to make allies with Ethiopia by making bilateral
relationship with them individually and by making multilateral relations through the EU.
Similarly, as Interviewee -2 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) stated the member countries of the
European Union provide humanitarian assistance either privately by making bilateral relations
with Ethiopia or through the European Union. But in most cases they are usually donated
through the European Union. Hence, as Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) and
Interviewee -3 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) stated, the influence of EU and its member states
depends on the level of relationship with Ethiopia and humanitarian assistance that can be
provided by international bodies cannot be excluded from the geopolitical needs of donors
countries and organizations. Therefore, Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) recommended
33
that in order to tackle such problems, it is better to enhance bilateral and multilateral relationship
with EU, EU officials both its member states and partners.
4.3. Legitimacy of Humanitarian Intervention in Times of Conflict and Crisis
4.3.1. Provision of Humanitarian Assistance in Conflict Area
According to Interviewee 1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) and Interviewee 5 (Friday, May 21,
2021), although the main goal of humanitarian assistance is to provide assistance to those in
need, assistance in the conflict area has its own approach. According to these respondents, there
is a suspicion that there will be elements in the conflict areas that will undermine the country's
sovereignty which may engage in unethical relations with foreign aid agencies. Interviewee 1
(Thursday, May 20, 2021) strongly responded that „whatever happened on the ground, with the
pretext of human rights violations and other things, no country, governmental or non-
governmental organization can operate in a certain sovereign country without consulting and
obtaining permission from the government of that country‟.
The Ethiopian Herald also interviewed Ethiopian Human Rights Commissioner in this regard
and reported on December 17/2020 as follows:
A given sovereign country has inviolable rights in imposing temporary
movement restrictions on humanitarian and non-governmental organizations in
conflict zones for workers‟ personal safety and various security reasons. When
there is security issue, active hostility, war and other related threats, the standard
operating procedures for humanitarian organizations may be changed because of
two reasons, Firstly, the procedures wouldn‟t be functional for the safety of the
organizations and service providers, and secondly, the procedures would be
halted for security purposes. In addition, if the humanitarian organizations need
to operate effectively, they must obtain permission from the concerning
governing body or if the area is controlled by another party, its consent is
required. (The Ethiopian Herald, on Thursday, December 17, 2020)
Interviewee 3 (Thursday, May 21, 2021) supported the abovementioned idea that humanitarian
agencies can operate in accordance with the terms of agreement with the government. This
interviewee added that:
If the government will be incapable to administer the territory of the country and
unable to provide humanitarian assistance to its people in need, based on the
earlier signed agreement between the government and aid agencies when the
government was in full capacity to administer the state, these parties will provide
an assistance. For instance, aid agencies in Yemen are now working under an
agreement reached during the government was in power which may not be
34
considered as a violation of its sovereignty which are operating it today.
However, while the government of a country has the full capacity, authority and
power to govern the country; it needs to work in accordance with the government
approval. (Interviewee 3, Thursday, May 21, 2021).
Similarly, in order alleviate sufferings and save lives of the people who need humanitarian
assistance, it is essential to provide it with particular regard to the fundamental humanitarian
principles, international humanitarian laws, human rights and refuge laws. However, Interviewee
5 (Friday, May 21, 2021), argued this notion in the other way that „in Ethiopia, unless such
international laws are ratified by the House of Peoples Representatives which to get equal status
with domestic laws, the laws of the land are given priority than international law`.
As this interviewee further elaborated the argument below:
Everyone found in everywhere has the right to exercise the same human
rights. Hence, human rights are fundamental rights which have no difference
in application of it in both international and domestic laws. In contrast, in
other than human rights law, domestic law takes precedence over other
international law. In order to implement international laws at home country, it
must be presented to our parliament for approval. Therefore, aid agencies are
required to comply with the laws of the land. However, in the current era of
globalization, it is undeniable that the influence of international institutions
powerful countries will be enormous. (Interviewee 5, Friday, May 21, 2021).
