A World Beyond Borders: An Introduction to the History of International Organizations
... This position sees international organizations basically as government affairs. MacKenzie (2010) opines that States created international organizations to do things that they could not do on their own or to prevent from happening things that were not in the state's interests. (Holm, 1990:2). ...
... International organizations (IOs) have become an increasingly common phenomenon of international life. The proliferation of international organizations, the growth in treaty arrangements among states, and the deepening of regional integration efforts in Europe and other parts of the world all represent formal expressions of the extent to which international politics has become more institutionalized over time (MacKenzie, 2010;Reinalda, 2009;Green, 2008). Thus, the place of international organizations can not undermine international politics. ...
... Chapitre 5, 1). Progressivement, l'ensemble des normes constitutives du régime devient plus contraignant et les institutions qui les définissent accroissent leur pouvoir de contrôle ainsi que leur légitimité (Holzscheiter, 2010 ;MacKenzie, 2010). ...
... L'apparent « échec » de la SDN a longtemps engendré une analyse de son activité dans une perspective de défaillances. Cependant, nombreux sont aujourd'hui les chercheurs qui remettent cette lecture en cause en identifiant les succès de l'organisation au même titre que les aspects structurels qui ne pouvaient qu'engendrer des conflits interétatiques (voirClavin, 2013 ;Clavin et Wessels, 2005 ;David, 2000 ;Grigorescu, 2005 ;MacKenzie, 2010). ...
... Фактор Международной орГаниЗаЦии Во Внешней политике ФранЦии и Великобритании В 1920-е гг. 9 Магадеев Искандэр Эдуардович кандидат исторических наук, доцент кафедры Истории и политики стран Европы и Америки факультета Международных отношений Федерального государственного автономного образовательного учреждения высшего образования «Московский государственный институт международных отношений (университет) Министерства иностранных дел Российской Федерации», г. Москва. ...
В статье рассматривается вопрос о роли и месте Лиги Наций во внешнеполитических курсах Франции и Великобритании в 1920-е гг. Выделены функции международной организации как инструмента коллективной безопасности, сокращения вооружений, разрешения локальных конфликтов, снижения напряженности в преддверии вероятной эскалации конфликта. Автор пришел к выводу о том, что в Париже и Лондоне испытывали скепсис по поводу эффективности Лиги Наций как инструмента коллективной безопасности и разоружения, хотя и отмечали потенциальную позитивную роль организации в двух других ее «ипостасях».
This article explores the role played by the League of Nations in the foreign policies of France and Great Britain during the 1920s. International organisation is analysed as the instrument to achieve the collective security, to reduce the armaments, to resolute the local conflicts, and, finally, to lessen international tensions and to prevent them from escalating to war. Author concludes that Paris and London were skeptical about the League of Nations as the instrument of collective security and disarmament, though they appreciated two its other functions.
... Instead, they act as independent individuals or agencies beyond and across national borders, e.g. technical or scientific associations or international conferences, which took place to exchange and coordinate knowledge internationally (Iryie 2002;Herren 2009;MacKenzie 2010). ...
... Beisner 2007, Isaacson 1986, Leffler 1992, Thompson 2009, Trachtenberg 1999, Yergin 1977 Of course, many international/intergovernmental organizations existed before, for an overiew cf. Herren 2009, Iriye 2002, MacKenzie 2010, Reinalda 2009 After the outbreak of the Korean War, the American leaders decided that they would continue to aid Western Europe only if Germany was allowed to arm itself and join NATO (Trachtenberg/Gehrz 2003) which led to increased tensions between the United States and its allies in Western Europe, especially France. The founding myth of the Bilderberg conferences takes this anti-Americanism as starting point and focuses on how, in 1952, Joseph Retinger and Prince Bernhard supported by Paul van Zeeland and other prominent European elite members began preparations to organize an informal conference that would bring together influential Americans and Europeans and help them iron out their differences. ...
In this paper I provide a first in-depth analysis of the Bilderberg network.
