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Pastoralists and Violent Conflict along the Oromia–Somali Border in Eastern Ethiopia: Institutional Options toward Peacebuilding
Abstract
Four theories are used to explain the causes and dynamics of violent conflict along the Oromia–Somali Border in eastern Ethiopia. Of these, political economy (greed versus grievance) and political ecology theories are instrumental in understanding the main drivers of violence. Politicization of ethnicity and the self-centered behavior of political elites have increased the complexity of the conflict. Fekadu Kenee demonstrates that peacebuilding efforts require respect for the outcomes of referendums on the disputed territorial units and revitalization of customary systems, among others. While customary institutions can resolve conflicts at least temporarily, sustained community dialogue needs to be part of the political reform to build lasting inter-regional peace.
... In Ethiopia, disputes over inclusion, representation, and power-sharing have primarily involved the Oromo, Tigray and Amhara ethnic groups. Tensions over resources have also contributed to confrontations between pastoralist populations, such as the Oromo and Somali [14,34]. ...
Background : Ethiopia's rich ethnic diversity has long been a defining feature of its social landscape. The coexistence of numerous ethnic groups within the country offers both opportunities for cultural enrichment and challenges for the formation of a coherent national identity. Historical, political and social dynamics have shaped the complex interplay between ethnic identity and the quest for national unity, warranting a critical examination of the converging forces influencing the socio-political fabric of Ethiopia. Objective : This study aims to systematically analyze the challenges and opportunities related to ethnic identity and national unity in Ethiopia in order to identify ways to build a sustainable national consensus amidst ethnic diversity. By shedding light on the nuanced dynamics of ethnic identity formation, social cohesion and political agency, the study aims to identify strategies that promote inclusive nation building while respecting the diversity of Ethiopia's ethnic mosaic. Main Findings : The study examined the historical roots of ethnic identity formation in Ethiopia and shed light on the legacy of various cultural traditions, historical grievances and political developments that have shaped contemporary perceptions of ethnicity. It also critically assessed the impact of ethnic federalism, decentralized governance and ethno-nationalist aspirations on the overall quest for national unity and cohesive statehood. Furthermore, the study explored the challenges posed by inter-ethnic tensions, identity-based conflicts and socio-political fragmentation, while identifying the potential opportunities for promoting dialog, reconciliation and inclusive citizenship to strengthen national consensus. Methodology : Using a qualitative approach, the research draws on a comprehensive analysis of secondary sources, including academic papers, historical documents, policy papers and ethnographic accounts. By synthesizing insights from different disciplines such as anthropology, political science and social history, the study has created a holistic understanding of the multi-layered dimensions of ethnic identity and national unity in Ethiopia. Conclusion: The complex dynamics of ethnic identity and national unity in Ethiopia underscore the need for inclusive policies that respect the diverse cultural heritage while promoting a common national identity, recognizing historical grievances, addressing inter-ethnic tensions and fostering dialog. Balancing the diverse ethnic mosaic within a unifying national narrative is critical to moving towards sustainable nation building.
This chapter examines intensified contestations for land and water resources between the farming and herding communities in Plateau state, particularly the nature of women’s involvement in the conflict and the impacts on the conflict dynamics. Drawing on field data in selected communities, the chapter demonstrates how women have played major roles as actors in the conflict, but remained largely invisible, while undermining the peace processes.
Drawing on their own field studies, the authors examine how state and local actors involved in resource management and peacebuilding activities are implicated in the conflict between farmers and herders in Plateau State, Nigeria, and Central Darfur State, Sudan. The authors show that state officials, traditional chiefs, and security agents intensified the conflict by perpetuating the inequitable distribution of resources needed for the survival of farmers and herders, while promoting a peacebuilding process that empowered some groups and disempowered others. The divisive role state and local actors played accentuated the socio-political grievances underlying the conflict and enervated the peacebuilding process.