In addition, Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) explains how humanitarian aid is provided
in times of war and in times of peace. In times of peace, the government will design a project and
donors allocate funds in accordance with the designed project for humanitarian assistance.
However, „it is important to know one thing that‟ as this respondent stated „when conflict arises,
there will be internal displacement, migrations, and injury‟. Therefore, as this respondent pointed
out:
In order to provide humanitarian assistance with respecting the national interests
of the country, the law of the land and the principles of humanitarian aid
provision, the government needs be taken into account humanitarian assistance
provided by foreign aid organizations in areas of conflict and in times of war.
(Interviewee -1, Thursday, May 20, 2021).
In general, the response of interviewees, the information published in the Ethiopian herald
Gazette and information disseminated from Ethiopian Human Rights Commission have similar
positions on the provision of humanitarian assistance to the people in need in conflict-affected
areas of Ethiopia. Both stressed the need for all to abide by Ethiopian law. Both agreed that the
provision of humanitarian aid to the people in need without the recognition of the Ethiopian
35
government's seen or recognized as a violation of the country's sovereignty. The evidence also
suggested that the government's position on the protection of the violation of the country's
sovereignty is good, but that if the provision of humanitarian aid from aid providers will be
discontinued, there will be shortage of the required amount of aid and hence, the government
should prepare alternatives option to reduce the shortage of aid provision that helps to provide
immediate assistance to those in need.
4.3.2. Humanitarian Aid in Tigray Region: Ethiopia and EU Position
It was on 4 November 2020 that the TPLF special force and militia attacked Ethiopian National
Defiance Force. Following this incident, the Ethiopian government has begun the law
enforcement campaign in the Tigray region and many innocent people have exposed to seek
humanitarian assistance. During the period of law enforcement period as Interviewee -3,
(Thursday, May 20, 2021) stated, the air and road, telecom, electric power and infrastructure
were also damaged and made it difficult to easily deliver humanitarian aid. Meanwhile, as both
Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021), Interviewee -2 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) and
Interviewee -5 (Friday, May 21, 2021) responded, international organizations and other donor
countries have accused the Ethiopian government of failing to provide adequate humanitarian
assistance to those affected and creating conducive environment to accessing them. However,
fearing that it could pose a threat to both aid workers and national security, the government
wants aid agencies to provide an assistance in collaboration with him,.
MoFA also stated in its news in the week on Friday, February 26/2021 that in spite of efforts to
explain the unfolding situation in the Tigray region, there still appears to be a clear lack of
understanding within the international community on the genesis of the problem and why the
Federal Government was compelled to undertake law enforcement measures to restore
constitutionality and the rule of law. In addition, although the government announced on Friday,
May 7/2021 by MoFA weekly news briefing that the pocket areas that were inaccessible are now
being reached out through military escort, EU‟s statement by EU High Representative and Vice-
President Josep Borrell and EU Commissioner for Crisis Management Janez Lenarcic released
on Friday, May 14/2021 about the restricted humanitarian access to Tigray region that stated that
„blockades by military forces are severely impeding the ability for assistance to reach rural areas,
where the humanitarian crisis is at the worst level‟.
36
As Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) noted, however the government announced that all
people, about 4.5 million, in need have got food and nonfood items of humanitarian assistance,
EU estimated that more than 5.2 million people internally displaced in Tigray and need
humanitarian assistance. This interviewee also added that EU and other international bodies also
accused the government of Ethiopia that it has not opened access to aid to these people found in
Tigray region.
Statement by EU High Representative and Vice-President Josep Borrell and EU Commissioner
for Crisis Management Janez Lenarčič stated on Friday may 14/2021 that:
At least 5.2 million people out of 5.7 million in Tigray are in need of emergency
food assistance. According to the UN, only about 12 per cent of the three
million people in need of emergency shelter and non-food items have been
reached since May 3/2021. (EU, Friday, May 14/2021).
