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n. 2023-01
ISSN 2571-130X
Attitudes towards migrants and
preferences for asylum and refugee
policies before and during Russian
invasion of Ukraine: The case of Slovakia
Magdalena Adamus / Institute of Experimental Psychology of the Centre of Social and Psychological
Sciences, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Slovakia; Faculty of Economics and Administration, Masaryk
University, Czech Republic
Matúš Grežo / Faculty of Economics and Administration, Masaryk University, Czech Republic
Attitudes towards migrants and
preferences for asylum and refugee
policies before and during Russian
invasion of Ukraine: The case of
Slovakia
Abstract
Extant literature shows that well-being is one of the key drivers of attitudes towards migrants as
well as preferences for asylum and refugee policies. To investigate the underpinnings of these
relationships, two studies on representative samples of 600 Slovaks each were conducted before
the Russian invasion of Ukraine and during its initial phase. The results show that well-being
had a stable positive relationship with attitudes towards migrants across the studies, albeit not
with preferences for asylum and refugee policies. During the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the
negative feelings elicited by the war predicted preferences for asylum and refugee policies beyond
well-being. The divergence between the attitudes towards migrants and the preferences urges
that there is a need to extend the traditional focus on general attitudes towards migrants. Finally,
the results indicate that incorporating psychological factors, such as well-being and emotional
responses to the looming threat of war, may considerably inform the debate surrounding the
support for inclusive asylum and refugee policies.
Masaryk University
Faculty of Economics and Administration
Authors:
Magdalena Adamus / Institute of Experimental Psychology of the Centre of Social and Psychological Sciences, Slovak Academy of Sciences,
Slovakia; Faculty of Economics and Administration, Masaryk University, Czech Republic
Matúš Grežo / Faculty of Economics and Administration, Masaryk University, Czech Republic
Contact: lena.adamus@econ.muni.cz
Creation date: 2023-01-02
Revision date:
Keywords: well-being; attitudes towards migrants; asylum and refugee policies; migration crisis; common ingroup identity model
JEL classification: D64, F22, I31, K37
Citation:
Adamus, M., Grežo, M. 2023. Attitudes towards migrants and preferences for asylum and refugee
policies before and during Russian invasion of Ukraine: The case of Slovakia. MUNI ECON Working
Paper n. 2023-01. Brno: Masaryk University.
MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2023-01
ISSN 2571-130X
Attitudes towards migrants and preferences for asylum and refugee policies before and
during Russian invasion of Ukraine: The case of Slovakia
Magdalena Adamus1, 2, Matúš Grežo1
1 Institute of Experimental Psychology of the Centre of Social and Psychological Sciences,
Slovak Academy of Sciences, Dúbravská cesta 9, 84104 Bratislava, Slovakia
2 Faculty of Economics and Administration, Masaryk University, Lipová 41a, 602 00 Brno-
střed, Czech Republic
Author Note
Magdalena Adamus https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5317-0415
Matuš Grežo https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3537-2862
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Magdalena Adamus, Faculty
of Economics and Administration, Masaryk University, Lipová 41a, 602 00 Brno-střed, Czech
Republic, e-mail: lena.adamus@econ.muni.cz
Abstract
Extant literature shows that well-being is one of the key drivers of attitudes towards migrants
as well as preferences for asylum and refugee policies. To investigate the underpinnings of
these relationships, two studies on representative samples of 600 Slovaks each were conducted
before the Russian invasion of Ukraine and during its initial phase. The results show that well-
being had a stable positive relationship with attitudes towards migrants across the studies, albeit
not with preferences for asylum and refugee policies. During the Russian invasion of Ukraine,
the negative feelings elicited by the war predicted preferences for asylum and refugee policies
beyond well-being. The divergence between the attitudes towards migrants and the preferences
urges that there is a need to extend the traditional focus on general attitudes towards migrants.
Finally, the results indicate that incorporating psychological factors, such as well-being and
emotional responses to the looming threat of war, may considerably inform the debate
surrounding the support for inclusive asylum and refugee policies.
Keywords: well-being; attitudes towards migrants; asylum and refugee policies; migration
crisis; common ingroup identity model
JEL: D64; F22; I31; K37
1 Introduction
Migration is one of the key social issues in the modern world. Due to current threats, such
as climate change or international conflicts, it is reasonable to expect migration to increase in
the future as well as people from affected regions to seek refuge in wealthier, better-protected
or safer regions. Literature provides evidence that one of the most important drivers shaping
people’s attitudes towards migrants (ATM), and subsequently their preferences for asylum and
refugee policies, is subjective well-being. However, several studies show that ATM and
preferences for asylum and refugee policies may not be robust in relation to momentous events
eliciting strong negative feelings, such as large-scale economic downturns or pandemics
(Adam-Troian & Bagci, 2021; Andrighetto et al., 2016; Esses & Hamilton, 2021; Muis &
Reeskens, 2022).
The Russian invasion of Ukraine caused a major migration crisis in Europe. The Office of
the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR, 2022) estimated that by the
end of November 2022, more than 7.8 million people had fled Ukraine, over half of whom had
found refuge in the European Union. From the very beginning, Slovakia, as a neighbouring
country, was among the EU states most actively involved in managing the crisis. Despite its
image as a conservative country with negative attitudes towards migrants, both the Slovak
government and the Slovak people provided vast humanitarian aid and support to the refugees.
Common discourse and media were filled with compassion, and communications were much
more positive than in the case of migrants and refugees originating from the Global South
(Dingott Alkopher, 2018; Schmidt, 2021). Moreover, little voices opposed to accepting the
refugees were heard during the initial phase of the invasion. Instead, there was an exceptional
wave of spontaneous help offered by ordinary people.
This anecdotal evidence seems to indicate that people might have changed their ATM as
well as preferences for asylum and refugee policies in the aftermath of the Russian invasion.