... Mackenzie, David (2010). A World Beyond Borders. ...
RESUMEN
Esta comunicación tiene el objetivo de conocer y discutir la regimentación protocolar en el ámbito de las Naciones Unidas, los organismos que tutelan las reglas del protocolo, las relaciones públicas y diplomáticas de esta organización internacional fundada en el 1945 y que tiene 193 Estados-Miembros.
Esta comunicación visa también presentar un estudio de reflexión sobre la importancia de la clasificación del património cultural, edificado, natural y inmaterial como Património Mundial bajo la égida de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (UNESCO) como herramienta diplomática entre los 183 Estados Miembros signatarios de la Convención de 1972 para la Protección del Património Mundial y las reglas del Protocolo que rigen el sitio clasificado.
... They have come to the conclusion that only institutionalized cooperation with other nation-states serve their interests best and helps to solve problems which they cannot solve on their own as the problems are often transboundary. MacKenzie summarises as follows: "States created international organizations to do things that they could not do on their own or to prevent from happening things that were not in the state´s interests" [2]. ...
This study aims to analyze the contributions of International Organizations (IOs), particularly UNICEF towards the socioeconomic development of the Northern Region of Ghana. The researchers used socioeconomic development as a conceptual framework to guide the analysis. It utilizes qualitative design and draws information from primary and secondary sources using in-depth interviews with 65 participants from relevant organizations within the sectors where UNICEF works. Additionally, secondary sources of datasets related to the topic were generated from the UNICEF website, archives, the Country office in Accra, and the University of Ghana library. The study established that UNICEF has contributed so much to the socioeconomic development of the Northern Region of Ghana, particularly in the areas of education, water sanitation and hygiene (WASH), social protection and child protection. Based on these findings , the researchers conclude that the programs that were implemented by UNICEF between 2010-2020 have contributed to enhancing the socioeconomic development to help the well-being of the people in the Northern Region of Ghana.
This chapter addresses Africa’s most pressing issue at independence and since: economic development, overwhelmingly neglected during colonization, but now, major global organizations were procuring the opportunity to right these wrongs especially through the RECs and global IGOs, to achieve economic development. It explores the OAU’s Department of Economic Affairs, and OAU’s persistence in elevating global development agencies and agendas in IGOs. It studies the UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), the UN Development Program (UNDP) and the UN Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) based in Ethiopia. Globally, it examines trade-based IGOs such as UNCTAD, GATT and its successor, the WTO. Other institutional arrangements are considered: the (Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), the Group of 77 (G77) that convened in the shadow of UNCTAD, and the New International Economic Order (NIEO) and the (as of April 2020 Organisation of) Africa(n), Caribbean and Pacific States ([O]ACPs) are some of these avenues discussed. The African Economic Community (AEC) stemmed from the 1991 Abuja Treaty, which also set in place the integration of RECs into regional cooperation and ultimately, the foundation of the nascent Africa Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).
This paper tries to prove that the concept or doctrine of forum non-convenience or forum non coveniens can be used by international organization in Indonesian (industrial relation) court of law. This research is a normative legal research. It conducts literatures review, including review on the prevailing rules and regulations in Indonesia, especially laws and regulations pertaining to procedural law, industrial relation law and law related to international organization. The existence of international organizations in Indonesia has arisen new issue in Indonesian court of law, whereby the international organizations become party to the dispute in Indonesian court of law. Among several disputes that may arise, one of them is industrial relation dispute, which involved employee that worked with the international organization with the international organization. One of the doctrine that can be used to throw a court case from the court is known as forum non-conveniens. Forum non-conveniens itself is a concept that developed and used widely in countries with common law legal tradition, meanwhile Indonesia is a civil law legal tradition country. To solve the problem, this research explained the concept of forum non-conveniens developed in common law legal tradition, and then compared it, using comparative legal method, to find out whether there is the same institution available in Indonesia. This research focused only to the application of forum non-conveniens concept in a law suit against international organization in Indonesian (indutrial relation) court of law.