However, government knows the conflict areas in the region, the location of those in need, the
convenience of providing assistance, the number of people in need, and the type of assistance
needed and other situation in the Tigray region. In addition, as this interviewee stated, EU wants
to provide aid to those in need in the Tigray region independently, free access or unrestricted
movement in conflict areas of the region for humanitarian assistance, extension of visas and
opening the Ethio-Sudan border.
In this regard, this interviewee stated below that:
The current situation in the Tigray region and some other parts of the country
is a well-known issue, known to international institutions and the media. As a
result, donors can provide assistance with the government or done in an area
where the government allows them to operate. This is because if aid agencies
enter the conflict areas of Tigray region without government approval, they
may have improper contact with suspected war criminals that are wanted by
the government. In addition, providing assistance in this condition to the
people in need will harm more than it benefits both the humanitarian workers
that may face challenges in conflict areas and the interests of the state.
(Interviewee 1, Thursday, May 20, 2021).
Regarding to opening access for humanitarian assistance in Tigray region, as Interviewee -2
(Thursday, May 20, 2021) responded „Ethiopian government is very open, made accessible for
humanitarian activities and facilitates these activities in Tigray region‟. Interviewee -1 agreed on
Interviewee -2 ideas that „no aid will entertain with the expense of national interests‟. Previously,
as Interviewee -1 stated below:
37
The European Union was firmly working with the Ethiopian government on
humanitarian assistance, building democracy and other development projects. It
also supported Ethiopia's ongoing reform process, the law enforcement campaign
in the Tigray region at the beginning, the ongoing processes of the sixth general
national election, and other activities. However, a few days later after the law
enforcement campaign started it Tigray region, EU began to criticize the
government on law enforcement campaign and set precondition about its
humanitarian aid support to Ethiopia. (Interviewee -1, Thursday, May 20, 2021).
Accordingly, as these interviewees stated, the EU issued several statements, decisions and
resolutions in relation to it. Among several preconditions were, as Interviewee -1 (Thursday,
May 20, 2021) stated above, the need of provide aid to those in need in the Tigray region by EU
and other aid agencies independently, getting free access or unrestricted movement in conflict
areas of the region, extension of visas and opening the Ethio-Sudan border were the main one.
However, as both interviewees stated Ethiopian government position in this regard that the
government knows the conflict areas in the region, the location of those in need, the convenience
of providing assistance, the number of people in need, and the type of assistance needed.
Interviewee -4 also clearly supported the above mention argument as follows:
If EU and other aid agencies have not any hidden agenda, they will not lose
anything work with the government. Hence, allowing these preconditions in areas
of conflict is not an easy task. Letting them to do in this condition will have the
consequence of intentionally or unintentionally harm the interests of Ethiopia.
(Interviewee -4, Friday, May 21, 2021).
In the same way, The Ethiopian Herald interviewed Ethiopian Human Rights Commissioner in
this regard and reported on Thursday, December 17/2020 that according to the international
humanitarian law, governments have full rights to regulate humanitarian organizations. In
addition, it would help governments to identify organizations whether they have hidden political
agenda or not. In addition, as it stated in the website of MoFA, the Office of the Prime Minister
had also issued a statement on the Tigray region of enforcement operations that the federal
government of Ethiopia encourages international partners interested in supporting our efforts of
rebuilding the Tigray region to engage usefully.
The statement further stated below that:
Engagements need to be based on ensuring that the people of the region receive
the assistance they need for life to fully return to normalcy. Ethiopia rejects any
partisan interventions and politically motivated campaigns against the country and
38
the government, aimed at undermining the rule of law measures it has taken and
will continue to take in bringing the criminal clique and other perpetrators to
justice. (MoFA, Friday, March 5, 2021)
Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021), also explained that if aid agencies enter the Tigray
region without government confirmation, government believed that they may make inappropriate
relation with war criminals who are fighting with the government and the assistance provided in
this condition may harm more than it benefits the people in need. Therefore, in order to
effectively provide aid to those in need, the interviewee responded that it will be better to work
in collaboration with the government or recommended them to work in areas that approved by
government for humanitarian activities.