Therefore, to delve deeper into the underpinnings of this possible attitudinal shift, the present
paper reports and compares the results of two studies on the relationships between well-being,
ATM, and preferences for asylum and refugee policies that were conducted on Slovak samples
before the Russian invasion of Ukraine (Autumn 2021) and during its initial phase (March
2022). In Study 1, we aimed to examine the general levels of and the relationships between
well-being, ATM, and preferences for asylum and refugee policies. In Study 2, we hypothesised
that the effect of well-being upon ATM as well as preferences for asylum and refugee policies
would dampen, while the negative feelings of worry, anxiety and helplessness elicited by the
ongoing war in Ukraine would come to the foreground. Unlike most previous studies, we
focused on negative feelings elicited not by the migrants or refugees themselves, but by the war
which could directly threaten national safety. In line with the common ingroup identity model
(Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000), the close war might evoke a sense of shared fate and build up the
understanding of the refugees’ experiences. Therefore, we expected the negative feelings of
worry, anxiety and helplessness to incline people towards showing more consideration for
migrants and refugees, as well as more support for inclusive asylum and refugee policies.
The contribution of this study is twofold. Firstly, the study allows observing changes in ATM
as well as preferences for asylum and refugee policies over time. The results may show whether
the relationship between subjective well-being and ATM is robust in relation to situational
factors eliciting negative feelings of worry, anxiety and helplessness. Most importantly,
however, the results may indicate how emotional responses to such situations are associated
with changes in general ATM as well as preferences for asylum and refugee policies. Our
research extends the traditional focus on ATM by disentangling attitudes and policy
preferences, and incorporating contextual factors that could be associated with attitudinal and
behavioural aspects of the debates surrounding asylum and refugee policies.
2 Literature review and hypotheses
2.1 The relationship between well-being and attitudes towards migrants
The relationship between well-being and ATM is well established in literature
(Nowakowski, 2021; Pinillos-Franco & Kawachi, 2022b, 2022a; Poutvaara & Steinhardt,
2018). Pursuing an explanation for the relationship, Welsch et al. (2021) suggested that those
experiencing more well-being can afford being generous to others and may also draw additional
utility from their more open, altruistic attitudes. Thus, people who are satisfied with their lives
and feel happy may feel less threatened by the inflow of migrants and refugees and more
supportive of inclusive asylum and refugee policies. On the contrary, those who experience less
well-being may attempt to make up for it.
Indeed, European Social Survey (ESS) data supported the view that low subjective well-
being is consistently associated with more support for populism and populist parties
(Nowakowski, 2021; Pinillos-Franco & Kawachi, 2022b). In particular, throughout the EU,
people who felt less happy and satisfied with their lives as well as those who considered their
health to be poor were more likely to show more hostile ATM and support a populist party in
the national elections. Populist parties — particularly right-wing parties — and their supporters
tend to hold negative views on migrants and refugees (Chan, 2022; Glinitzer et al., 2021; Golec
de Zavala et al., 2017, 2019; Hartman et al., 2021; Van Hauwaert & Van Kessel, 2018; Wirz et
al., 2018; Xia, 2021). Consequently, low subjective well-being as a correlate of support for such
parties could be further related to the support for those parties’ political programmes and their
firm opposition to migration and open asylum and refugee policies.
According to realistic group conflict theory (Sherif, 1966), one of the reasons as to why well-
being may be related to less favourable ATM and lower support for inclusive policies is the
sense that migrants and refugees pose a threat to the economic status, to safety, or a symbolic
threat to cultural and traditional values (Goodman & Schimmelfennig, 2020; Landmann et al.,
2019). People who already have low subjective well-being, caused by either health-related and
financial issues or generally low life satisfaction, may have limited resilience or ability to
accommodate additional external threats. Common narratives showing migrants and refugees
— particularly in new EU states — as threats to both individuals and countries’ economy,
culture and traditions aggravated the fears. Indeed, literature shows that both symbolic and
realistic threats are associated with negative attitudes towards migrants and refugees and with
support for dismissive asylum and refugee policies (Landmann et al., 2019; von Hermanni &
Neumann, 2019). Based on these findings, we hypothesise that there is a positive relationship
between well-being and attitudes towards migrants (H1) as well as preferences for more
inclusive asylum and refugee policies (H2).
2.2 Possible shifts in attitudes towards migrants during crises
2.2.1 Negative shifts in attitudes towards migrants
Less is known about how situational factors could be associated with the relationship
between well-being and ATM or preferences for asylum and refugee policies. Previous studies
have shown that large-scale crises eliciting strong negative feelings, such as pandemics or
economic cycles, may be associated with less favourable ATM and disturb the support for
asylum and refugee policies (Adam-Troian & Bagci, 2021; Andrighetto et al., 2016; Esses &
Hamilton, 2021; Muis & Reeskens, 2022). This is in line with realistic group conflict theory
indicating that when resources — e.g. jobs, social transfers, or efficiency of the healthcare
system — are (perceived to be) scarce, newcomers may be seen to be ripping natives off
regarding what rightly belongs to them (Abeywickrama et al., 2018; Alarcon et al., 2016;
Meuleman et al., 2020; Mols & Jetten, 2016; Sherif, 1966). Recent studies showed that during
economic crises and the COVID-19 pandemic, common narratives pointed to migrants and
refugees as additional risk factors increasing uncertainty among natives (Triandafyllidou,
2018). Migrants and refugees were then pointed towards as being responsible for spreading the
disease and/or posing an economic threat by intercepting jobs and overburdening welfare
systems.
For instance, Hartman et al. (2021) showed that while generally the relationship between
right-wing authoritarianism and anti-immigration sentiment is weak, threats of COVID-19
strengthen it. In other words, among people who held more authoritarian views and reported
greater COVID-19-related anxiety, anti-migrant attitudes were stronger than among those who
did not see the pandemic as a threat. Similar patterns were observed in the context of economic
crises. ESS-5 data show that across European countries, the 2007–2008 economic downturn —
expressed as slower GDP growth — was consistently associated with more negative ATM
(Billiet et al., 2014). Besides investigating macroeconomic factors, a study conducted by Billiet
et al. (2014) showed that the perception of threats was stronger among unemployed and blue-
collar workers who could be more easily replaced by fresh migrants than among more qualified
employees. What is more, people whose income decreased due to or during the crisis perceived
the threat posed by the migrants to be more profound. Meuleman et al. (2020) corroborated the
view that the sense of an ingroup’s relative deprivation could be associated with more of an
ethnic threat and mediate the relationship between objective economic indicators and an ethnic
threat. Indeed, Andrighetto et al. (2016) observed that after the 2012 earthquakes, native Italians
who were more affected by the disaster felt more threatened by migrants and, consequently,
were less likely to report helping intentions towards outgroups. In other words, people
experiencing some hardships or mishaps — be they objective or subjective — may feel that
migrants and refugees add yet another threat to their already-precarious existence and may
oppose migration more strongly than in times of prosperity and peace.
