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Virtual First Impressions: Zoom backgrounds affect judgements of trust and competence

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Trait inferences from first impressions are drawn rapidly and spontaneously. However, the Covid-19 pandemic forced interactions online introducing differential influential factors on first impressions. As such, there is an absence of research investigating video background on videoconferencing impression formation. This study explored the influence of video background, facial expression, and gender on first impressions of trustworthiness and competence. Video background affected trustworthy and competence perceptions with Plants, Books and Blank backgrounds scoring highly on both dimensions while the Home, Blurred Home and Novelty backgrounds consistently received the lowest ratings. Happy faces were perceived as more trustworthy and more competent while female faces were also rated as more trustworthy and more competent, regardless of the background they were using. The explanations for these findings are discussed, along with future directions for research and the implications for videoconferencing use.
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Virtual First Impressions: Zoom backgrounds affect
judgements of trust and competence
Abi Cook1, Meg Thompson1 & Paddy Ross1*
1. Department of Psychology, Durham University, Durham, UK
*Corresponding Author:
Dr Paddy Ross
Department of Psychology
Durham University
Science Site
South Road
Durham
DH1 3LE
01913343279
paddy.ross@durham.ac.uk
Conflict of Interest: The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of
any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of
interest.
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Abstract
Trait inferences from first impressions are drawn rapidly and spontaneously. However, the
Covid-19 pandemic forced interactions online introducing differential influential factors on
first impressions. As such, there is an absence of research investigating video background on
videoconferencing impression formation. This study explored the influence of video
background, facial expression, and gender on first impressions of trustworthiness and
competence. Video background affected trustworthy and competence perceptions with
Plants and Book backgrounds scoring highly on both dimensions while the Home and
Novelty backgrounds consistently received the lowest ratings. Happy faces were perceived
as more trustworthy and more competent while female faces were also rated as more
trustworthy and more competent, regardless of the background they were using. The
explanations for these findings are discussed, along with future directions for research and
the implications for videoconferencing use.
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Introduction
First impressions are formed instantly. Within the first few seconds of meeting
someone, we spontaneously draw inferences about their character traits (Todorov, 2017).
Social judgements of trustworthiness, competence, likability, aggressiveness, and
attractiveness are made in a few milliseconds (Willis & Todorov, 2006). Despite some errors
in trait inference (Rule et al., 2013), immediate first impressions are remarkably accurate
(Biesanz et al., 2011). First impressions develop at an early age (Cogsdill et al., 2014) and
consensus of trait evaluations are shared cross-culturally (Zebrowitz et al., 2012). This
suggests an adaptive function of first impressions to determine others’ intentions, as friends
or foe, and their agentic capacity to act on intentions (Zebrowitz, 2017). The Stereotype
Content Model (SCM) proposes interpersonal judgements are captured along these
dimensions of warmth (trustworthiness, friendliness) and competence (capability,
assertiveness) (Cuddy et al., 2008). This parallels the trustworthiness and dominance
dimensions identified from analysis of 13 social traits spontaneously judged from faces
(Oosterhof & Todorov, 2008). Trustworthiness and competence are therefore important
dimensions for social judgements. First impressions influence significant real-world
outcomes, including electoral success (Olivola & Todorov, 2010), financial success (Rule &
Ambady, 2011), criminal sentencing decisions (Blair et al., 2004) and mating choices (Cooper
et al., 2012). These outcomes have driven extensive research into the influencing factors on
first impressions (Wills & Todorov, 2006).
However, the way we meet people is changing. The COVID-19 pandemic forced
many of our interactions online through videoconferencing when face-to-face meetings
were restricted (Waizenegger et al., 2020). Videoconferencing enables live audio and video
communication. Platforms including Zoom and Microsoft Teams saw dramatic user
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increases from 10 million to 300 million and 20 million to 75 million respectively from late
2019 to April 2020 (Evans, 2020; Microsoft Teams Revenue and Usage Statistics (2022),
2022). The platforms facilitate remote working in organisations, businesses, and education,
as well as enabling social connections (Döring et al., 2022; Hacker et al., 2020). Within these
contexts, strangers meet virtually for the first time, including in video interviews (Maurer,
2020) and virtual first dates (Dibble & McDaniel, 2021), demonstrating the relevance and
necessity of investigating first impression formation in videoconferencing interactions.