Transnational actors are increasingly surfacing when it comes to understanding the global dimensions of the modern nation-state. Thinking of the modern state from the diversity of its personnel and its many intersections with private and semi-private actors or institutions with a transnational reach, the new diplomatic history acknowledges the embeddedness of states in border-crossing agencies. What has been conceptualized as ‘network diplomacy’ grasps both the role of transnational epistemic communities for the making of particular policy fields and the perception of diplomats as an integral part of transnational initiatives. Taking the League of Nations as a case study, this article analyses how its personnel attempted to spell out ideas of network diplomacy and to make their exposed position at the intersection of transnational civil society, state politics and international institutions work to effect political change. We focus on the transnational career of Arthur Sweetser (1888–1968) who, as a journalist, a long-term member of the League secretariat, the UN staff and the US administration, was at the forefront of developing new techniques of diplomatic practices beyond institutional mandates. Sweetser’s trajectory allows us to illuminate the mechanisms of network diplomacy by probing into multi-layered negotiation processes that engaged state practices, international institutions and the border-crossing agency of individuals. Characterizing him as transnational enables one to interlink his mobile trajectory with a particular scope of action that unfolded beyond the political demarcation of the nation-state and its instituted logics of rule and diplomacy. We further carve out the main features of a diplomatic practice that was formally non-existent yet crucial to the transfer of League principles, practices and personnel to the new United Nations.
This work researches the notion “national security” from theoretical and practical point of view, and special attention was paid to qualifications. Detailed review is performed of the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Bulgaria, the bodies for its implementation and various concepts are considered.
With this work we attempt analysing the reasons behind the manifestation of corruption in society, as well las its basic areas. General review is provided of the notion apparatus, as well as the relation legislation – real situation in Bulgaria. We have reviewed the actions of government bodies in the republic for counteracting the corruption.
International organizations are ubiquitous in contemporary Europe and the wider world. This special issue takes a historical approach to exploring their relations with each other in Western Europe between 1967 and 1992. The authors seek to ‘provincialize’ and ‘de-centre’ the European Union’s role, exploring the interactions of its predecessors with other organizations like NATO, the OECD and the Council of Europe. This article develops the new historical-research agenda of co-operation and competition among IOs and their role in European co-operation. The first section discusses the limited existing work on such questions among historians and in adjacent disciplines. The second section introduces the five articles and their main arguments. The third section goes on to elaborate common findings, especially regarding what the authors call the vectors for the development of policy ideas and practices and their transfer across different institutional platforms.
Comparing a variety of international organization heads over an extended period of time evidences the unusual challenges they have to overcome to expand the tasks of their organizations, to be agenda setters, to serve as major change agents, and to be norm entrepreneurs. These challenges are legal, institutional, ethical, moral, systemic, and connected to questions of legitimacy. Increasingly, they also involve the investigatory media. The strategies pursued to meet these challenges by various leaders of different organizations and the same organizations under different systemic conditions are also highly variable. It will also be shown that the most successful leaders need to be visionary, but not Utopian; able and willing to take the opportunities afforded to them by their organizations’ constitutive documents, oftentimes by creatively interpreting them; to understand the constraints of the bureaucratic and systemic contexts in which they are operating; to articulate an appropriate organizational ideology for those contexts; and be true to one’s morals and ethics.
Eine IGO ist, Woyke zufolge, ein durch multilateralen völkerrechtlichen Vertrag geschaffener Zusammenschluss von mindestens drei Staaten mit eigenen Organen und Kompetenzen, der sich als Ziel die Zusammenarbeit auf politischen und/oder ökonomischen, militärischen, kulturellem Gebiet gesetzt hat und gegenüber seiner Umwelt als eigenständiger Akteur auftreten kann. Die Union of International Associations (UIA), die seit 1910 Daten von internationalen Organisationen (IGOs wie NGOs) und deren Mitgliedern sammelt und veröffentlicht, definiert eine IGO ebenfalls als Zusammenschluss von mindestens drei Staaten, der auf einer formalen Vereinbarung beruht. Darüber hinaus muss ein permanentes Sekretariat vorhanden sein, das die Aufgaben der Organisation erfüllt.