2.2.2 Positive shifts in attitudes towards migrants
In the present study, we reasoned that the threat and worry driven by the Russian aggression
can hardly be attributed to Ukrainian people fleeing their war-torn country. In accordance with
the common ingroup identity model (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000), in such a case the threat posed
by the war to both refugees and natives may build up a sense of shared fate (Vollhardt, 2009).
This, in turn, may encourage people to show more understanding of the refugees’ situation and
behave altruistically towards people previously viewed as being members of an outgroup
(Briciu, 2020; Doidge & Sandri, 2019; Klimecki et al., 2020). Following an individual’s dire
experiences or vivid perceptions of violence and suffering, psychological changes may
transform the trauma into empathy. The sense of one’s own vulnerability may, thus, enhance
feelings of compassion and intentions to help others, for instance, by awakening awareness that
others also suffer, perceiving the similarity between oneself and those who suffer, and looking
at their ordeal from a non-egocentric perspective, whereby establishing the sense of a bond with
those more severely affected. Staub and Vollhardt (2008) refer to this type of helping behaviour
arising from formative experiences as altruism born of suffering. Indeed, Andrighetto et al.
(2016) showed that shared traumatic experiences of the Italian earthquakes fostered minority
members’ notion of belonging to a common group with native Italians and inclined them
towards showing more altruistic intentions towards the majority. Concurrently, Adam-Troian
and Bagci (2021) showed that the perception of the COVID-19 threat was directly and
negatively associated with anti-immigration attitudes, at the least, as long as the migrants were
not perceived to be a threat themselves. Thus, through shared fears, those experiencing more
war-related negative feelings could better understand and empathise with the refugees.
Consequently, we expected negative feelings elicited by the war to explain ATM (H3) and
preferences for more inclusive asylum and refugee policies (H4) above and beyond well-being.
Furthermore, in line with realistic group conflict theory (Sherif, 1966), migrants and refugees
representing various ethnic groups may be perceived differently depending on the salience of
threat that they pose. As van Hootegem et al. (2020) observed, some groups of refugees may
be perceived to be more deserving of help than others. Meanwhile, others may be viewed with
suspicion and there may be a tacit assumption that their reasons for migrating or seeking asylum
may not be candid (Triandafyllidou, 2018). In Europe, this particularly applies to young males
fleeing North Africa or the Middle East. In the case of the post-invasion migration wave, we
speculated that there would be little reason with which to question the true motives of the
asylum seekers. Again, in line with the common ingroup identity model, we expected that the
level of negative attitudes towards migrants would decrease over time (H5), while the
preference for inclusive asylum and refugee policies would increase (H6).
3 Study 1 – Before the Russian invasion of Ukraine
3.1 Methods
3.1.1 Participants and procedures
A gender-balanced sample of 600 Slovaks aged 16 to 87 years (M = 45.81; SD = 16.35)
participated in the study. Participation was anonymous and voluntary and the participants could
withdraw from the survey at any time. The data were collected by a research agency via an
online survey hosted on Qualtrics. After reading and signing an informed consent form,
participants answered sociodemographic questions on age, sex and education. Thereafter, they
completed scales measuring their well-being, attitudes towards migrants, and preferences for
asylum and refugee policies. The complete questionnaire in English along with the dataset are
available at the Open Science Framework repository
(https://osf.io/qsugz/?view_only=a1d5a3bd54ed4afeaa9681366eeb24e1). The study was pre-
registered (https://osf.io/djr9w/?view_only=f5575b36df304394932532288355ea6d) and
approved by the ethical committee of the Centre of Social and Psychological Sciences of the
Slovak Academy of Sciences.
3.1.2 Measures
3.1.2.1 Well-being
Well-being was assessed using four distinct measures that were combined into one well-
being latent factor score computed by means of a least squares regression method. Firstly, the
Circles of life (Kjell et al., 2016) method was used to ask participants the extent to which they
feel in harmony and interconnected with the world. Participants had to select one picture from
10 pairs of circles that differed in the degree to which they overlap.
Secondly, a four-item Subjective happiness scale (Lyubomirsky & Lepper, 1999) was used
to assess global subjective happiness. The scale asks participants to describe themselves via
both absolute ratings and ratings relative to their peers (e.g. “Some people are generally very
happy. They enjoy life regardless of what is going on, getting the most out of everything. To
what extent does this characterization describe you?”). Participants answered on a seven-point
scale.
Thirdly, an eight-item Loneliness scale (Roberts et al., 1993) was used to measure feelings
of loneliness. The scale asks participants about their feelings of isolation, being in tune with
other people, or lacking companionship (e.g. “I am no longer close to anyone”). Participants
answered on a five-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree; 5 = strongly agree).
Fourthly, a five-item The satisfaction with life scale (Diener et al., 1985) was used to measure
global life satisfaction. The scale narrowly asks about what participants think about their lives
without tapping any related constructs such as positive affect or loneliness (e.g. “In most ways,
my life is close to ideal”). Participants answered on a five-point Likert scale (1 = strongly
disagree; 5 = strongly agree).
3.1.2.2 Attitudes towards migrants
A nine-item Fear-based xenophobia scale (van der Veer et al., 2013) was used to measure
how people feel about immigration and migrants (e.g. “Interacting with migrants makes me
uneasy”). Participants indicated their attitudes on a five-point Likert scale (1 = strongly
disagree; 5 = strongly agree).
In addition, three questions from the European Social Survey (ESS, 2018) were used to
extend the assessment of people’s Immigration threats. The questions map what people think
about migrants and immigration in terms of their effects on economics or culture (e.g. “Would
you say it is generally bad or good for Slovakia’s economy that people come to live here from
other countries?”). Participants answered on a seven-point scale.