This paper examines the transformation within the practice and concept ofcontemporary peacebuilding. Peacebuilding, practically and conceptually, hasbeen dominated by the liberal peace paradigm. In this case, theinstitutionalising of its core ideas such as democratisation, human rights, therule of law, and liberal market system to the post-conflict states and to a socalled ‘fragile/failed states’ aiming at bringing peace and security has failed to create a comprehensive and sustainable peace on the ground as exemplified in Nicaragua, Haiti, Bosnia, Afghanistan, and other post-war states. Scholars focused on the issue of peacebuilding have engaged to a new approach that challenge the domination of the liberal paradigm through the accommodation and appreciation upon the ‘local’ and thus create spaces for the interaction between the liberal and the ‘local’ within forms of ‘hybrid peace’ or ‘hybrid peacebuilding’
Boundaries are technologies of power and knowledge that shape spatial and social realities and our understandings of them. This article examines the effects of boundary-making between Kenya and Ethiopia, and investigates the effects of borders on states of peace and conflict among Turkana, Samburu, Borana, Gabra, and Dassanetch of northern Kenya. If borders divide people, people benefit nonetheless from the environmental, social, and political entropy that borders generate by using the energy of spatial differences to advance their own individual and collective life projects.
Since the late 1970s, cattle raiding with automatic weapons has escalated among nomadic herding societies in northern East Africa. We examine the impact of AK-47 raiding on the adaptability of Karimojong agropastoralists in northern Uganda. Most notably, raiding is linked to a loss of population resilience in Karamoja, measured in increased mortality of young children and of adult males in their prime reproductive years and decreased female fertility. AK-47 raiding has acted both directly and indirectly as a Darwinian stressor in this population, compromising long-standing adaptive strategies and intensifying selection pressure. We briefly discuss similar effects of recently altered patterns of raiding among related Turkana pastoralists in Kenya. We then consider the process by which this traditional cultural institution was modified in the interests of preserving cultural identity. We conclude nonetheless that cattle raiding with automatic weapons constitutes singularly maladaptive cultural behavior in contemporary pastoralist societies. Indeed, it represents the single greatest threat to their biobehavioral resilience and ultimately may have profound evolutionary costs in terms of pastoralists' survival.
We examine land reform policies and their implications for violent conflict and resource Ž. use in the Brazilian Amazon. We identify the protagonists land owners and squatters , derive their incentives to use violence, and show the role of legal inconsistencies as a basis for conflict. We describe the government agency involved in land reform, INCRA, and show that its intervention critically affects the actions of both squatters and land owners. Further, we point out the incentives for deforestation under land reform and associated insecure property rights to land. Forested lands are vulnerable to invasion by squatters and redistribution by INCRA. Using data from the Brazilian census and the Pastoral Land Commission, we examine the characteristics of regions where violent conflict predominates.
A great deal of recent writing has indicated that growing scarcities of renewable resources can contribute to conflict. Most of this research, however, suffers from two major methodological weaknesses: lack of variation in the independent and dependent variables, and the absence of control for other conflict-generating factors. As one of the first large-N studies of the relationship between environmental degradation and domestic armed conflict, this article takes on these challenges. On the basis of a multivariate analysis for all countries in the period 1980-92 we test and confirm the hypotheses (as indicated from various case-studies) that factors like deforestation, land degradation, and scarce supply of freshwater, alone and in combination with high population density, increase the risk of domestic armed conflict, especially low-level conflict. This holds true also when we control for economic and political factors, such as level of economic development and type of political regime. The latter variables, however, prove more decisive than environmental scarcity in predicting the incidence of domestic armed conflict. The severity of such conflicts is better accounted for by military expenditure than by environmental degradation, poverty or non-democratic rule.
