Article

Media Decentralization : The Case of Israel's Local Newspapers

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Bibliogr. s. 144-149

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... Le boom économique d'après-guerre accéléra la décentralisation de la presse écrite et produisit une industrie de presse locale florissante3 . À la même époque, essentiellement en raison de l'intégration accélérée d'immigrants, qui se sont tournés pour la plupart vers des media en hébreu, la situation des publications privées s'est améliorée aux dépens de journaux de partis et de la presse en langue étrangère. ...
Article
Cet article offre une vue générale de la carte des médias d’Israël et suggère cinq étapes dans son développement :1. La période pré-étatique (jusqu’en 1948) : les médias s’enracinent dans la période du Mandat britannique, avant l’établissement de l’État d’Israël en 1948.2. La période de transition (1948-1967) : la seconde étape s’étend depuis les premières années de la formation du pays jusqu’à la guerre des Six jours.3. Le pluralisme contrôlé (1967-1986) : cette période se caractérise principalement par le renforcement d’un environnement modéré et libéral, une structure plurielle contrôlée et des arrangements divers concernant les relations entre l’institution des médias et son contexte.4. Le grand air (1987-2006) : cette quatrième étape est le reflet de la politique néo-libérale du gouvernement israélien, comme la politique du grand large : le développement accéléré des infrastructures de communications et la multiplication des signes du déclin du statut de la presse imprimée.5. La crise de la presse imprimée (2007-) : la crise mondiale de la presse imprimée affecte Israël et parallèlement les nouveaux médias se développent rapidement.
... Another trend of the 1980s was the rise of local newspapers, the dominant ones being subsidiaries of the Yediot Aharonot, Maariv and Haaretz groups (Caspi, 1986). These were all weekly newspapers, and they too folded by the late 1990s. ...
Chapter
Leading up to Israel’s eighth decade, its media environment is rich and dynamic; however, the framework in which these media operate has not been as liberal as the large number of outlets may suggest. Upon its foundation, Israel had a vibrant printed press market, which was subject to a licensing regime and developed a close relationship with the military and security establishment. With the collapse of this regime in the early 2000s, it was replaced by a concentrated press industry with intimate and purportedly corrupt ties to government. The broadcast and cable media, which were initiated gradually – public media in the 1960s and commercial media in the 1990s – have always been heavily regulated and supervised by a plethora of regulatory agencies, which are deeply involved in the market structure and with oversight over content. A major characteristic of both media regulatory actions and the actors in the media environment is the existence of commercial government mouthpieces in print and broadcast, alongside documented efforts to control more newspaper, online and television assets. Perhaps a silver lining lies with the online media, which have gone under the regulatory radar and remained unlicensed, both with regard to online news and to entertainment.
... ‫בראש‬ ‫מטרתם‬ ,) Caspi, 1986 ...
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במאמר זה אמשיך ואאיר על השימושים ברשת האינטרנט בידי גופים אופוזיציוניים בתוך מוסדות פוליטיים. המאמר סוקר את הקשיים המסורתיים של סיעות אופוזיציוניות במועצות הרשויות המקומיות להעביר את מסריהן לתקשורת, לנוכח הקשר ההדוק בין שלטון ומקומון ברמה המקומית. כמו כן הוא עומד על השימוש באינטרנט על מנת להתארגן ולהישמע, ואף ליצור קישוריות בין סיעות אופוזיציוניות במגוון רשויות לצורך פעילות קולקטיבית.
... ‫העיתונות‬ ‫של‬ ‫צמיחתה‬ ‫את‬ (Caspi, 1986 ;1980 ‫וכלל‬ ,‫יפעת‬ ‫במערכת‬ ‫"מידע‬ ,"‫מקומי‬ ‫"מידעון‬ ,"‫מקומי‬ ‫"עיתון‬ ,"‫מקומי‬ ‫"מגזין‬ :‫מקומיים‬ ‫עיתונים‬ ."‫מקומי‬ ‫"פורטל‬ "‫"מקומונים‬ ,"‫מקומיות‬ ‫"חדשות‬ ,"‫"מקומי‬ ,"‫"אזורי‬ ,"‫מקומי‬ ‫במהלך‬ . ...