Based on Fear-based xenophobia and Immigration threats, we computed a factor score for
the attitudes towards migrants latent construct by means of a least squares regression method.
3.1.2.3 Preferences for asylum and refugee policies
The original six-item Preferences for asylum and refugee policies scale was created to assess
people’s preferences for what specific asylum and refugee policies a state should follow (e.g.
“Each EU country should make its own decisions on asylum applications within its territory”).
We were inspired by the work of Jeannet et al. (2021), who identified six core dimensions that
conceptualise the asylum and refugee policies of high-income countries. These dimensions
relate to: 1) the right of refugees to apply for asylum, 2) the resettlement of already-recognised
refugees, 3) the return of asylum seekers whose applications for protection have been
unsuccessful, 4) family reunification for recognised refugees, 5) the state’s independence
concerning their migration policies, and 5) financial solidarity with countries that host refugees.
Participants responded on a five-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree; 5 = strongly agree).
3.1.2.4 Control variables
To control for the effects of sociodemographic characteristics, participants were asked
questions on their gender, age, education and religiosity.
3.2 Results
We performed two separate multiple linear regressions to examine the effect of well-being
upon attitudes towards migrants as well as preferences for asylum and refugee policies before
the Russian invasion of Ukraine. In both analyses, biological sex, age, education, and religiosity
were entered as covariates to control for their effects.
As shown in Table 1, the model with well-being and covariates as predictors as well as ATM
as the outcome was significant, explaining 6% of the variance of the attitudes. Well-being and
education showed significant negative effects on ATM, while age and religiosity showed
significant positive effects. The effect of sex was not significant.
Table 1. Total and direct effects in the multiple linear regression model with attitudes towards
migrants as an outcome variable - Study 1
Variables b SE β t p 95% CI [LL, UL]
Outcome: Attitudes towards migrants
R
2
= .06, F(5, 594) = 7.92, p < .001
Well-being -.11 .04 -.11 -2.61 <.01 [-.19, -.03]
Sex .06 .08 .03 .80 .43 [-.09, .22]
Age .01 <.01 .19 4.57 <.001 [.01, .02]
Education -.11 .03 -.13 -3.2 <.01 [-.17, -.04]
Religiosity .05 .02 .11 2.69 .01 [.01, .09]
Considerably different results were shown for the model including preferences for asylum
and refugee policies as an outcome variable (Table 2). Although the predictors accounted for
significant variance in the preferences, and the explained variance was very similar to the model
with ATM, the direct effects of specific predictors were different. In particular, age showed a
significant positive effect on preferences for asylum and refugee policies, while well-being,
sex, education, and religiosity showed no significant effects.
Table 2. Total and direct effects in the multiple linear regression model with a preference for
asylum and refugee policies as an outcome variable - Study 1
Variables b SE β t p 95% CI [LL, UL]
Outcome: Preference for asylum and refugee policies
R
2
= .05, F(5, 594) = 6, p < .001
Well-being -.05 .03 -.07 -1.69 .09 [-.11, .01]
Sex -.06 .06 -.04 -1 .32 [-.17, .06]
Age .01 <.01 .20 4.96 <.001 [.01, .01]
Education -.04 .02 -.07 -1.56 .12 [-.09, .01]
Religiosity .01 .01 .03 .85 .40 [-.02, .04]
4 Study 2 – During the initial phase of the Russian invasion of Ukraine
4.1 Methods
4.1.1 Participants
As for the first study, a gender-balanced sample of 600 Slovaks aged 16 to 87 years (M =
46.09; SD = 15.92) participated in the study. The procedure was similar to that of the previous
study. Participation was anonymous and voluntary and the participants could withdraw from
the survey at any time. The data were collected by a research agency via an online survey hosted
on Qualtrics. After reading and signing an informed consent form, participants answered
sociodemographic questions on age, sex and education and then reported their well-being,
negative feelings elicited by the Russian invasion, attitudes towards migrants, and preferences
for asylum and refugee policies. As in Study 1, the complete questionnaire in English along
with the dataset are available at the Open Science Framework repository
(https://osf.io/qsugz/?view_only=a1d5a3bd54ed4afeaa9681366eeb24e1). The study was pre-
registered (https://osf.io/6hgd7/?view_only=2c600fdcd5014fe3b942f3e5722f7336) and
approved by the ethical committee of the Centre of Social and Psychological Sciences of the
Slovak Academy of Sciences.
4.1.2 Measures
4.1.2.1 Well-being
People’s well-being was operationalised in a manner identical to that of Study 1. In
particular, we used a least squares regression method to calculate factor scores based on the
score from four measures: Circles of life (Kjell et al., 2016), Subjective happiness scale
(Lyubomirsky & Lepper, 1999), Loneliness scale (Roberts et al., 1993) and The satisfaction
with life (Diener et al., 1985).
4.1.2.2 Negative feelings elicited by the Russian invasion of Ukraine
The negative feelings elicited by the Russian invasion were assessed using three specific
measures that were combined into one latent factor score by means of a least squares regression
method. A 10-item Climate change worry scale (Stewart, 2021) was adapted/modified to ask
about feelings of worry with regard to the Ukraine war (e.g. “Thoughts about Ukrainian war
cause me to have worries about what the future may hold”). Participants answered on a five-
point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree; 5 = strongly agree).
In addition, a short six-item Spielberger state–trait anxiety inventory (Marteau & Bekker,
1992) was adapted to ask about current feelings of anxiety with regard to the Ukraine war (e.g.
“I feel tense”). Participants answered on a four-point scale (1 = not at all, 5 = very much).
Finally, a four-item Helplessness helplessness scale (Čavojová et al., 2022) was adopted to
ask about feelings of helplessness regarding the Russian invasion of Ukraine (e.g. “I feel
helpless when thinking about the Ukrainian war”). Participants answered on a five-point Likert
scale (1 = strongly disagree; 5 = strongly agree).
4.1.2.3 Attitudes towards migrants
The exact same measures as in Study 1 were used for measuring attitudes towards migrants:
Fear-based xenophobia scale (van der Veer et al., 2013) and three questions capturing
Immigration threats (ESS, 2018). Based on these two measures, we computed a factor score by
means of a least squares regression method.