Through time, as both Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021), Interviewee -2 (Thursday, May
20, 2021) and Interviewee -5 (Friday, May 21, 2021) responded in this regard that Ethiopian
government providing information continuously about way how to provide humanitarian aid in
conflict areas of Tigray region and other related issues to those who went to provide
humanitarian assistance to the people in need. It also government opened most of the areas to
those who wish to freely travel and provide assistance where the government previously
restricted to travel. However most of the Tigray region is currently open to international aid
agencies, the respondent added that, they have not yet provided significant humanitarian
assistance.
Similarly, based on the Vienna Convention, as this interviewee stated, relations between nations
are governed with respect state sovereignty. As the interviewee stated below:
Relations between sovereign nations are governed by Vienna Convention.
Sovereignty is a matter of respecting the laws that govern the country. Ethiopia
began the law enforcement campaign with the approval of the House of Peoples'
Representatives. Under Vienna Convention and other international law, no one
can enter in a sovereign state and provide assistance or perform any other
activity without permission the government. Accordingly, any actor is not right
when it is not act in accordance with the laws of a sovereign state. Based on
this, preconditions raised by EU are against international law and bypass the
internal affairs of a country. (Interviewee -1, Thursday, May 20, 2021).
It also stated in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties which opened for signature on 23
May 1969 by the United Nations Conference on the Law of Treaties as follows:
39
Having in mind the principles of international law embodied in the Charter of the
United Nations, such as the principles of the equal rights and self-determination
of peoples, of the sovereign equality and independence of all States, of non-
interference in the domestic affairs of States, of the prohibition of the threat or
use of force and of universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and
fundamental freedoms for all. (UN, 2005: p.1)
However, although the Vena Convention, international law, and the laws of the land
indicate that no one can interfere in a country's internal affairs, the EU's position is
different. Similarly, reports in the international media support this position of the
European Union. For instance, as stated in the above subtitles of this chapter, EU has the
positions to provide humanitarian assistance to those in need in the Tigray region without
any intervention of Ethiopian Government, wants free access in conflict areas including
rehabilitating the damaged road and other communication infrastructure of the region for
humanitarian assistance. EU also publicized in its website on Wednesday, May 5/2021
that the conflict in the Tigray region which broke out early November 2020 caused the
death of thousands of fighters and civilians, and around 4.5 million people require
emergency food assistance. In addition, for the past 3 months, EU added in its statement
that, the security situation in the Tigray region remains unstable and due to the conflict,
humanitarian organizations have had only very limited access to the region. EU also
announced about its concern on the Tigray region humanitarian situation that:
The EU stresses that it is essential to provide unconditional, unhindered, safe,
and urgent access for humanitarian aid and aid workers to assist people in need
in all affected areas, in line with the fundamental humanitarian principles of
impartiality, neutrality, and operational independence. The EU stands ready to
scale up its support to address acute humanitarian needs inside Ethiopia in the
coming weeks. (EU, Monday, April 19/2021).
Similarly, EU publicized a joint statement announcement by G7 foreign and development
ministers‟ Meeting about the situation in Tigray on Wednesday, May 5/2021). The joint
statement of G7 foreign and development ministers‟ Meeting announcement stated that:
……….there is a continued destruction and looting of religious and cultural
heritage sites, killing of civilians, rape and sexual exploitation and other forms
of gender-based violence that worsening humanitarian and human rights crises.
It is also included in this statement that immediate and unhindered humanitarian
access for humanitarian assistance provision expected from the government of
Ethiopia. (EU, Wednesday, May 5/2021).