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העיתונות המקומית ממלאת תפקידים שונים מאלה של העיתונות הארצית, ובכך היא משמשת מרכיב חשוב ומשלים במפת התקשורת במרחב הציבורי. סקרי מדיה לאורך השנים מלמדים כי ציבור גדול באוכלוסייה צורך עיתונות מקומית בקביעות. עם זאת, מאז מחקרו פורץ הדרך של דן כספי על העיתונות המקומית נותרו המקומונים בישראל נושא עלום מבחינה מחקרית. ,(Caspi, 1986) בישראל מחקר זה נועד לתרום לגישור הפער המחקרי בתחום העיתונות המקומית בישראל. הסתמכנו על נתוני חברת יפעת מידע תקשורתי, מרכז אעלאם לתקשורת, ועל נתונים שאספנו ממקורות נוספים. אנו מסרטטים מיפוי מפורט של המקומונים בישראל על פי כמה חתכים. הניתוח כולל דיון במבנה הבעלות בשוק המקומונים, בהשפעת האינטרנט על המקומונים ובעיתונות המקומית במגזרים השונים בישראל. בסיום המאמר אנו מציגים דיון במגמות ההתפתחות של העיתונות המקומית בישראל לנוכח המשבר הפוקד את העיתונות מחד גיסא, והתבססותה של העיתונות המקוונת מאידך גיסא.
... Hunter called this a 'symbolic community' (Hunter, 1974). Research of the new processes in the Israeli media, namely, the emergence of local press editions and the decentralization of the national press (Caspi, 1986), as well as studies about the development of the Russianlanguage press during the mass immigration from the USSR in the 1970-1980s (Frankel-Rogovin, 1977Wartberg, 1993) were carried out in addition to the case studies about Israeli mass media. ...
Article
Russian-language Press and Immigrant Community in Israel Narspy ZILBERG and Elazar LESHEM As the community of new immigrants to Israel from the former Soviet Union rapidly grew to more than half a million people in the 1990s, more than 50 Russian-language periodicals appeared on the market. No other non-Hebrew-speaking language group has yielded such a large variety of periodicals. The independent immigrant press is a factor of consolidation of different immigrant groups into the wider community of ex-Soviet Jews in Israel, based on common identity, language and culture. The press maintains a complex balance between local ethnic and national activities and identification.
... The final twenty years of the twentieth century have seen significant changes in Israel's media structures, among them a significant growth in the number of print and electronic media. These new media consist of a second, commercial television channel, cable television which introduced satellite television channels, hundreds of local weekly newspapers (all privately owned and commercially operated), fourteen regional radio stations operated by franchise owners, and over one hundred and fifty pirate radio stations (Caspi, 1986;Caspi and Limor, 1999;Limor, 1997;Limor 1998;Nossek and Adoni 1996). ...
Article
The proliferation of cable television in Israel through independent infrastructures has provided a unique opportunity for a quasi-experimental study on audience response, and Israeli families in particular, to a new media technology. Cable television subscription in Israel differs from noncable households in the sense that cable television provides more individual viewing situations and encourages solitary TV viewing, and therefore should be considered a new media technology. Tins study examines various family characteristics and their ability to predict the extent to which families use the new technology for socialization. Data concerning family characteristics, duration of cable TV subscription and the extent families use television for instrumental, integrative and educational purposes, were collected from 254 urban families in 11 neighborhoods in the main cities of Israel. The results support the structural functional theory of communication as opposed to the technological, deterministic theory of communication. Subscription to cable television did not prove to be a significant predictor of the extent to which Israeli urban families use television to fulfill major socialization purposes. Family characteristics were found to influence the socializing role of cable television. The study reveals associations between certain family characteristics and the kind of socialization role (instrumental, integrative or educational) that television plays in the family. Cable television, by now a well-established feature in many households, may be considered a test case, and its current uses in the family an indication of the implications regarding the introduction of newer media technologies such as the PC and the Internet, and their potential socialization purposes within families.