4.1.2.4 Preferences for asylum and refugee policies
As in Study 1, the original Preference for asylum and refugee policies scale was used to
assess people’s preferences for what specific migration policies a state should follow.
4.1.2.5 Control variables
As in Study 1, we asked participants about their gender, age, education and religiosity to
control for their effects.
4.2 Results
We performed two separate hierarchical linear regressions to examine how well-being and
negative feelings predict ATM as well as preferences for asylum and refugee policies during
the Russian invasion of Ukraine. As in Study 1, biological sex, age, education, and religiosity
were entered as covariates to control for their effects.
Table 3 reports the models with ATM as an outcome. The first model (including well-being
and covariates) accounted for significant variance in ATM. Like before the invasion, well-being
and education showed significant negative direct effects on ATM. Sex, age and religiosity
showed no significant effects. In the second step, negative feelings were entered into the model,
along with well-being and covariates. The model accounted for significant variance in ATM,
and the explained variance increased significantly (ΔR2 = .02, ΔF(1, 593) = 12.91, p < .001).
In the second model, both well-being and negative feelings were significant negative predictors
of ATM. As in the first model, education showed a significant negative effect and religiosity
showed a non-significant effect on ATM. Lastly, including negative feelings in the second
model caused sex and age to show a significant positive effect on ATM.
Table 3. Total and direct effects in the multiple linear regression model with attitudes towards
migrants as an outcome variable - Study 2
Variables b SE β t p 95% CI [LL, UL]
Outcome: Attitudes towards migrants
Step 1:
R
2
= .05, F(5, 594) = 6.28, p < .001
Well-being -.13 .04 -.13 -3.30 <.01 [-.21, -.05]
Sex .15 .08 .08 1.84 .07 [-.01, .31]
Age .01 <.01 .08 1.92 .06 [<.01, .01]
Education -.08 .03 -.10 -2.53 .01 [-.15, -.02]
Religiosity .03 .02 .07 1.71 .09 [-.01, .07]
Step 2:
R
2
= .07, F(1, 593) = 12.91, p < .001
Well-being -.16 .04 -.16 -3.88 <.001 [-.24, -.08]
Negative feelings
-.15 .04 -.15 -3.59 <.001 [-.23, -.07]
Sex -.22 .08 .11 2.64 <.01 [.06, .38]
Age .01 <.01 .10 2.52 .01 [<.01, .01]
Education -.08 .03 -.10 -2.38 .02 [-.14, -.01]
Religiosity .03 .02 .07 1.67 .10 [-.01, .07]
Table 4 reports the results of hierarchical linear regression with preferences for asylum and
refugee policies as an outcome. In the first step, well-being was entered along with biological
sex, age, education, and religiosity. The model accounted for significant variance in the
preferences. Well-being and education showed significant negative direct effects on
preferences, just as before the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Sex, age and religiosity showed
non-significant effects. In the second step, negative feelings were added as a predictor into the
model. The model accounted for significant variance in the preferences, and the explained
variance increased significantly (ΔR2 = .05, ΔF(1, 593) = 34.42, p < .001). In the second model,
both well-being and negative feelings were significant negative predictors of the preferences,
but the preferences showed a considerably stronger effect. As in the first model, education
continued to have a significant negative effect, while sex, age and religiosity showed a non-
significant effect on the preferences.
Table 4. Total and direct effects in the multiple linear regression model with a preference for
asylum and refugee policies as an outcome variable - Study 2
Variables b SE β t p 95% CI [LL, UL]
Outcome: Preference for asylum and refugee policies
Step 1:
R
2
= .03, F(5, 594) = 4.08, p = .001
Well-being -.07 .02 -.12 -2.97 <.01 [-.12, -.02]
Sex .02 .05 .01 .35 .73 [-.08, .11]
Age <.01 <.01 .03 .72 .47 [<.01, .01]
Education -.06 .02 -.12 -2.98 <.01 [-.10, -.02]
Religiosity <.01 .01 <.01
.01 .99 [-.02, .02]
Step 2:
R
2
= .09, F(1, 593) = 34.42, p < .001
Well-being -.09 .02 -.16 -3.97 <.001
[-.13, -.05]
Negative feelings -.14 .02 -.24 -5.87 <.001
[-.19, -.10]
Sex .08 .05 .07 1.70 .09 [-.01, .18]
Age <.01 <.01 .07 1.71 .09 [<.01, .01]
Education -.05 .02 -.11 -2.79 .01 [-.09, -.02]
Religiosity <-.01 .01 <-.01
-.08 .93 [-.02, .02]
5 Comparing the levels of well-being, attitudes towards migrants, and preferences for
asylum and refugee policies in two studies
To examine whether there was any shift in people’s ATM and their preferences for asylum
and refugee policies over time, we performed independent t-tests that compared the data on
levels of well-being, attitudes towards migrants, and preferences for asylum and refugee
policies that were collected before and during the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Since factor
scores are centralised and, thus, not comparable, we were not able to use factor scores of well-
being and ATM for these analyses. Therefore, we used observed variables that were
representing these factor scores.
Table 5 shows that, with regard to ATM, both fear-based xenophobia and immigration
threats showed a significant decrease over time. Moreover, people also reported significantly
stronger preferences for inclusive asylum and refugee policies during the Russian invasion of
Ukraine than before the invasion.
Table 5. The comparisons of the levels of attitudes toward migrants and preferences for asylum
and refugee policies in two studies
Variable Study M SD t
p
95% CI [LB, UB]
Fear-based xenophobia
Study 1 3.28 .81
4.73 <.001 [.13, .32]
Study 2 3.05 .86
Immigration threats
Study 1 5.98 1.89
2.84 .005 [.10, .54]
Study 2 5.66 2.01
Study 1 3.31 .74 13.35 <.001 [.44, .59]
Preferences for asylum and
refugee policies Study 2 2.79 .59
Note.
The lower score in preferences for asylum and refugee policies means more inclusive preferences
6 Discussion
The study investigated ATM as well as preferences for asylum and refugee policies in
Slovakia, one of the countries directly neighbouring Ukraine. The research comprised two
studies performed before the invasion and soon after it had started. Firstly, the studies explored
whether well-being has stable associations with ATM despite a sudden geopolitical crisis.