40
EU High Representative and Vice-President Josep Borrell stated in this regard on Friday,
January 15/2021 that the situation in the Tigray region is desperate for the local population and
the conflict is unsettling dynamics both within Ethiopia and the whole region. As Josep Borrell
stated on the same day that „I have passed a clear message to the Ethiopian leadership: we are
ready to help, but unless there is access for humanitarian aid operators, the EU cannot disburse
the planned budget support to the Ethiopian government‟.
euobserver also disseminated information about the situation of humanitarian provision in Tigray
region on Tuesday Februarys 2/2021 that The EU has urged Ethiopia to let the international
community full and immediate access see what is going on Tigray region law enforcement
operation. It also published on Monday May 17/2021, on Wednesday May 19/2021 and on
Wednesday March 3/2021 that the humanitarian situation in Tigray region is worse than ever
since the conflict began in November 2020 and resulted that EU is preparing to freeze €90
million of budgetary support for Ethiopia and EU floats Ethiopia sanctions over humanitarian
Aid.
Similarly, Aljazeera reported on Thursday April 22/2021, on Sunday February 7/2021 by quoting
UN agencies and other humanitarian Agencies officials that the humanitarian situation in Tigray
has deteriorated and vast majority of people is completely or partially inaccessible for
humanitarian agencies. It added that it is hard to reach rural areas for emergency food aid to the
people in need.
On the other side, the Government of Ethiopia has expressed its deep concern by the
statement the European Union is issuing regarding the situation in Tigray. While the
government of Ethiopia was more than willing to facilitate travel to the region, the
disseminated statements and facts do not reflect the reality on the ground (ENA, Monday,
March 1/2021; ENA, February 10/2021).
In the same way, As the government of Ethiopia stated, currently, more than 75 international
humanitarian agencies are operating in Tigray State to assist those in need, and humanitarian
assistance distributed through 92 distribution centers set up in 36 woredas of Tigray region.
The government argued that those who say that humanitarian assistance is not being provided
in Tigray region are seeking political gain. As the government of Ethiopia stated,
humanitarian assistance, including food, non-food items and medical supplies, has reached to
those the people in need including women, children, the elderly and the disabled persons in
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found in Tigray region. (FBC, Tuesday, February 23/2021; FBC, Thursday, January 21/2021;
FBC, Tuesday, January 21/2021).
Information provided by the Ethiopian government and local media regarding humanitarian
assistance in the Tigray region differs from that provided by the European Union, other
international organizations and the international media. Domestic data indicate that the positions
of Ethiopian government are correct, and foreign media indicate that the Ethiopian government
will not provide assistance from the EU unless it meets EU requirements. However,
humanitarian assistance must be based on an agreement between the donor and the recipients,
which does not infringe on the sovereignty of the country, respects the human rights of its
citizens. Since the primary function of governments is to respect the rights of citizens and the
main purpose of both donors and recipients is to alleviate the plight of those in need, it is
important to ensure that the people in need for humanitarian assistance get assistance as soon as
possible. Therefore, it is necessary to reduce the pressure on Ethiopia from international
organizations by narrowing the gap between the two parties, as well, in order to meet the needs
of those in need by providing the required amount of assistance, donors need to narrow their gap
with the Ethiopian government.
4.3.3. Humanitarian Aid Dispute Impacts on Future Ethio-EU Relations
Regarding to the question „how far the Ethio-EU humanitarian aid disagreement will affect their
future relationship‟, all respondents stated that the dispute over the provision of humanitarian
assistance to the people in need in Tigray region would not significantly affect their future
relationship. As it stated by Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021), „Ethiopia has an
influential power in the horn region which is the world strategic place, in order to meet its
interests in the horn region, I hope, EU will continue strengthen its strategic partnership with
Ethiopia‟. However, as Interviewee -3 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) stated the international
communities understand that Ethiopia is now at civil war that the country is on the verge of
collapse which will have negative impact in Ethiopia‟s future relation with EU and the remaining
world. Hence, according to this interviewee, it needs to work hard to build the image of the
country by improving diplomatic practices, and explain the misconceptions of the current
situation about Ethiopia. Interviewee -4 (Friday, May 21, 2021) also agreed on it that strong
diplomatic relations with the EU and its member states will be needed in the future so that the
current disagreement does not negatively affect our future relationship.
