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Análisis de los encuadres en redes sociales durante la campaña presidencial en México de 2018. Caso Twitter
Abstract
Este capítulo analiza a través de la teoría del framing la presencia de encuadres en los mensajes emitidos por los 5 candidatos a la presidencia en México en 2018. Se tuvo como herramienta de recolección de datos el análisis de contenido, de igual forma se usó la plataforma Twitonomy Analytics, con lo cual se pudieron recuperar todos los tweets publicados de los candidatos a la presidencia y poder generar una muestra final de 3474 publicaciones. Entre los principales hallazgos se muestra que los encuadres con mayor presencia fueron el de Promoción Electoral y el de Participación Ciudadana, en los cuales se destacaba la presencia de los ciudadanos en los mensajes de la candidata y los candidatos a la Presidencia de México.
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The present work seeks to identify in particular, using a quasi-experiment, what type of persuasive route, if peripheral or central, has the most incidences in political disaffection, the effects that these generate in the cognitivism, emotions, and the indirect measurements of electoral behavior, which could be the intention of vote, and political efficiency. The contemplated items showed statistical differences between both experimental groups that are significative; giving as an important result a high level of political disaffection. Resumen: El presente trabajo busca identificar en particular, por medio de un cuasi-experimento, qué tipo de ruta persuasiva, si la periférica o la central, tiene más incidencia en la desafección política, así como los efectos que éstos generan en las cogniciones, emociones y las medidas indirectas de comportamiento electoral, como es la intención de voto, la eficacia política. En los ítems contemplados se encontraron diferencias estadísticamente significativas entre ambos grupos experimentales indicando un alto grado de desafección política. Introducción La publicidad política en México, en particular la televisada, es uno de los temas que se encuentran más en auge dentro de los estudios académicos, debido a que los procesos electorales en el país son cada vez más inciertos en cuanto al resultado o a su desarrollo y al creciente apogeo de la comunicación política. Los estudios sobre comunicación política electoral se han enfocado principalmente en el análisis de la cobertura mediática de las elecciones, desde una perspectiva normativa manejando que una decisión informada debe formarse de argumentos a favor y en contra de cada candidato (Trejo, 2001; Toussaint, 2000; Kaid, 1999); lo cual debería ser una de las funciones primordiales de los spots políticos. Ya que, como señala Juárez (2007), los spots son producciones destinadas a persuadir al electorado más que a informarlo objetivamente, es importante identificar las rutas o métodos de persuasión que manejen dichos anuncios. Para el desarrollo del presente trabajo se tomó como referencia el citado modelo de persuasión (ELM) que propone la existencia de dos rutas para lograr el impacto en los espectadores: la ruta central y la periférica. La primera se orienta a presentar los argumentos y buscar la comprensión de un mensaje mostrado como tal; mientras que la segunda se apoya en los "adornos" del mismo (Pastor & Juste, 2010). Antecedentes e hipótesis de investigación En la revisión de la literatura se refleja el déficit de estudios en el contexto mexicano acerca de los efectos de las rutas persuasivas, periféricas y centrales, en los spots. El presente trabajo busca identificar en particular qué tipo de ruta persuasiva, si la periférica o la central, tiene más incidencia en la desafección política, así como los efectos que éstos generan en las cogniciones, emociones y las medidas indirectas de comportamiento electoral, como es la intención de voto, la eficacia política.
This article presents an overview of research about of Twitter in the field of political communication and also analyzes the main theoretical trends. It explores the development of the scientific research into Twitter, initiated after its appearance in 2006, and considers three main areas: First, the use of Twitter by political users (politicians, parties, media, and citizens); second, political debate on Twitter and its effects; and third, the innovations of strategy and use during electoral campaigns. Finally, some final considerations in this article highlight spaces to deepen the academic development of Twitter in relation to political communication.
This article presents a qualitative analysis model for televised political spots. Based on a spot for the 2006 presidential elections in Mexico, the audiovisual message is interpreted as a symbolic mechanism carrying three messages. The first two (optical and acoustical) contain the third one (written and oral language), all of them create a tridimensional set: a visual framing, an aural framing and a verbal framing.