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המחקר בודק את אופן הסיקור במקומונים בישראל של המחאה החברתית שהתרחשה במהלך קיץ 2011, במסגרתו נבדק כיצד מקומונים היוצאים לאור ברחבי הארץ ופונים לקהלים שונים סיקרו את המחאה, מהם קווי הדימיון והשוני בין מקומונים מאזורים שונים, בין פרקי זמן שונים במהלך המחאה, ובין סוגות עיתונאיות בתוך המקומונים. לצורך כך בוצע ניתוח תוכן כמותי ל- 1,005 כתבות שהתפרסמו במקומונים, שיצאו לאור בעברית מתחילת המחאה ) 14.7.2011 ( ועד 2.9.2011 , יום שישי שקדם ל"הפגנת המיליון" שבישרה את סיום המחאה. מהממצאים עולה כי היקף הסיקור היה אינטנסיבי, הכיסוי היה חיובי ברובו הגדול ורק מיעוט הכתבות כללו איזכורים שליליים. כשליש מהידיעות הציגו סמלים וסממנים של המחאה וציטטו באופן ישיר את המוחים המקומיים. ביותר מחצי מהידיעות האשמה הוטלה על המערכת הפוליטית הארצית ו/או המקומית. על אף שלמעלה מ- 80% מהידיעות שנבדקו כלל לא הכילו ביקורת כנגד "מחאת האוהלים", נמצא הבדל לא גדול אך מובהק בסיקור המחאה בין איזורים גיאוגרפיים שונים בישראל, כאשר הידיעות שיצאו לאור בפריפריה כללו מעט יותר מסרים ביקורתיים כנגד המחאה בהשוואה לידיעות שיצאו לאור באזור המרכז. ניתן ליחס חלק ניכר מהבדל זה לאופי סיקור המחאה בטורי הדעה שבמקומונים בפריפריה, שכן נמצאו הבדלים במסגור המחאה בין הידיעות החדשותיות והטורים האישיים )טורי דעה/ פרשנות(. הבדלים אלו נובעים ככל הנראה מהשוני בין הפרקטיקות המקצועיות המקובלות בסוגה העיתונאית "הקשה", העוסקת בדיווח חדשותי של מאורעות אקטואליים, לבין האופי הרשמי פחות של זירת הפובליציסטיקה.
Chapter
Since Israel became a state, the country’s media institution has leaned toward the continental European model, displaying remnants of both a British colonialist and a local European one adapted to Israeli reality. The theoretical significance of this framework is such that it swings between authoritarian characteristics of a media institution with newspaper licensing and military censorship, and democratic characteristics of a European model that considers free press a social right. Although in Israel this right is not anchored in a written constitution or law, it is exercised de facto, supported by Supreme Court precedents (Nossek and Limor, 2001). Public ownership of the broadcasting sphere is expressed as public radio and television, with public control over operating franchises for commercial terrestrial television and regional radio, cable television, and direct broadcast satellite. Commercial, local, and sectarian media—particularly newspapers, periodicals, and pirate radio—operate alongside the national media. Besides catering to separate regions, these media serve as functional community media for Russian immigrants, the religious ultra-orthodox, the Arab sector, and certain elements on the right wing, particularly settlers in Judea and Samaria (Nossek and Limor, 2001).
Chapter
Full-text available
Since Israel became a state, the country’s media institution has leaned toward the continental European model, displaying remnants of both a British colonialist and a local European one adapted to Israeli reality. The theoretical significance of this framework is such that it swings between authoritarian characteristics of a media institution with newspaper licensing and military censorship, and democratic characteristics of a European model that considers free press a social right. Although in Israel this right is not anchored in a written constitution or law, it is exercised de facto, supported by Supreme Court precedents (Nossek and Limor, 2001). Public ownership of the broadcasting sphere is expressed as public radio and television, with public control over operating franchises for commercial terrestrial television and regional radio, cable television, and direct broadcast satellite. Commercial, local, and sectarian media—particularly newspapers, periodicals, and pirate radio—operate alongside the national media. Besides catering to separate regions, these media serve as functional community media for Russian immigrants, the religious ultra-orthodox, the Arab sector, and certain elements on the right wing, particularly settlers in Judea and Samaria (Nossek and Limor, 2001).