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On the other side, Interviewee -2 (Thursday, May 20, 2021), mentioned Ethiopia's long history
and its participation in international forums make it a preferred country by EU and the rest of the
world. As this interviewee stated:
……..Ethiopia has a long history of relations with European countries. She is a
non-colonized, founding member of the League of Nations, the United Nations,
and the African Union. She has also contributed a lot for the world by
participating in these international organizations, the G-7 meetings and many
other international forums. Ethiopia has also long relationship with EU member
and non-member states. On the other side the EU is one of influential
intergovernmental organization in enhancing social, cultural, political and
economic developments. Therefore, Ethiopia, the EU and its member states do
not want to lose this long-term friendship and the recent disagreement on
humanitarian aid provision to the people in need in Tigray region will not affect
that much their current strategic partnership, future relationship and age-old
relations friendship unless continuing by strengthening it. (Interviewee -2
(Thursday, May 20, 2021).
However, as Interviewee -5 (Friday, May 21, 2021) commented the position of Interviewee -2
that although Ethiopia's history, experience in international arena and geographical location will
make it the preferred country in the world, it cannot benefit alone unless increasing its economic
development and have a stable peace that will have an impact on its influence in the Horn of
Africa, the demand to be a preferred country and to reinforce the strategic partnerships with the
European Union. Currently, as it stated by Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021), “the
question of the European Union regarding to the current issues of Tigray region is gradually
resolving. In addition, the current over all relationship with the European Union is largely
positive, despite some disagreements”.
The MoFA also announced on Friday, March 19/2021 in its weekly news briefing that Ethiopia
and the European Union have held consultations on their future cooperation for the next 2021-
2027 period. Following this discussion, as MoFA publicized in its website on Friday, April
23/2021, the European Union has declared new funding of 53.7 million Euros in humanitarian
aid for the most vulnerable people in Ethiopia, including those affected in Tigray region.
Similarly, According to The Ethiopian Herald report published on Saturday, December 19/2020
by interviewing the head of European Union Delegation to Ethiopia, Ambassador Johan
Borgstam that the European Union has an interest in a strong and stable Ethiopia and will
continue investing so much in its partnership with the Ethiopian government, peoples, and civic
society organizations. In addition, The Ethiopian Herald also reported on Saturday, March 13/
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2021 about the European Union statement on the current situation in Ethiopia that the EU will
support the decision of the Ethiopian government to maintain regional stability, resolve conflicts,
stabilization the horn region and will continue with Ethiopia as a strategic partner.
EU also approved a new geo-strategic priority about the Horn of Africa on Monday, May
10/2021 by the Council of the European Union and it stated that:
The Horn of Africa is strategically important region and the EU is fully
committed to deepen its strategic relationship and partnership with the horn
region. Ethiopia is also an important regional and multilateral actor and EU will
continue as a strategic partner. However, EU expressed its concern about the
conflict in Tigray and increasing ethnic violence in the country will have negative
consequences on the region. (EU, Monday, May 10/2021),
Hence, as both above mentioned data indicated that, since the dispute between Ethiopia and EU
is being resolved and they want to work together on their common good for their mutually
benefit, the current misunderstanding does not have a significant impact on their relationship in
the future, instead, they expressed their hope that Ethio-EU relationship would grow and
continue to be strategic partner. Therefore, evidence from both the European Union and the
Ethiopian government indicates that the current dispute over humanitarian assistance will not
affect their future relations. However, due to the fact that the information published by the
international media is the opposite, care should be taken not to damage the future relationship
between the two parties.