Secondly, the studies examined whether negative emotions elicited by the Russian invasion of
Ukraine may be associated both with more positive ATM and with enhanced support for
inclusive asylum and refugee policies. The results indicate that there is a reason to disentangle
ATM and policy preferences and incorporate contextual factors that could be associated with
attitudinal and behavioural aspects of debates surrounding asylum and refugee policies. Finally,
the study sheds light on antecedents of the wave of altruism towards Ukrainian refugees during
the first weeks of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
6.1 Disentangling ATM and policy preferences: the roles of well-being and emotions
In line with previous literature (Nowakowski, 2021; Pinillos-Franco & Kawachi, 2022b,
2022a; Poutvaara & Steinhardt, 2018), the two studies show that well-being has a stable
relationship with attitudes towards migrants. Both before the invasion and soon after it started,
well-being was consistently associated with more positive ATM, thus supporting Hypothesis 1.
These results corroborate the view that subjective well-being is robustly associated with ATM
despite the situational factors eliciting negative feelings of worry, anxiety and helplessness.
However, our study provides less convincing evidence on the relationship between well-being
and preferences for asylum and refugee policies. Inconsistent with Hypothesis 2, well-being
was positively associated with preferences for more inclusive asylum and refugee policies in
Study 2, but the two were not related in Study 1. Our data show that although ATM and policy
preferences are strongly related, their associations with well-being may diverge under specific
circumstances.
A potential explanation for the divergence may be associated with the geographical
proximity of the conflict. In line with the common ingroup identity model (Gaertner & Dovidio,
2000), the close war might elicit more negative emotions than those elicited by conflicts in
distant parts of the world. This, in turn, could build up the understanding of the refugees’
experiences prompting people to support more inclusive asylum and refugee policies.
Moreover, the geographical proximity may have yet another impact. Before the Russian
invasion of Ukraine, Slovakia was among the countries with the lowest numbers of asylum
applications submitted and even fewer granted (Bozogáňová & Pethö, 2022). Migration crises
were mostly observed from a distance and via media coverage. The lack of experiences gained
through regular and meaningful contact with migrants may make people more distrustful
towards members of outgroups (Bilgic et al., 2019; Briciu, 2020; Green, 2009; Knappert et al.,
2021). In the aftermath of the invasion, not only was the media coverage much more
sympathetic, people were also more likely to gain first-hand experiences with the refugees
(Troszyński & El-Ghamari, 2022).
To delve deeper into the drivers of the shift in ATM and policy preferences, Study 2 also
included a measure of negative emotions elicited by the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Our
results indicate that negative feelings of fear, anxiety and helplessness are associated both with
more positive ATM and with preferences for more inclusive policies. However, the results do
not corroborate Hypothesis 3. Although adding negative feelings slightly increased the variance
explained by the model, their presence also increased the role of well-being. Thus, although
negative emotions were positively related to preferences for more inclusive policies — whereby
corroborating Hypothesis 4 — they were shown to be closely intertwined with well-being. It
seems that in the aftermath of the invasion, immediate emotional responses to such an acute
stressor may have close associations with subjective well-being. In general, acute stressors
require time to accommodate and, thus, may more strongly resonate in subjective assessment
of well-being through emotions than may any chronic factors. Similar mechanisms were
observed in Slovakia at the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic when sudden and acute
economic stressors — compared to long-term economic hardship — had an enhanced impact
on individuals’ sense of financial well-being (Adamus & Grežo, 2021).
6.2 ATM and policy preferences born of suffering
Our study shows that prosocial behaviour or empathy — as approximated by support for
more inclusive asylum and refugee policies — may be rooted not only in positive and
meaningful contact with refugees or migrants (Knappert et al., 2021), but also in shared
traumatic experiences. The data show that immediate negative emotions elicited by the invasion
may have the potential to curb xenophobia and the sense of threat posed by the migrants.
Importantly, the results provide optimistic information that the effect of emotions upon attitudes
could spill over beyond Ukrainian refugees. In other words, the newly emerged sense of shared
fate may also include other ethnically or culturally more diverse groups of people in need (Muis
& Reeskens, 2022). The fact that natives may perceive themselves to be equally threatened
could, thus, reduce negative outgroup affect (Adam-Troian & Bagci, 2021; Andrighetto et al.,
2016). Ultimately, those dire experiences may encourage more helping intentions and altruism.
The results, thus, corroborate the hypothesis that formative experiences such as the invasion of
a neighbouring country may foster altruism towards members of outgroups (Staub & Vollhardt,
2008; Vollhardt, 2009).
However, our results might also be driven by the methods that we used in both studies.
Specifically, we asked about general ATM without specifying the target group of migrants or
refugees. Although general ATM improved over time — whereby providing arguments in
favour of Hypothesis 5 — this attitudinal shift could be associated with the fact that participants
thought about different groups of refugees when answering those questions on general ATM.
For instance, extant literature indicates that Middle Eastern refugees — often young, working-
age males — are seen to be seeking opportunities to improve their economic circumstances
(Verkuyten, 2004; Verkuyten et al., 2018). As such, they could seize less complex jobs and
burden the welfare system. Therefore, in line with social identity theory, people with a lower
socioeconomic status could see refugees and migrants as being a group competing for the same
pool of scarce resources (Billiet et al., 2014; Green, 2009; Meuleman et al., 2020; Van
Hootegem et al., 2020). For them, migration may be associated with less job security, as their
jobs may be more easily taken by newcomers who generally lack the (recognised) required
education or professional experience. The sense of competition could enhance hostility. Non-
negligible are also perceived symbolic threats allegedly posed by predominantly Muslim
refugees from the Middle East. When we collected data for Study 1, the migration crisis was
presented in the media in the context of Middle Eastern or African migrants and refugees. It is
likely, thus, that Study 1 partly captured sentiments associated with this ethnic group.