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This article examines the 2001‒2003 coverage by the local press in the Haifa region of the struggle of the fishermen who claimed to have contracted cancer as a result of coming into contact with the polluted water of the Kishon River. It shows that the local press chose to deliver to its readers an ‘interpretive package’ that portrays the fishermen as ‘The River’s Heroes’, a group fighting for justice and morality for the benefit of all. However, alongside the favourable framing were also some of the writers’ stereotypical elitist perceptions, at times explicit and at others implicit, of the fishermen. In the case of the Kishon fishermen, whereas the local press played an important role in covering their struggle, it only partially presented the solidarity dimension wherein the differences between people and groups constitutes the basis for moral relations between them.
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This study explores how the social dimensions of a reporter’s world shape ethical decisions through parallel surveys of daily newspaper reporters in Israel and one Midwestern US state. Through regression analysis, we found that personal factors (gender, years of education) were not related to ethical decisions nor were professional factors (professional experience, professional membership, having studied journalism). In contrast, the social context element (country of practice) was relevant for two of three ethical situations. We also found that personal, professional and social dimensions varied in their utility to ethical decision-making from situation to situation. Considering a reporter’s ethical predisposition, this study found that personal value systems may be more important for ethical decision-making than formal written codes. This study suggests that ethical foundations shared across nations can create cultural bridges – but that diverging ethical perspectives also may create journalistic barriers.
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The flourishing online press in Israel and its implications for Israeli society are assessed according to a four-stage media development model (penetration, institutionalization, self-defence and adaptation). During the first decade of the current millennium, the online press became entrenched, shifting from the penetration stage to the institutionalization stage. Since then, the printed press has been showing signs of adaptation to the new online press. It seems that the powerful media conglomerates have again succeeded in intensifying their hold on the new platform, leaving us with a new journalism but the old hegemony.
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This article challenges the dominant 'victimizing' overtones offering a balanced view of the love-hate interaction between politics and media in Israel. The political institution, and politicians in particular, are not helpless 'victims' up against the terrible media. The ongoing broadcast regulation that results in a three-stage process - maturation, implementation, negotiation - may characterize the relations between the two branches of the Israeli democracy. In the stage of maturation , possibly for months and even years, the political and economic circumstances enable the adoption of a medium innovation. In the implementation stage, the actual constaints are revealed, as expected, some of which are predictable and others unforeseen. In the final phase, the stage of negotiation , in light of the aforementioned gaps, bargain is held between the franchisers and the government, usually at the initiative of the former. These relations are analogous with a pendulum swinging between the authoritarian approach, common in various regimes and in societies situated in the midst of a national struggle, and between the social responsibility approach, conventional in Western democracies.
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Abstract Into the conventional framework of the state civil-society relationship, which usually includes the state's autonomy and the state's strength, this paper adds a dimension - the identity of the collectivity. The collective identity is from one side the common 'symbolic space’ for both the state and the actors of the civil society, and from the other side the ‘battlefield’ between the state, the society and the different components of the civil society. These tensions stem in a great measure from the emphasis of some aspects over others (for example the primordial vs. civic ingredients) of the collective identity. These interpretations have far reaching implications on the rules-of-the-game in the state and on the state-society relationship. Its identity is central to the determination of the various societal boundaries of the collectivity. This approach is exemplified through analysis of the building of the Israeli state and its transformation from a community to a nation-state, and again from a nation-state to a community state, in a perspective of about 75 years. The article fundamentally challenges the conventional presentation and analysis of the social and political history of Israel.
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This paper deals with identity patterns among the 1990s immigrants from the former Soviet Union (FSU) in Israel. It presents the complex set of identity types among immigrants in the context of their cultural and socio-demographic characteristics and their dynamic relationships with the Israeli host society. The findings show that immigrants from the FSU in Israel form a distinct ethnic group within the Israeli social and cultural fabric. This is reflected in their closed social networks, ethnic information sources, strong desire to maintain ethnic-cultural continuity, and the fact that the ethnic component (Jew from the FSU or immigrant from the FSU) is central for self-identification. However, ethnic formation among these immigrants is not a reactive-oriented identity, which is mainly generated by alienation from the host society, it is rather an instrumentalized ethnicity, which is the outcome of ethnic-cultural pride and pragmatic considerations.
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