Virtual meetings are evolving into a permanent feature of the professional environment
because they are convenient, efficient, and cost-effective. Predications estimate 75% of
business meetings will occur through videoconferencing by 2024 (Standaert et al., 2022), a
prediction that is on target as Microsoft Teams had 270 million users in 2022, a 260%
increase from the height of global lockdowns in April 2020. This clearly demonstrates the
lasting presence of videoconferencing in a post pandemic world, necessitating a line of
research that explores first impressions in a videoconferencing context.
Videoconferencing platforms simulate face-to-face meetings yet there are distinct
situational differences between in-person and virtual interactions. In face-to-face meetings,
there is limited control of the environment. In contrast, individuals can change the
videoconferencing environment by blurring their background or selecting a virtual
background. This disparity is significant because visual context influences first impressions.
Catergorisation of facial expression was faster and more accurate when viewing a congruent
emotional background (Righart & Gelder, 2008). Similarly, positive and negative contexts
induce positive and negative evaluations respectively, regardless of facial expression (Koji &
Fernandes, 2010). In addition to affective contexts, threatening visual backgrounds
influence evaluations. Neutral faces are judged as more dominant when a downward
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pointing triangle, known to convey threat, is in the background (Toet & Tak, 2013) while
only threatening backgrounds influenced trustworthiness judgements (Brambilla et al.,
2018). The role of context in facial processing is supported by the effect of emotional
background scenes on event-related potentials (Gelder et al., 2006). These findings indicate
that first impressions are significantly influenced by contextual visual factors, likely through
a top-down, adapted mechanism, therefore video background could differentially impact
first impression evaluations compared to in-person meetings. The present study seeks to
investigate the influence of visual context, signalled by video background, on evaluations of
trustworthiness and competence.
Videoconferencing platforms provide the opportunity to alter virtual environments.
Individuals may present a certain image of themselves to influence character perceptions,
such as tidying up or blurring background mess to appear organised. This is particularly likely
in interactions with strangers where there are no predisposed impressions. Presentation is
an important part of impression formation as formally dressed job applicants are rated as
more competent and have dramatically increased hiring recommendations compared to
informally dressed candidates (97% vs. 14%) (Bell, 2012). Virtual background could be
considered an extension of professional appearance because personal spaces evoke
character inferences (Dittmar, 1994; Gosling et al., 2002). Survey research of professionals
supports this notion as video background evaluations parallel dress attire, with background
judged to be more important than clothing choice. (Zandan & Lynch, 2020). Virtual
backgrounds have therefore been characterised as the new business suit (Karl et al., 2022).
However, the professionality of different video backgrounds has been debated. Viewing
other’s homes in a work context is deemed unprofessional (Karl et al., 2022), supported by
empirical research that found video interviews recorded from a bedroom were perceived as
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less professional than a home office environment (Scott, 2022). Similarly, recruiters
perceived job applicants to be unprofessional when they interviewed “in front of
inappropriate backgrounds, photos or posters” (Mejia & Torres, 2018). Research points to
the conclusions that viewing a personal space is unprofessional and may lead to negative
evaluations on competence judgements. Experts have therefore advocated for the use of
blank walls as video backgrounds (Liu, 2020; Maurer, 2020). However, there exists a conflict
between professionality and authenticity. Compared with a blank wall or virtual
background, viewing the speakers’ actual room led to higher impressions of trustworthiness
(73%), authenticity (65%), expertise (52%) (Zandan and Lynch, 2020) leading to some
experts recommending using objects to frame positive evaluations (Pelta, 2022). This
compromise parallels social research that has noted a compensation effect between
judgements of competence and trustworthiness (Holoien & Fiske, 2013; Kervyn et al., 2010).
Video background is clearly utilised to make personality attributions. Yet presenting oneself
as professional and competent, by using blank walls and blurring backgrounds to hide
personal space, may compromise perceptions of authenticity and trustworthiness. The
present study aims to resolve this debate and determine if video background compromises
competence and trustworthiness evaluations.
Despite the increase of videoconferencing, there is limited research investigating the
influence of video background on first impression formation. Contrary to expectations, the
sparse literature has indicated a diminished role for video background (Angus-Yamada,
2022; Scott, 2022). Professional, personal, and blurred backgrounds did not influence initial
impressions and final interview outcomes despite a relationship between final interview
scores and initial impressions. This research demonstrates the importance of making a good
first impression in video contexts but suggests video background is not an influencing factor.