4.4. Opportunities and Challenges of Humanitarian Aid for Ethiopia
As stated in the above, Ethiopia has many advantages over many other countries. One of them is
that its geographical location found in the Horn of Africa. Second, its strong presence in Eastern
African countries and the IGAD. Its international participation, long history, and long-standing
friendship with many countries are also having significant opportunities for Ethiopia.
As Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) stated „the Horn of Africa region is the gateway for
up to 90 percent of the world's trade‟. This interviewee added that many countries and
organizations have the base in the region and they believed that unless Ethiopia is a stable
country the region will not stabilized. Furthermore, this interviewee stated:
As Ethiopia is an influential country in IGAD as well as in the horn region, many
countries around the world need Ethiopia's support to ensure peace in the region
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and meet their needs from the region. Therefore, aid agencies and donors provided
the assistance not only benefit Ethiopia but also meet their own needs through
Ethiopia. Similarly, the European Union has also its own interests in the horn region
but wants to have its own base in the region and hence wants to improve its
relations with Ethiopia. (Interviewee -1, Thursday, May 20, 2021).
Accordingly, in order to enhance its future relationship with Ethiopia, as this interviewee
responded, currently, it revised and approved a new strategy to continue as a strategic partnership
with Ethiopia and supporting East African countries.
In addition, as Interviewee –3 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) stated, Ethiopia has the opportunity to
use its bilateral relations with EU countries, particularly France and Germany, to withstand
pressure from the European Union. At the same time, Ethiopia has the opportunity to use the UK
as it has the potential to indirectly influence the Union. This interviewee explained this argument
more as stated below that:
……still, we do not manage our annual budget completely on our own,
hence, it will have negative effect on us if aid from institutions such as the
European Union will be reduced, suspended or stopped. Therefore, when
such problems happen, it is important to prioritize national interests and
pursue other alternatives. For example, when the problems happens with EU
regarding humanitarian assistance, it will have to continue to work with the
EU on other issues and find other alternatives to get the intended
humanitarian assistance from other institutions and countries by making and
enhancing bilateral and multilateral relations. (Interviewee –3, Thursday,
May 20, 2021).
In this regard, for instance, MoFA in its news briefing on Friday, January 22/2021 that however
it had reservation on its humanitarian assistance to Ethiopia, the European Union had donated
vaccine filling and labeling machine worth over 800,000 euros to the National Veterinary
Institute of Ethiopia which would assist Ethiopia‟s efforts to eradicate goat and sheep disease by
2027.
Interviewee –1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) and Interviewee –5 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) also
pointed out that as the European Union is a group of member states, the leaders of the EU are
elected from among the member states. Thus, when these leaders prepare a report about Ethiopia,
it may vary depending on the extent of Ethiopia‟s relationship with the EU leaders‟ respective
countries, with the individual leaders‟ and with the EU. Therefore, in addition to the European
Union, it is important to strengthen relations with the countries represented by the leaders, with
the individual leaders and the EU.
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On the other side, aid agencies think that aid recipient countries will accept what the aid agencies
went. As Interviewee -1 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) stated, however the EU supported Ethiopia in
different activities, it fixed preconditions to provide assistance to Ethiopia believing that the law
enforcement campaign and restriction of free movement in in Tigray region is not right.
However, as it was reported by The Ethiopian Herald on Sunday, March 21/2021 and on
Thursday, March 4/2021, the government currently allowed unhindered humanitarian access and
total of 135 international organizations have been granted with access to Tigray region, the
foreign aid groups operating in Tigray region have been providing inadequate supports for
unjustified reasons. Hence, the report added that it was the federal government has taken the
leading in providing humanitarian assistance for several months.
Interviewee -2 (Thursday, May 20, 2021) also stated on this regard that, although their
requirements to provide humanitarian assistance to those in need in Tigray region will be settled
by the government, their contribution was not more than 30 percent; the remaining 70 percent of
humanitarian aid provided by the government.