Following the great Sahelian drought of the early 1970s, an unprecedented number of Fulani pastoralists immigrated to the Ivory Coast with their cattle. Although welcomed by the Ivorian government for their contribution to national beef production, the Fulani's presence has been bitterly opposed by Senufo peasants in the savanna region over the problem of uncompensated crop damage. I examine the nature of peasant-herder conflicts in northern Ivory Coast from a “political ecology” perspective and argue that it is at the intersection of Ivorian political economy and the human ecology of agricultural systems in the savanna region that one can begin to identify the key processes and decision-making conditions behind the current conflict. Micro- and macro-level processes involving the transfer of resources from Senufo house-holds are considered to be central to the strife. The case study seeks to contribute to the growing literature on peasant-herder interactions in sub-Saharan Africa by viewing peasant-herder conflicts as “responses in context.” The political ecology approach provides a framework for human ecologists interested in examining the interrelationships between local patterns of resource use and the larger political economy. Data collected to analyze the nature of the conflict in the Korhogo region during a seventeen-month period in 1981–82 and 1986 include survey research questionnaires, pastoral and farm management studies, participant observation and interviews with peasants, herders and livestock development officials.
Persistent inter-ethnic conflicts in southern Ethiopia have created a crisis in security of customary land tenure in the grazing lands. This article explores the links between government administrative policies and inter-ethnic conflicts on grazing resource borders by discussing the historical relationships between contesting pastoral groups, their perceptions of resource borders and how the groups used government policies of ethnic-based decentralisation and referendum to claim ownership rights to grazing lands. The article contextualises the discussions within the politics of land use. Inter-ethnic conflicts have interfered with customary resource allocations by undermining customary institutions for resource sharing. There is a need for urgent dialogue between the government and different pastoral communities for negotiating access to key resources supported by conflict resolution in the southern rangelands of Ethiopia.
THIS study presents a reconstruction of the origins and major movements of the Galla and Somali of Northeast Africa which departs from most of the previous literature on the subject. The traditional view has been that the Galla occupied most of the Horn of Africa until the Somali, beginning about the tenth century, swept south and south-west from the shores of the Gulf of Aden driving the Galla before them.1 The pressure of the Somali has also been considered the major impetus to the Galla invasions of Ethiopia in the sixteenth century. It is the thesis of this paper that both the Galla and the Somali originated in southern Ethiopia, that the Somali expanded to the east and north much earlier than the Galla, and that the Galla lived only in southern Ethiopia and northern Kenya until their migrations began about I530. These hypotheses were presented in brief form in 1962 and have since been strengthened by Fleming's work on the comparative linguistics of the Somali and by Haberland's rather similar conclusions about Galla history.2 The traditional reconstruction has a considerable corpus of supporting literature, however, and therefore I shall critically examine this literature as well as present further evidence in support of the new reconstruction. At the same time, I hope this will serve to emphasize the value of historical linguistic data and methods for the reconstruction of population movements.
Pastoralist access and use of common grazing resources in the Horn of Africa increasingly include armed confrontation over
diminishing resources and reduced access. This comes about as traditional customary institutions (sets of rules) for commons
management become compromised due to the presence of outside influences and actors which significantly change both resource
availability, and conceptions about who is subject to traditional rules governing commons – particularly rules associated
with exclusion. At the same time a combination of local knowledge regarding what happens to open access commons (degradation),
a reluctance to give up control of commons and associated ways of life, and armed conflict as a viable alternative for exclusion
rules, provide for combative situations and large costs. While a great deal of valuable work has been accomplished regarding
the derivation of effective institutions to better manage commons, situations of armed conflict can seem particularly distant
from effective rule-making, because few institutions can endure the stresses of armed conflict. Recent developments in Ethiopia
however suggest an unexpected proximity between armed confrontation and the prospect for commons management rule-making. With
examples from the Afar, Somali and Karamojong Cluster pastoralists, this paper examines the ingredients for rule-making in
combative commons situations. Specific coincident forms of state recognition, donor flexibility, perceptions of the cost of
conflict, and the local to international reaction to these, are examined for their utility and limitations in the provision
of a facilitating context for institution derivation for commons management.
In popular perception cultural differences or ethnic affiliation are factors that cause conflict or political fragmentation although this is not borne out by historical evidence. This book puts forward an alternative conflict theory. The author develops a decision theory which explains the conditions under which differing types of identification are preferred. Group identification is linked to competition for resources like water, territory, oil, political charges, or other advantages. Rivalry for resources can cause conflicts but it does not explain who takes whose side in a conflict situation. This book explores possibilities of reducing violent conflicts and ends with a case study, based on personal experience of the author, of conflict resolution.