On the contrary, the Ukrainian refugees were mostly women of various ages, often
accompanied by children (UNHCR, 2022). As Hudson et al. (2019) noticed, women tend to be
seen in a more idealistic way and, thus, may elicit more empathy and helping behaviour. The
fact that Ukrainians may be more easily seen to be members of the European Christian
community may additionally mitigate the sense of symbolic threat posed by members of
outgroups. Ultimately, the ethnic and religious affinity may warm up responses to Ukrainian
refugees and elicit more openness and helping behaviour. Therefore, the results of Study 2 could
be influenced by the composition of the group of refugees. In conclusion, although we observed
a positive shift in ATM, it could be associated with Ukrainians serving as an anchor in
answering the questions on general ATM in Study 2. Nevertheless, situational cues and related
emotional responses could also manifest through enhanced preferences for more inclusive
refugee and asylum policies, corroborating Hypothesis 6. Therefore, although we cannot draw
far-reaching and definite conclusions, the findings provide an empirical argument in favour of
the altruism born of suffering hypothesis (Staub & Vollhardt, 2008; Vollhardt, 2009).
6.3 Limitations and future recommendations
Despite our best efforts, the study is not free from limitations. Firstly, our data were collected
only a couple of weeks after the invasion had started; thus, we cannot draw a conclusion with
regard to the robustness of the changes in ATM as well as preferences for asylum and refugee
policies. As Adam-Troian and Bagci (2021) observed, the necessary condition for enhanced
altruism is to perceive the refugees to be non-threatening. The cumulative effects of the war
and the looming economic and energy crises may distort the perception of refugees and asylum
seekers. If the economic threats become more pronounced, the sense of competition for scarce
resources could swiftly set the attitudes and preferences back, whereby thwarting any small
gains that we observed in this study. Van Hootegem et al. (2020) pointed out that those who are
generally struggling with their economic circumstances are more opposed to migrants and
refugees. A lower socioeconomic status and the subjective appraisal of economic threats seem
to be consequential for individuals’ ATM and policy preferences. In the long term, economic
threats allegedly posed by the refugees and asylum seekers may get to the fore. Consequently,
altruistic impulses may soon be replaced by fears that refugees will deprive natives of resources
and disturb the process of redistribution. In particular, when the efficiency of institutions
responsible for redistribution and social assistance is viewed as being inefficient or deficient,
the natives may withdraw their support and the anti-migrant attitudes may be revived
(Andrighetto et al., 2016). The long-term effects could be addressed in future studies through
more frequently probing ATM and policy preferences at intervals reflecting the current
geopolitical and economic situation.
Moreover, well-being and negative emotions explained only a relatively small fraction of
variation. The data show that there may be other factors that are more strongly associated with
ATM and policy preferences. In our study, this applies to sociodemographic characteristics
such as age and education. What is more, we are aware that particular variables such as political
orientation, preferences for an intergroup hierarchy, or institutional trust may have an even-
stronger impact on ATM and policy preferences (Hudson et al., 2019; Jennings et al., 2021).
Future research could delve deeper into how political or value orientations are intertwined with
emotional responses to acute stressors and migration crises. Perhaps endorsed values may
prompt people to overcome immediate emotional responses, whereby diluting any effects that
emotions could have on ATM as well as support for more inclusive asylum and refugee policies.
7 Conclusion
Our results indicate that the sense of shared fate and understanding have the potential to
alleviate hostility towards refugees and migrants. The empathy-driven experience with
Ukrainian refugees could encourage more favourable perceptions of migrants and refugees in
general. In the current geopolitical and economic situation, this attitudinal shift — albeit frail
— is precious and worth fostering. Enhanced sensitivity towards people suffering from war or
climate change is a foundation of winning widespread support for policies aimed at bringing
relief to those most affected. With the increasing threats — be they real or imagined — to the
quality of life and safety, egoistic motivations may take precedence. Citizens of host countries
may start to view refugees as competing for scarce economic resources and welfare benefits.
Concurrently, those contributing to solidarity or relief funds may come to view the contributions
to be disproportionate and unnecessary, thus nullifying potential successes in building the sense
that we share our fate with people who differ from us or are far away. Our results indicate the
promising path that expanding the sense of community through more empathy towards
experiences of other people may become a step in uniting responses to global challenges.
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MUNI Econ Working Paper Series (since 2018)
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policies before and during Russian invasion of Ukraine: The case of Slovakia. MUNI ECON Working
Paper n. 2023-01. Brno: Masaryk University.
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On Immigrant-Native Labor Market Hierarchies. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2022-12. Brno:
Masaryk University.
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University.
2022-10 Corazzini, L., Marini, M. 2022. Focal points in multiple threshold public goods games: A single-project
meta-analysis. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2022-10. Brno: Masaryk University.
2022-09 Fazio, A., Scervini, F., Reggiani, T. 2022. Social media charity campaigns and pro-social behavior.
Evidence from the Ice Bucket Challenge.. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2022-09. Brno: Masaryk
University.
2022-08 Coufalová, L., Mikula, Š. 2022. The Grass Is Not Greener on the Other Side: The Role of Attention
in Voting Behaviour.. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2022-08. Brno: Masaryk University.
2022-07 Fazio, A., Reggiani, T. 2022. Minimum wage and tolerance for inequality.. MUNI ECON Working
Paper n. 2022-07. Brno: Masaryk University.
2022-06 Mikula, Š., Reggiani, T. 2022. Residential-based discrimination in the labor market. MUNI ECON
Working Paper n. 2022-06. Brno: Masaryk University.
2022-05 Mikula, Š., Molnár, P. 2022. Expected Transport Accessibility Improvement and House Prices:
Evidence from the Construction of the World’s Longest Undersea Road Tunnel. MUNI ECON
Working Paper n. 2022-05. Brno: Masaryk University.
2022-04 Coufalová, L., Mikula, Š., Ševčík, M. 2022. Homophily in Voting Behavior: Evidence from Preferential
Voting. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2022-04. Brno: Masaryk University.
2022-03 Kecskésová, M., Mikula, Š. 2022. Malaria and Economic Development in the Short-term:
Plasmodium falciparum vs Plasmodium vivax. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2022-03. Brno:
Masaryk University.
2022-02 Mladenović, D., Rrustemi, V., Martin, S., Kalia, P., Chawdhary, R. 2022. Effects of Sociodemographic
Variables on Electronic Word of Mouth: Evidence from Emerging Economies. MUNI ECON Working
Paper n. 2022-02. Brno: Masaryk University.