In addition, however both of the interviewees, Ethiopian government reports and local media
outlets stated that the information disseminated by EU officials, G7, UN agencies, some
international media organizations about the Tigray region humanitarian situation following the
law enforcement campaign is untruthful, without understanding Ethiopia‟s current situation and
failed to capture the important steps taken by the Government of Ethiopia, they have provided
untrue and exaggerated information about the current situation of Tigray region.
Furthermore, as Interviewee -4 (Friday, May 21, 2021) stated, however humanitarian diplomacy
is now widely used worldwide and plays a great role for image building activities, due to the lack
of understanding for this type of diplomacy it is not professionally functioned in Ethiopia.
4.5. Summary of Findings
The analysis of the research was conducted by categorizing the collected qualitative data based
their themes and summarized major findings as follows. Accordingly, the research finding
showed that the EU and the Ethiopian government have used this diplomacy, sometimes as a
means of fulfilling human rights and at other times as a means of fulfilling democratic rights.
This research also indicated that currently, humanitarian diplomacy is mostly applied by
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powerful countries and organizations whereas it is implemented less in Ethiopia in a professional
manner.
The national interest of a country is based on the protection of the human and democratic rights
of its citizens. However, it is shown in the result of this research that, some countries view
humanitarian aid as an investment which may have an effect to harm the national interests of the
recipient countries. It was also found as one of the result of this research that there are
differences in the provision of humanitarian assistance to those in need between the Ethiopian
government which prefer direct funding and donors, particularly the European Union, want to
provide via their own overseas organizations.
This research also showed that in the occasion of a disagreement between recipient countries
with the aid agencies donor and the, the intended assistance to the victims may be delayed, until
the problems will be resolved. Similarly, the research presented in its findings that when donor
countries do not agree with recipient countries, having alternatives options from others from
other sources, as the Ethiopian government is resolving its dispute on humanitarian aid with the
EU, could by one of the way-out.
One of the findings of this research is that no country can provide any assistance without
geopolitical interest. Hence, as Ethiopia is a country in the Horn of Africa, a strategic place for
the international community in order to secure their interests in the horn region, most countries
including EU want to strengthen their relationship by making a strategic partner with Ethiopia
and provide different assistances in different forms. Therefore, this research suggested that
Ethiopia should take this opportunity to achieve its vision of overcoming poverty; on the
contrary, if it is not used this opportunity properly she will be in trouble.
The disagreements with the Ethiopian government with the European Union regarding
humanitarian assistance in the Tigray region negatively affected the image of the country
attracted the attention of a number of international communities. As a result, the research found
that in the event of such a crisis, it needs to work hard to build the image of the country and to
protect national interests by explain the misconceptions of about Ethiopia by providing closer
information to the international community and establish a viable diplomatic relation system that
will enable them to do so. The research also suggests that although Ethiopia has a long history in
international relations and located in a preferred geopolitical location, these alone will not bring
lasting benefits unless maintaining its internal unity, safeguarding peace and peace and
enhancing economic development by taking these advantages.
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CHAPTER FIVE
5. Conclusions and Recommendations
In this part, conclusions and recommendations would have been discussed. The conclusion
focuses on the research objectives and the findings of the research and the recommendation
drown from conclusion.
5.1.
Conclusions
As humanitarian diplomacy mainly deals about humanitarian assistance to those affected by
natural and man-made disasters, assistance in such areas is a matter of caution as there may be a
conflict of interest between the donor, the recipient and the government of the recipient
countries. Accordingly, this research was conducted based on the dispute between the Ethiopian
Government and European Union over the way of humanitarian assistance provision to the
people in need in Tigray region following the law enforcement campaign since November 2020.
Since this research is a qualitative research, it is done by describing the obtained data via primary
and secondary data sources. Although the researcher wanted to collect data from interviews from
the Office of Delegation of European Union to Ethiopia and from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
of Ethiopia, the researcher could not get information from the Office of Delegation of European
Union to Ethiopia via interview. However, the expected <