Since 2015 jihadist groups have taken control of the Mopti region in central Mali. We ask how such a radical development has been possible in a country previously praised as a bulwark against radical Islam in Africa. While the dominant literature on the crisis in Mali has focused on how global political economic developments and international jihadist thinking and organisation relate to national dynamics, we take a materialist political ecology approach to explain the current situation. By focusing on the micro-politics of two land-use conflicts and how these conflicts are affected by the jihadist expansion, we seek to explain peasant (or pastoral) logics behind joining these armed groups. In particular, pastoralists seem to support the jihadist takeover, because of an anti-state, anti-elite and pro-pastoral jihadist discourse, because they have become increasingly fatigued by and disgruntled with a predatory and corrupt state, and because the development model imposed by the state and international donors has not responded to pastoral priorities. Rent-seeking by government officials has been especially intense in relation to conflicts over pastoral land, environmental management and the fight against desertification. This happened while the international community continued to praise Mali as a model of African democracy.
This paper examines resource-related conflict among pastoralists in southern Ethiopia, specifically the Somali and Oromo ethnic groups. It applies theories of property rights, environmental security and political ecology to discuss the complexity of the conflict, using narrative analysis and conflict mapping. Results reveal that the conflict results from interrelated cultural, ecological and political factors. The systems of governance, including the setting up of regions on an ethnic basis and associated competition for land and control of water-points, have contributed to violent conflict between the two ethnic groups. The creation of new administrative units (kebeles) close to regional boundaries has exacerbated the conflict. Moreover, change in land use, prompted by insecure property rights to communal land, rather than expected increase in economic benefits has caused conflicts among the clans of the Oromo. The findings suggest Ethiopian authorities support the functioning of traditional access options, successful operation of customary courts and penalising opportunistic actors to address inter-ethnic conflicts. Applying land use and administration guidelines and empowering customary authorities would reduce the incidence of inter-clan conflict.
When a transaction is concluded in the marketplace, two bundles of property rights are exchanged. A bundle of rights often attaches to a physical commodity or service, but it is the value of the rights that determines the value of what is exchanged. Questions addressed to the emergence and mix of the components of the bundle of rights are prior to those commonly asked by economists. Economists usually take the bundle of property rights as a datum and ask for an explanation of the forces determining the price and the number of units of a good to which these rights attach.
The paperback edition of a book first published in hardback in 1988, and abstracted as 89V/01730. (ISBN 0 521 33441 1). A postscript outlines events in Ethiopia since 1987. -M.Amos
This book poses the question, "How do we transcend the cycles of violence that bewitch our human community while still living in them?" Peacebuilding, in the view of this book, is both a learned skill and an art. Finding this art, this book says, requires a worldview shift. Conflict professionals must envision their work as a creative act - an exercise of what the book terms the "moral imagination." This imagination must, however, emerge from and speak to the hard realities of human affairs. The peacebuilder must have one foot in what is and one foot beyond what exists. The book is organized around four guiding stories that point to the moral imagination but are incomplete. The book seeks to understand what happened in these individual cases and how they are relevant to large-scale change. The purpose is not to propose a grand new theory; instead it wishes to stay close to the "messiness" of real processes and change, and to recognize the serendipitous nature of the discoveries and insights that emerge along the way. Like most professional peacemakers, the author of this book sees his work as a religious vocation.
The politics of ethnicity was formally institutionalised in Ethiopia in 1991 with the introduction of ethnic federalism. This study deals with emerging ethnic identities and the dynamics of the inter-ethnic relationship between the Guji and Burji peoples in south Ethiopia. The article argues that, following the enunciation of ethnicity as a leading political order in 1991, identities have been articulated in such a way that past historical incidents and memories have been reactivated and old labels have been redefined by ethnic entrepreneurs for various motives. This promotes (re)construction of ethnic identities and inter-group polarisation. In the Guji–Burji case, it is this fragile relationship that is easily changed into inter-ethnic conflict as a result of competing interests over resources. The article concludes that while the cause of the current Guji–Burji conflict is primarily economic in nature, it took on an ethnic dimension within the context of politicised ethnic identities that hardened group boundaries. Synchronising past relationships – both conflicting and harmonious – with the contemporary scenario, the article tries to shed some light on the dynamics of the Guji–Burji relationship, focusing particularly on the post-1991 political order in Ethiopia and its local implications.