The use of social networks, particularly Twitter, in the area of political communication is continually growing. Its capacity to foster direct and personal communication and interaction with the citizenry are two of the factors that explain its growth. The objective of this study is to analyse whether the principal Spanish political leaders (Mariano Rajoy, Pedro Sánchez, Pablo Iglesias, and Albert Rivera) dialogue and interact with the citizenry on Twitter. To that end, a quantitative content analysis is applied, taking as a reference the methodology of Kent and Taylor (1998) and its adaptation to Twitter by Ribalko and Seltzer (2010). The sample is composed of tweets published by the four candidates during the campaign for the general elections held in Spain on 20 December 2015. The results reveal that independent of variables such as number of publications, profile followers, or ideology, none of the political leaders use Twitter to dialogue with their audience. Meanwhile, it is also shown that the use of this platform drives the hybridisation of political actors’ communicative strategies.
The conceptual architecture framing according to his theoretical tradition is reviewed, and proposing an application from a model of analysis of the communicative interaction characterized by the dialectical approach of mediations that affect them. This methodological approach is illustrated by analyzing a subject of world events such as the Climate Change (CC) on the TV news in Spain. Your previous is the project R & D “ The hegemonic discourse of the Media on "Climate Change" (Risk, Uncertainty and Conflict) and experimental test alternative discourses among youth ”, which analyzed the construction of the hegemonic discourse on realizing CC the framing that TV news offered on the Cancun and Durban summit in 2010 - 2011.
Las redes sociales posibilitan una rela-ción rápida y próxima entre candidatos y ciudadanos, que se potencia si los pri-meros fomentan el diálogo y la participa-ción de los segundos, es decir, mantienen un compromiso político 2.0. Se elaboró una escala para medir este compromiso en Facebook, validada mediante un análi-sis de contenido de los posteos publica-dos por los principales candidatos en dos elecciones a gobernador en estados mexicanos. Los resultados reflejan que Facebook es utilizado por los candidatos más para lanzar propuestas y reflexiones que como un escenario para promover la participación ciudadana mediante inter-cambio de ideas. Palabras clave: candidatos, campañas electorales, redes sociales, Facebook, compromiso político 2.0.
RESUMO As redes sociais permitem uma relação rápida e estreita entre os candidatos e os cidadãos, algo que é reforçado se os can-didatos fomentarem o diálogo e a partici-pação dos cidadãos, ou seja, se mantêm um compromisso político 2.0. Foi criada uma escala para medir esse compromisso no Facebook, validada por uma análise de conteúdo dos posts publicados pelos principais candidatos em duas eleições para governador em estados mexicanos. Os resultados mostram que o Facebook é usado por candidatos mais para apre-sentar propostas e reflexões que como um palco para promover a participação dos cidadãos através da troca de ideias. Palavras-chave: candidatos, campanhas eleitorais, redes sociais, Facebook, compromisso político 2.0.
Las transformaciones de los medios masivos y el surgimiento de nuevos medios han generado nuevas prácticas sociales. El objeto de estudio de este trabajo es la digitalización del discurso político. Para ello, utilizaremos herramientas de la socio-semiótica, de la teoría política y de la teoría de la mediatización y la convergencia. El corpus está formado por las cuentas de Twitter de los candidatos a la presidencia de las elecciones Argentina 2011. Apuntamos a detallar los modos de inserción del discurso político en las redes sociales. Sostenemos, como hipótesis, que los usos de las redes sociales por parte de los políticos están enmarcados en los acontecimientos políticos y, a la vez, implican lógicas de diferentes medios. A estos usos los denominamos estrategias mediáticas. Tomando en cuenta las herramientas de Twitter, la interrelación con los medios masivos y el mundo de la política, concluiremos con la emergencia de cuatro tipos de estrategia.
This research analyzes the use that political parties and candidates standing for the elections of the Community of Madrid held in 2015 made the microblog Twitter as part of their strategies for Communication Policy. Through content analysis methodology they have been studied 3999 tweets published by the accounts of the six candidates and parties that obtained a greater appreciation by the public. It is found that whilst it is true that are present in Twitter, its use is more focused as a bulletin board for discussions with other users.