2022-01 Mikula, Š., Montag, J. 2022. Roma and Bureaucrats: A Field Experiment in the Czech Republic.
MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2022-01. Brno: Masaryk University.
2021-14 Abraham, E. D., Corazzini, L., Fišar, M., Reggiani, T. 2021. Delegation and Overhead Aversion with
Multiple Threshold Public Goods. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2021-14. Brno: Masaryk University.
2021-13 Corazzini, L., Cotton, C., Longo, E., Reggiani, T. 2021. The Gates Effect in Public Goods
Experiments: How Donations Flow to the Recipients Favored by the Wealthy. MUNI ECON Working
Paper n. 2021-13. Brno: Masaryk University.
2021-12 Staněk, R., Krčál, O., Mikula, Š. 2021. Social Capital and Mobility: An Experimental Study. MUNI
ECON Working Paper n. 2021-12. Brno: Masaryk University.
2021-11 Staněk, R., Krčál, O., Čellárová, K. 2021. Pull yourself up by your bootstraps: Identifying procedural
preferences against helping others in the presence. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2021-11. Brno:
Masaryk University.
2021-10 Levi, E., Sin, I., Stillman, S. 2021. Understanding the Origins of Populist Political Parties and the
Role of External Shocks. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2021-10. Brno: Masaryk University.
2021-09 Adamus, M., Grežo, M. 202. Individual Differences in Behavioural Responses to the Financial
Threat Posed by the COVID-19 Pandemic. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2021-09. Brno: Masaryk
University.
2021-08 Hargreaves Heap, S. P., Karadimitropoulou, A., Levi, E. 2021. Narrative based information: is it
the facts or their packaging that matters?. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2021-08. Brno: Masaryk
University.
2021-07 Hargreaves Heap, S. P., Levi, E., Ramalingam, A. 2021. Group identification and giving: in-group
love, out-group hate and their crowding out. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2021-07. Brno: Masaryk
University.
2021-06 Medda, T., Pelligra, V., Reggiani, T. 2021. Lab-Sophistication: Does Repeated Participation in
Laboratory Experiments Affect Pro-Social Behaviour?. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2021-06.
Brno: Masaryk University.
2021-05 Guzi, M., Kahanec, M., Ulceluse M., M. 2021. Europe’s migration experience and its effects on
economic inequality. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2021-05. Brno: Masaryk University.
2021-04 Fazio, A., Reggiani, T., Sabatini, F. 2021. The political cost of lockdown´s enforcement. MUNI ECON
Working Paper n. 2021-04. Brno: Masaryk University.
2021-03 Peciar, V. Empirical investigation into market power, markups and employment. MUNI ECON
Working Paper n. 2021-03. Brno: Masaryk University.
2021-02 Abraham, D., Greiner, B., Stephanides, M. 2021. On the Internet you can be anyone: An experiment
on strategic avatar choice in online marketplaces. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2021-02. Brno:
Masaryk University.
2021-01 Krčál, O., Peer, S., Staněk, R. 2021. Can time-inconsistent preferences explain hypothetical biases?.
MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2021-01. Brno: Masaryk University.
2020-04 Pelligra, V., Reggiani, T., Zizzo, D.J. 2020. Responding to (Un)Reasonable Requests by an Authority.
MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2020-04. Brno: Masaryk University.
2020-03 de Pedraza, P., Guzi, M., Tijdens, K. 2020. Life Dissatisfaction and Anxiety in COVID-19 pandemic.
MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2020-03. Brno: Masaryk University.
2020-02 de Pedraza, P., Guzi, M., Tijdens, K. 2020. Life Satisfaction of Employees, Labour Market Tightness
and Matching Efficiency. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2020-02. Brno: Masaryk University.
2020-01 Fišar, M., Reggiani, T., Sabatini, F., Špalek, J. 2020. a. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2020-01.
Brno: Masaryk University.
2019-08 Fišar, M., Krčál, O., Špalek, J., Staněk, R., Tremewan, J. 2019. A Competitive Audit Selection
Mechanism with Incomplete Information. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2019-08. Brno: Masaryk
University.
2019-07 Guzi, M., Huber, P., Mikula, M. 2019. Old sins cast long shadows: The Long-term impact of the
resettlement of the Sudetenland on residential migration. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2019-07.
Brno: Masaryk University.
2019-06 Mikula, M., Montag, J. 2019. Does homeownership hinder labor market activity? Evidence from
housing privatization and restitution in Brno. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2019-06. Brno: Masaryk
University.
2019-05 Krčál, O., Staněk, R., Slanicay, M. 2019. Made for the job or by the job? A lab-in-the-field experiment
with firefighters. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2019-05. Brno: Masaryk University.
2019-04 Bruni, L., Pelligra, V., Reggiani, T., Rizzolli, M. 2019. The Pied Piper: Prizes, Incentives, and
Motivation Crowding-in. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2019-04. Brno: Masaryk University.
2019-03 Krčál, O., Staněk, R., Karlínová, B., Peer, S. 2019. Real consequences matters: why hypothetical
biases in the valuation of time persist even in controlled lab experiments. MUNI ECON Working
Paper n. 2019-03. Brno: Masaryk University.
2019-02 Corazzini, L., Cotton, C., Reggiani, T., 2019. Delegation And Coordination With Multiple Threshold
Public Goods: Experimental Evidence. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2019-02. Brno: Masaryk
University.
2019-01 Fišar, M., Krčál, O., Staněk, R., Špalek, J. 2019. The Effects of Staff-rotation in Public Administration
on the Decision to Bribe or be Bribed. MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2019-01. Brno: Masaryk
University.
2018-02 Guzi, M., Kahanec, M. 2018. Income Inequality and the Size of Government: A Causal Analysis.
MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2018-02. Brno: Masaryk University.
2018-01 Geraci, A., Nardotto, M., Reggiani, T., Sabatini, F. 2018. Broadband Internet and Social Capital.
MUNI ECON Working Paper n. 2018-01. Brno: Masaryk University.
ISSN electronic edition 2571-130X
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