This article uses analytic narratives to explore the reasons why negotiations over rights to grazing resources repeatedly fail between neighboring pastoral and agropastoral communities. While many writers link resource scarcity, the resulting competition and state institutional failure as common drivers for conflict among multiple resource users in the semi-arid pastoral areas, the causes for violent conflict and the failure of local level negotiations between groups need to be explained in the framework of geopolitical context and the rent earned from perpetrating violence. This study reveals how economic incentives from livestock raids and the unrestricted access to conflict technology reinforce each other and jointly undermine the success of negotiations in producing favorable outcomes. The undesirable outcomes from negotiation failure can be expressed in terms of rent dissipation, rangeland resource degradation, increased instability and the potential for increased vulnerability and deterioration of agropastoral welfare.
This article suggests that institutions of violence in the international system sanction Great Power (GP) authority in this system. We argue that the degree to which Great Powers (GPs) construe various threats as challenges to their international authority informs their use of force against the sources of these threats. Serious challenges to GP authority prompt punishment not only to achieve rational and utilitarian ends (such as secession of harm or deterrence), but also to reproduce authority and reify it. We examine in this respect the US-led War on Terror and argue that the US response to the 9/11 terror attacks was largely constituted by the acute and unprecedented challenge to America’s GP authority that these attacks symbolized. We conclude by reflecting upon the dilemmas the United States now faces to its GP authority.
This article is interested in the interface between internationally supported peace operations and local approaches to peace that may draw on traditional, indigenous and customary practice. It argues that peace (and security, development and reconstruction) in societies emerging from violent conflict tends to be a hybrid between the external and the local. The article conceptualizes how this hybrid or composite peace is constructed and maintained. It proposes a four-part conceptual model to help visualize the interplay that leads to hybridized forms of peace. Hybrid peace is the result of the interplay of the following: the compliance powers of liberal peace agents, networks and structures; the incentivizing powers of liberal peace agents, networks and structures; the ability of local actors to resist, ignore or adapt liberal peace interventions; and the ability of local actors, networks and structures to present and maintain alternative forms of peacemaking.
In dryland Africa, development attention has shifted toward community resource management projects. The concurrence of environmental degradation, resource conflict, and "weak" resource management institutions is seen by project managers as evidence for the failure of local institutions to govern resource use. This article demonstrates that such diagnoses are error prone and are often logically reducible to the simple advocation of the formalization of resource access. "Community based" projects, such as those following the Gestion de Terroirs approach in Sudano - Sahelian West Africa, often attempt to improve resource management by spatially delimiting appropriate land uses, strengthening the community's exclusionary powers, and clarifying specific claims to village resources. Based on research within agropastoral areas in Mali and Niger, this article argues that rigid adherence to such development templates runs the risk of increasing local ecological and economic vulnerabilities. Multiscaled, comanagement approaches that better utilize informal networks and political institutions to mediate resource access are proposed as alternatives.
Over the past few decades the inhabitants of the Oromo–Somali borderlands of southern Ethiopia have encountered three competing nationalisms: Ethiopian state nationalism (patriotism), Somali ethno-nationalism (irredentism), and Oromo ethno-nationalism. The territories and peoples claimed by each competing nationalism overlap. In the 1960s and 1970s Somali irredentist claims predominated, and generated a severe Ethiopian response. In the post-1991 period, claims and counter-claims over territories around the borders of the Oromia and Somali ethno-national regional states of Ethiopia became the centre of conflicts. These claims specifically contest water points, tracts of land, ritual sites and towns. The ethno-territorial contestation and negotiation between the Oromia and Somali ethno-national regional states are mirrored and explained at the local level by disputes and conflicts between the Borana and Garri pastoralists, who have reformulated their longstanding competitions over pastoral resources along the new political dispensation. This article examines the multifaceted interactions between state patriotism, ethno-nationalisms, irredentism and ethno-federalism in these borderlands from the 1960s to the present.