Introducción. Este artículo presenta un estudio sobre el uso de la imagen demostrado en Twitter por 36 de los candidatos que concurrieron al proceso electoral municipal de 2015 en España. Metodología. La investigación empírica se apoya en el método del análisis de contenido, acometido a partir de una selección de variables extraídas de una minuciosa revisión bibliográfica. Resultados. La interpretación del trabajo de campo, compuesto por 388 recursos gráficos, ha revelado el carácter indicial de las fotografías de los alcaldables, así como la preponderancia de las técnicas de personalización. Discusión. Las posibilidades que entraña la plataforma de microblogging para la prolongación del contacto entre líderes y ciudadanos evidencian la conveniencia de incidir en la reflexión y extrapolar el tradicional interés por la imagen del ámbito televisivo al de las redes sociales. Conclusiones. Un mayor aprovechamiento de los recursos gráficos y de la comunicación política es posible en Twitter.
Past studies have shown positive relationships between use of social network sites (SNSs) and political engagement, but understanding of the mechanisms underlying the relationship is limited because they often did not take into account the diverse affordances of SNSs that can influence participation in different ways. Adopting the O-S-R-O-R (Orientation – Stimulus – Reasoning – Orientation – Response) model of political communication effects, this study examined the roles of Facebook network size, connections with public political actors, use for news, and political expression on political attitudes, protest and participation. Structural equation analyses were conducted based on data from a national sample in Hong Kong, a city state with one of the world’s highest Facebook penetration rates. Results showed that Facebook network size and connections with public political actors exhibit both direct and indirect effects on participation through Facebook news, expression and efficacy. Facebook news exhibited indirect effects primarily though political expression. A discriminant function analysis also showed that age, education, and online news exposure were the most influential variables for distinguishing Facebook users and non-users. Implications of the findings are discussed.
Politicians have been quick to adopt and leverage social media to engage voters. Micro-blogging on Twitter is a campaign tool that helps a political candidate directly interact with citizens through a shared conversation. It also allows the candidate to use a personal campaigning style based on a more everyday (versus an institutionalized) style of speech. The aim of this article is to analyse the extent to which the candidates for the presidency of the two leading parties in Spain deployed this personal strategy on Twitter during 2011 General-Election campaign. In order to achieve our goal, we have designed and used a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the 2.274 tweets put out by both candidates' accounts: @conRubalcaba and @marianorajoy.
Social media has skyrocketed to popularity in the past few years. The Arab Spring in 2011 as well as the 2008 and 2012 Obama campaigns have fueled interest in how social media might affect citizens’ participation in civic and political life. In response, researchers have produced 36 studies assessing the relationship between social media use and participation in civic and political life. This manuscript presents the results of a meta-analysis of research on social media use and participation. Overall, the metadata demonstrate a positive relationship between social media use and participation. More than 80% of coefficients are positive. However, questions remain about whether the relationship is causal and transformative. Only half of the coefficients were statistically significant. Studies using panel data are less likely to report positive and statistically significant coefficients between social media use and participation, compared to cross-sectional surveys. The metadata also suggest that social media use has minimal impact on participation in election campaigns.
To deepen our understanding of the relationship between social media and political change during the Egyptian uprising of early 2011, events in Tahrir Square must be situated in a larger context of media use and recent history of online activism. For several years, the most successful social movements in Egypt, including Kefaya, the April 6th Youth, and We are all Khaled Said, were those using social media to expand networks of disaffected Egyptians, broker relations between activists, and globalize the resources and reach of opposition leaders. Social media afforded these opposition leaders the means to shape repertoires of contention, frame the issues, propagate unifying symbols, and transform online activism into offline protests.
The main purpose of this study was to shed light on methodological problems in the content analysis of media frames. After a review of 5 common methods, we will present an alternative procedure that aims at improving reliability and validity. Based on the definition of frames advanced by R. M. Entman (1993), we propose that previously defined frame elements systematically group together in a specific way. This pattern of frame elements can be identified across several texts by means of cluster analysis. The proposed method is demonstrated with data on the coverage of the issue of biotechnology in The New York Times. It is concluded that the proposed method yields better results in terms of reliability and validity compared to previous methods.