The Suez Crisis of 1956 is generally seen in historical research as a moment both of Great Britain’s imperial decline and of Egyptian and Arab political self-determination in the Middle East. Yet the humanitarian aspect of this crisis is still neglected, even though it provoked important humanitarian engagements from different sides, Arab as well as Western. By focusing on the Red Cross and the Red Crescent Movement, this article investigates not only motives, forms and structures of humanitarian relief, but also analyses the successes and difficulties of transnational co-operation between Western and non-Western agencies with a special focus on the application of the Geneva Conventions of 1949. Finally, the article addresses the political dimension beyond concrete forms of help by arguing that the Suez Crisis attested to both the persistence of post-colonial structures and the institutionalisation of new, transnational patterns of co-operation.
As a case study in the proliferation of global rankings, we examine the initiation, construction of, and response to the Access to Medicine Index, which ranks pharmaceutical companies according to their respective contribution to access to medicine for developing countries. Since it has served as the model for constructing global rankings in the fields of nutrition, seeds, mining, possibly in the future, oil, seafood, mobile internet, and agricultural commodities, and it serves as a blueprint for the development of corporate sustainability benchmarks in line with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, its significance goes well beyond public health. From an economic-sociological perspective we argue, first, that rankings can be conceived as symbolic classifications that serve predominantly as market-based coordination devices. To understand the proliferation of global rankings, we argue, secondly, that they are an integral part of the changing balance of power in the domain of global public health consisting of a historical shift from international organizations as the central mode of governance and coordination to a more decentralized and diversified global field structure. This global field is formed by an increasing number and variety of actors, but lacks a central decision-making body. The case of the Access to Medicine Index suggests that a historical-sociological field perspective has analytical advantages over both the micro-analysis of socio-technical devices and macro-level approaches to issues of governance in contemporary capitalism.
This article focuses on Indo-British interactions at the United Nations during 1945–47, a significant and hitherto overlooked episode of India's transition within the British Commonwealth from a colony to a dominion. In this twilight period of the British Raj, India sent its first delegations onto the international stage—forays that were critically received by London and subsequently employed to anticipate New Delhi's global role in post-1945 international affairs. The delegations' delicate composition, combative activities and difficult interactions with their British counterparts established the diplomatic implications of decolonisation for London. The focus of existing literature on India's international identity at this time has been on the formulation of Jawaharlal Nehru's non-aligned approach to the Cold War. This article, instead, concentrates on its presentation and reception. Secondly, the story of India's presence at the UN usually begins with the Korean War (1950–53). This article shows that in fact it was in 1946–47 that the first impressions of the country's independent foreign policy were given by an interim Indian government. Based on the papers of Frederick Puckle, advisor on Indian affairs at the British Embassy in Washington (1943–47) and of Vijayalakshmi Pandit, leader of India's UN delegation, and supplemented by relevant official records, oral histories and memoirs, the article presents an unheralded facet of India's emerging independent identity in this period of pre-Independence.
Over the past two decades, historians have dedicated a growing amount of research to the history of globalization. This introduction shows how the articles in this issue contribute to this dynamic, aiming to illustrate its heuristic potential in historicizing educational phenomena. The field of education is presented as a relevant platform for an analysis of transnational dynamics, a fact which is demonstrated in the various articles in this issue: they offer a diversity of original case studies that shed new light on the complexity of transfer mechanisms related to education policies, models, and knowledge over the last two centuries. The introduction underlines how this issue renews knowledge on the international production of education policies and practices, focusing on four key methodological issues that run through the various articles: periodization, the myth of progressivism, the multilaterality of circulatory phenomena, and gender relations.
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