Stabilization, peace building, and sustainability in an unstable and famine-prone region like the Horn of Africa are predicated on a holistic approach that addresses environmental degradation, conflict, and their interrelationship. They posit a set of options intended to bring sustainable development as well as security from conflict and struggles over scarce resources. This approach is especially salient in the Horn of Africa because the region combines high levels of environmental stress manifested in periodic famine and struggles over diminishing arable farm and grazing lands and conflict (e.g., interstate wars, civil wars, and communal clashes). The region is also one in which environmental disasters (especially famine) and conflicts have been interrelated. This article addresses the problems of peace building, sustainability, and stabilization in the Horn of Africa and the interrelationship of environmental degradation, instability, and conflict. It assesses the extent to which degradation causes instability and focuses on the spiraling effects of natural disasters, degradation, and conflict on famine, destabilization, and conflict. It examines efforts, especially in pastoral areas of Kenya and Ethiopia, to mitigate environmental degradation and conflict as well as extremism and terrorism. Thus, a sustainability and stabilization assessment is used to examine environmental degradation, conflict, and their interrelationship and what can be done to overcome degradation and conflict. This article identifies a range of intervention policies and programs as well as tools and technologies that could increase sustainability and stability and delay, defer, or prevent failure. The article also identifies the range of stakeholders, including state and nonstate actors, IGOs, and NGOs, and determines their likely reactions to stabilization and sustainability efforts, as well as their willingness to accept constructive roles in the process of sustainable development.
In political ecology, violence is usually associated with conflicts over the control of natural resources. Up to now, political ecology has lacked a sound conceptual approach for analysing how violence that has its origin in political conflict induces environmental and social change. This article examines how the environment serves as an arena for exerting power, by using different forms of violence, affecting both ecosystems and the entitlements of the people who are dependent on natural resources. After a brief description of the role of violence in political ecology research, a conceptual framework for a political ecology of violence is laid out. In this framework, the notion of ‘violent environments’ introduced by Nancy Peluso and Michael Watts is blended with new approaches in livelihood research in which the political dimension of livelihood processes is emphasized. Case study material from eastern Sri Lanka, an area affected by prolonged violence and protracted conflict, is presented. This illustrates how violent struggles over environmental entitlements and the politicization of resource-based livelihoods created alternative systems of power and control over natural resources and triggered new processes of disentitlement and social vulnerability.
Based on recent fieldwork this article examines how cattle raids involving Karrayu pastoralists are governed by the local administration and customary authorities in Ethiopia’s Upper and Middle Awash Valley. It argues that the regulation of violent conflicts in areas marked by weak state presence and legitimacy must be understood as a function of multiple social orders, actors and norms. The authors draw attention to the evolving rationales of inter-ethnic cattle raids, highlight the incomplete nature of state expansion into the Karrayu pastoralist space, and scrutinize the ambiguities of government and community peacemaking.
This paper draws attention to the central role played by the Ethiopian state in reconfiguring contemporary (agro-)pastoral conflicts in its semi-arid lowlands. Contrary to primordialist and environmental conflict theories of pastoralist violence, we shed light on the changing political rationality of inter-group conflicts by retracing the multiple impacts of state-building on
pastoral land tenure and resource governance, peacemaking and custommary authorities, and competition over state resources. Based on an extensive comparative review of recent case studies, post-1991 administrative
decentralisation is identified as a major driving force in struggles for resources between transhumant herders in Ethiopia’s peripheral regions.
Our analysis emphasises the politicisation of kinship relations and group identities and the transformation of conflict motives under the influence of the gradual incorporation of (agro-)pastoral groups into the Ethiopian nation-state. Ethnic federalism incites pastoralists to engage in parochial types of claim-making, to occupy territory on a more permanent basis and to become involved in ‘politics of difference’ with neighbouring groups.
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