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However, confounds in object type included within the backgrounds may explain these
results. Research distinguishes between functional and symbolic objects where functional
objects are practical and promote activity, associated with competence, and symbolic
objects hold emotional significance, associated with warmth (Poggio et al., 2013). In Scott
(2022), the professional background contained both functional (books) and symbolic objects
(plants, diploma) which may have affected the findings. The present study aims to establish
whether the functionality or symbolism of video background is important by separating
object types using ‘home’ and ‘bookcase’ for functional and a symbolic ‘plants’ background.
However, similar null results of video background were reported for big 5 personality trait
inferences and hiring recommendations, even when backgrounds separated functional and
symbolic objects (Angus-Yamada; 2022). The null findings could be explained by the studies
being conducted in video interview contexts. While efforts were made to control for verbal
cues such as pitch and tone of voice, and non-verbal cues such as gestures, gaze and facial
expressions, there may have been differences that varied systematically with the
background and subsequently confounded the results. The present study will use static
photos instead of videos to truly capture the influence of background on initial first
impressions without the influence of other verbal and non-verbal cues. This is particularly
relevant for videoconferencing as platforms enable you to join muted with your camera on.
Furthermore, the present study will expand on these studies by investigating the effect of
background of evaluations of competence and trustworthiness which have both been found
to be relevant to professional and videoconferencing contexts (Breuer et al., 2020; Cuddy et
al., 2011). The impact of video background on first impressions should not be discarded
based on scarce literature thus more research is needed before drawing any conclusions.
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The primary objective of the current study is therefore to establish the influence of video
background on first impressions of competence and trustworthiness.
Video background is a distinct non-verbal cue that extricates videoconferencing from
in-person meetings. Virtual interactions are further distinguished through an absence of
body language, identified as a significant influence in first impressions (Cortez et al., 2017).
Even when camera frames allowed for body language, webcams framing the face from the
shoulders up were preferred (Gray, 2013). This indicates facial expressions are a principal
non-verbal cue in videoconferencing. Facial expressions communicate valuable information
about others’ feelings and intentions. The influence of facial expressions on first impressions
has been well-established and derives from the adaptive benefit of reacting appropriately;
approaching or avoiding those who look happy or angry (Zebrowitz & Montepare, 2008). It
is therefore unsurprising that happy faces are perceived as high in trustworthiness while
angry faces receive low trustworthiness ratings (Hess et al., 2000; Todorov et al., 2008). The
relationship is less clear for competency. Smiling predicts competence however this derived
from a composite of non-verbal cues and physical attractiveness, obscuring the independent
effect of smiling particularly considering the correlation between physical attractiveness and
competency (DeGroot & Motowidlo, 1999; Dion et al., 1972). However, research has found
a negative relationship between smiling and competence judgements in expert and novel
interactions (Biancardi et al., 2017). For intelligence, a trait included in competence
dimensions (Fiske et al., 2007), there are also mixed results. Smiling individuals are
perceived as more intelligent than the same non-smiling individuals (Krys et al., 2014; Lau,
1982) while other studies found an opposite or null relationship (Matsumoto & Kudoh,
1993; Otta et al., 1996). These effects are likely mediated by cultural differences and can
partly be explained by stimuli variations. Smiling is thought to influence competency
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perceptions because smiling signals high self-confidence and self-esteem which typically
result from high agency and competence (Hareli & Hess, 2010). The present study aims to
resolve the literature debate on the influence of smiling on competency judgements and to
evaluate the established influence of smiling on trustworthiness perceptions. Furthermore,
contextual cues can compete with facial expressions in trait inferences during first
impressions (Freeman & Ambady, 2011) therefore the interaction between facial expression
and video background will be explored to determine if facial expression can override
potential negative implications of background.
In addition to facial expressions, gender can exert a powerful influence on
impression formation with a consistent positive correlation demonstrated between
masculinity and perceived competence, and femininity with perceived warmth ((Abele &
Wojciszke, 2014; Broverman et al., 1972; Friedman & Zebrowitz, 1992). These perceptions
prevail cross-culturally and could be derived from sexually dimorphic features (Williams &
Best, 1990). Females possess more infantile features, including large foreheads and wide
eyes which are judged as more trustworthy and less dominant (Zebrowitz et al., 2015). In
contrast, male face width, linked to testosterone levels, drives higher dominance and lower
trustworthiness ratings (Stirrat & Perrett, 2010; Valentine et al., 2014). Higher competence
ratings are further associated with masculine features and faces manipulated to appear
competent were more likely to be classified as male (Oh et al., 2019). Gender differences in
first impressions within videoconferencing contexts are important to establish because
gender biases exacerbate workplace inequality where videoconferencing is increasingly
becoming the preferred method of communication (Standaert, 2022). Women are more
likely to be discriminated against in a professional environment (Hagen & Kahn, 1975;
Rudman & Phelan, 2008) and are more likely to face obstacles when entering or staying in a
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field that requires intellectual competence (Leslie et al., 2015; Moss-Racusin et al., 2012).