[ES] Introducción: El impacto de las TIC sobre el modelo de comunicación política mediática ha otorgado una creciente centralidad a las webs partidistas en la estrategia de los partidos políticos, desde donde tratan de imponer su agenda en el espacio público. Objetivos y metodología: Este estudio propone un análisis integrado de a) la construcción de la agenda temática, b) el ataque al rival político y c) los frames de PP y PSOE en la campaña de 2011 a través de las noticias publicadas diariamente en sus sitios web. La metodología combina el análisis de contenido clásico, incorporando variables relativas al ataque al rival político, con una doble propuesta cuantitativa-cualitativa de análisis de los procesos de enmarcado. Conclusiones: El análisis pondrá de manifiesto el impacto de la crisis económica sobre la selección temática efectuada por parte de ambos partidos, así como en los encuadres que ambos buscan privilegiar.
[EN] Introduction: The impact of ICT on the media and the political communication model has given a growing centrality to the official websites of political parties to determine their partisan strategy. They use websites to try to impose their agenda on the public sphere. Methods: This study proposes an integrated analysis of a) the process of agenda building, b) the negative campaign and c) the frames of PP and PSOE in the 2011 campaign through the daily news published on their websites. The method combines classical content analysis with a dual quantitative and qualitative analysis of framing processes. Results: The analysis will highlight the impact of the economic crisis on the theme selection made by both parties, as well as in the frames that both seek to privilege.
The new media have changed the political scene dramatically. Thus, in the case of certain states such as the USA, Iran or Moldova, microblogging – especially through the platform Twitter – proved an efficient communication tool. Sharing is emerging as a way of distributing the news—tweets from the streets of Iran and from the rubble of Haiti have been retweeted hundreds of times in a new, virtual form of word of mouth. But what was the case of Romania, considering that, at the end of 2009, presidential elections were held here? The aim of the paper is to explore whether communication in 140 characters has had an influence on the Romanian presidential elections in 2009. The paper was facilitated by the online project Elections in 140 characters developed on the microblogging platform Cirip.eu, by creating at the start of the campaign a group dedicated to the presidential elections. Messages on this topic were sent in this group, and were also imported both from Twitter and from blogs, all of them reflecting the interaction/debate on the elections, between Romanian Internet users. However, the authors believe that if microblogging is used effectively it has the potential to do more than facilitate interaction between users (or users and candidates).
This essay examines the various roles and functions of the Internet predominantly in the Democratic primaries from January 1, 2008 through June 3, 2008. After tracing the emergence of the Internet in presidential campaigns since 1996, three functions of the Internet during the 2008 primary campaigns are examined. First, Democratic candidates employed their Web sites to create ideological unity, involvement, and commitment among their supporters and as a foundation for a new source of campaign funding, especially among small donors. Second, the Internet provides a foundation for tracking, if not predicting, the success of specific candidates at different stages in the campaign process. Third, while only an emergent force, the Internet increasingly appears to be functioning as an independent, if not discrete, sociopolitical system with unique modes of interaction, its own rules and procedures, and ultimately its own standards and guidelines for presidential campaigns. It is concluded that while the Internet can be usefully viewed strategically as an instrument to be manipulated by political candidates, it may be appropriate to also examine the Internet as a unique and discrete social system with its own ethos, pathos, and logos.
In this article, the authors discuss the three most important strategic framing choices by political actors (“substantive emphasis choice,” “oppositional emphasis choice,” and “contest emphasis choice”) of direct-democratic campaigns. The authors investigate these strategic framing choices in the media input and look at how the political actors change their choices in another communication channel (political advertisement) and over time. The results provide the following insights: First, political actors tend to emphasize one to two main frames in their media input. They generally also use their main frames in the political advertisements and stay on their main frames over time. Second, although political actors tend to emphasize their own frames, they do not exclusively revert to this behavior. The authors find that the political actors pay more attention to their opponents’ frames in the media input than in the ads. With regard to variation over time, the authors can state that campaign dialogue does not disappear over the course of the campaign. Third, framing is primarily accomplished in substantive terms. In the advertisements and toward the end of the campaign, the authors do not find more contest frames.
Framing-ari buruzko Espainiako ikerketak nazioarteko joera nagusiak oinordetzan hartu ditu. Hala ere, lan-talde finkatuen gabezia eta banakako ahaleginen nagusitasuna direla eta, espezialitate honen buru diren atzerriko eskolekiko nolabaiteko atzerapena gertatu da. Artikulu honek nazioartean komunikazioan egiten den framing-ari buruzko ikerketaren egungo egoera aztertzen du, eta lau arlo handi eta bi ikuspegi orokorretan oinarritutako artikulazio eraginkorragoa proposatzen du. Ikerlanaren begirada komunikate zientifiko espainiarrari zuzentzen zaio, bere alde indartsuak eta ahulak antzemateko. The Spanish Communication Research about Framing receives the legacy of the leading trends at the international sphere. However, the lack of powerful research teams and the prevalence of individual efforts locate the Spanish scholars at a secondary role in comparison with the leaders of this line of research. This paper reviews the state of the art of the Communication Research about Framing, offering a new distribution of this scientific production in four main fields and two general perspectives. After that, the analytical focus is reduced to the Spanish scientific community, identifying its main strengthens and debilities . La investigación sobre framing en España es heredera de las tendencias dominantes a escala internacional. Sin embargo, la carencia de equipos de trabajo consolidados y el predominio del esfuerzo individual la sitúan en una posición de relativo retraso respecto a las escuelas extranjeras que lideran esta especialidad. Este artículo revisa el estado actual de la investigación en comunicación sobre framing a escala internacional, proponiendo una articulación más efectiva de estos estudios en cuatro grandes áreas y dos perspectivas generales. El punto de llegada del estudio centra su foco analítico sobre la comunidad científica española, detectando sus principales fortalezas y debilidades.
Why do some citizens vote while others do not? Why does less than half of the American voting public routinely show up at the polls? Why is it that the vast majority of political issues affecting our day-to-day lives fail to generate either public interest or understanding? These questions have troubled political scientists for decades. Here, Kathleen Hall Jamieson and Joseph N. Cappella provide the first conclusive evidence to date that it is indeed the manner in which the print and broadcast media cover political events and issues that fuels voter non-participation. This book illustrates precisely how the media’s heavy focus on the game of politics, rather than on its substance, starts a “spiral of cynicism” that directly causes an erosion of citizen interest and, ultimately, citizen participation. Having observed voters who watched and read different sets of reports—some saturated in strategy talk, others focused on the real issues—the authors show decisive links between the way in which the media covers campaigns’ and voters’ levels of cynicism and participation. By closely monitoring media coverage among sample audiences for both the recent mayoral race in Philadelphia and the national health care reform debate, the authors confront issues concerning the effects of issue-based and competitive-based political coverage. Finally, they address the question repeatedly asked by news editors, “Will the public read or watch an alternative media coverage that has more substance? ” The answer their findings so clearly reveal is “yes.” Spiral of Cynicism is a pioneering work that will urge the media to take a close look at how it covers political events and issues, as well as its degree of culpability in current voter dissatisfaction, cynicism, and non-participation. For, in these pages, a possible cure to such ills is just what Jamieson and Cappella have to offer. Moreover, their work is likely to redefine the terms of the very debate on how politics should be covered in the future.
Framing theory has experienced a rapid development since the mid-1960s, when it emerged in the field of sociology. Framing has become a multidisciplinary paradigm that allows the holistic study of media effects on individuals and audiences. Far from being exclusively located in the sender of information, framing is located in four elements of the communication process: the sender, the receiver, the (informative) message and culture. This article, in the form of a state of the art review, examines the main developments made in framing theory since the 1950s to this day, as well as the development and current state of framing research in Spain
This study investigates the content characteristics of Twitter during an election campaign, and the relationship between candidates’ style of online campaigning (i.e., politically personalized and interactive communication) and electoral support for those candidates. Thereby, it provides a better understanding of the linkage between the use of Twitter by candidates and effects on preferential votes. Two data sources are used to examine this relationship: first, a quantitative computer-assisted as well as a manual content analysis of tweets posted by political candidates during the Dutch national elections of 2010 (N = 40,957) and second, a dataset containing the number of votes for electable political candidates during that period. The findings show that using Twitter has positive consequences for political candidates. Candidates who used Twitter during the course of the campaign received more votes than those who did not, and using Twitter in an interactive way had a positive impact as well.
In a famous chapter of his Principles of Psychology William James analyzes our sense of reality.¹ Reality, so he states, means simply relation to our emotional and active life. The origin of all reality is subjective, whatever excites and stimulates our interest is real. To call a thing real means that this thing stands in a certain relation to ourselves. “The word ‘real’ is, in short, a fringe.” ² Our primitive impulse is to affirm immediately the reality of all that is conceived, as long as it remains uncontradicted. But there are several, probably an infinite number of various orders of realities, each with its own special and separate style of existence. James calls them “sub-universes” and mentions as examples the world of sense or physical things (as the paramount reality), the world of science, the world of ideal relations, the world of “idols of the tribe”, the various supernatural worlds of mythology and religion, the various worlds of individual opinion, the worlds of sheer madness and vagary.³ The popular mind conceives of all these sub-worlds more or less disconnectedly, and when dealing with one of them forgets for the time being its relations to the rest. But every object we think of is at last referred to one of these sub worlds.“
‘It was Twitter wot won it.’ Or was it? As Andy Williamson reports, new media was not the political game changer many commentators had predicted.
Twitter, Facebook, blogs: 2010 was supposed to be Britain's first ‘internet election’, but, in the end, it was the televised leaders' debates that really captured the public imagination. As Andy Williamson reports, new media played an important part in the campaigns but was not the game changer many commentators had predicted.
This study examines how news frames in campaign coverage affect individuals' interpretation of campaigns. Framing effects are conceptualized in terms of the process by which textual features in news stories set limits on knowledge use in the construction of a discourse model - a mental model constructed through the interaction between news frames and the interpreter's social knowledge. Examining message structures in campaign news stories led to identifying two major frames in campaign coverage: strategy and issue. Narrative data collected from two field experiments were analyzed. The findings suggest that both strategy-framed and issue-framed print news stories are effective in influencing campaign interpretation.
Public opinion often depends on how elites choose to frame issues. For example, citizens' opinions about a Ku Klux Klan rally may depend on whether elites frame the event as a free-speech issue or a public safety issue. Past research has focused largely on documenting the size of framing effects in uncontested settings. By contrast, there has been little research on framing in competitive environments in which individuals receive multiple frames representing alternative positions on an issue. We take an initial step toward understanding how frames work in competitive environments by integrating research on attitude structure and persuasion. Our theory of framing identifies the key individual and contextual parameters that determine which of many competing frames will have an effect on public opinion.
Recently, pundits and scholars have suggested that social network sites (SNSs) have fundamentally changed political campaigns. While SNSs may certainly have changed how information flows between citizens, activists and political elites, candidates still use SNSs to fulfill their electoral goals. Therefore, this paper explores Twitter use by Senate candidates in the weeks prior to the 2010 Midterm Election in an effort to determine what leads to use of SNSs during campaigns. The central findings of this paper are: 1) candidates tweet and spend money more when in competitive electoral setting, which suggest in both cases that resources are allocated strategically, and 2) outcomes are not influenced by the allocation of resources in one universal way. Different resources may have different influences on important electoral outcomes.
This special issue of Journal of Communication is devoted to theoretical explanations of news framing, agenda setting, and priming effects. It examines if and how the three models are related and what potential relationships between them tell theorists and researchers about the effects of mass media. As an introduction to this effort, this essay provides a very brief review of the three effects and their roots in media-effects research. Based on this overview, we highlight a few key dimensions along which one can compare, framing, agenda setting, and priming. We conclude with a description of the contexts within which the three models operate, and the broader implications that these conceptual distinctions have for the growth of our discipline.
As a method specifically intended for the study of messages, content analysis is fundamental to mass communication research. Intercoder reliability, more specifically termed intercoder agreement, is a measure of the extent to which independent judges make the same coding decisions in evaluating the characteristics of messages, and is at the heart of this method. Yet there are few standard and accessible guidelines available regarding the appropriate procedures to use to assess and report intercoder reliability, or software tools to calculate it. As a result, it seems likely that there is little consistency in how this critical element of content analysis is assessed and reported in published mass communication studies. Following a review of relevant concepts, indices, and tools, a content analysis of 200 studies utilizing content analysis published in the communication literature between 1994 and 1998 is used to characterize practices in the field. The results demonstrate that mass communication researchers often fail to assess (or at least report) intercoder reliability and often rely on percent agreement, an overly liberal index. Based on the review and these results, concrete guidelines are offered regarding procedures for assessment and reporting of this important aspect of content analysis.
Análisis de la campaña electoral de Barak Obama, como paradigma de una estrategia exitosa del uso de Internet con fines políticos y elemento fundamental en la recaudación de fondos y en la comunicación cotidiana con el electorado.
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