The present study will therefore investigate differences in trustworthiness and competency
perceptions of male and female faces in a videoconferencing context. It will further explore
the interaction effect of gender with video background offering a novel research area to the
literature which has not previously been examined.
The present study will examine the effect of video background, facial expression, and
gender on first impressions of trustworthiness and competence in a videoconferencing
context. Participants viewed female and male faces with happy and neutral expressions
overlaid onto six backgrounds to investigate these effects. The six virtual backgrounds
selected consisted of a living room (referred to as ‘home’), a blurred version of the same
living room (‘blurred home’), a bookcase, house plants, a blank wall and an entertaining,
‘novelty’ background. These include typical “working from home” videoconference
backgrounds to investigate the potential compromise between competence and
trustworthiness. Despite convincing evidence for the effect of context, the findings of video
background research are inconclusive. It is therefore hypothesised that background will
influence trustworthiness and competence evaluations, however no direction is predicted
(Hypothesis 1). The evidence supporting a relationship between smiling and trustworthiness
is compelling. While there is mixed support for the effect of smiling on competence,
evidence indicates a positive relationship therefore it is hypothesised that happy faces will
be viewed as more trustworthy and more competent than neutral faces (Hypothesis 2).
Based on the literature of gender stereotypes, it is predicted that males will be judged as
more competent, and females will be judged as more trustworthy (Hypothesis 3). The
interaction effect of video background with both facial expressions and gender will also be
explored.
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Method
Participants
167 participants completed the study (115 females, 50 males, 2 non-binary) between
the ages of 19 and 68 (𝑀𝑎𝑔𝑒=35.01, SD= 15.16). Based on an effect size of 0.4, this
exceeded the minimum samples size of 163 required for statistical power of >.95.
Participants were informed the study related to first impressions online when using video
conferencing platforms. They were recruited through volunteer sampling from various sites.
These included Prolific, a survey site where participants were paid £1.66 for completing the
10-minute survey, the researcher’s social networks via advertisements on social media and
from an undergraduate sample at Durham University via a departmental advertisement.
Those who were eligible received course credit for participating. The study obtained ethical
approval from the Department of Psychology at Durham University and all participants gave
informed consent.
Design and Measures
A within participants design was used with three independent variables, background
with 6 levels: ‘Home’, Blurred Home’, ‘Bookcase’, ‘Plants’, ‘Blank’ and ‘Novelty’; gender of
facial stimuli with 2 levels: Male and Female; and facial expression with 2 levels: Happy and
Neutral. First impressions were measured by the two dependent variables, evaluations of
trustworthiness and competence. After viewing each stimulus, participants responded to
two items “How trustworthy is this individual?” and “How competent is this individual?”
which were both rated on a 7-point Likert scale. For the trustworthy dimension this ranged
from 1= Very Untrustworthy to 7= Very Trustworthy and similarly the competence
dimension ranged from 1= Very Incompetent to 7= Very Competent.
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Stimuli
Stimuli comprised of male and female faces with happy and neutral expressions
superimposed onto one of 6 virtual backgrounds, framed within a Zoom border to simulate
the experience of a videoconference call. 36 Caucasian faces (18 female, 18 male) displaying
both happy and neutral expressions were obtained from the Radboud database (Langner et
al., 2010), comprising 72 images in total. For each background, 3 males and 3 females with
both happy and neutral expressions were randomly overlaid such that there were 12 faces
for each background. Happy and neutral expressions were selected because they replicate
the common facial expressions in videoconference contexts. Participants rated all 72 stimuli
therefore viewed each face twice. While this is not strictly a first impression, individuals are
often unable to recognise the same unfamiliar individuals from different photos (Jenkins et
al., 2011). In the present study, participants were not identifying faces and response time
averaged 9.2 seconds for each face therefore it is highly unlikely that viewing each face
twice will have affected the results.
Six virtual backgrounds were selected consisting of Home, Blurred Home, Bookcase,
Plants, Blank and Novelty. The background images were obtained from public domain
websites because the virtual backgrounds offered by videoconferencing platforms, including
Zoom and Microsoft, were not in comparable resolution, perspective, colour scheme or
lighting which are conditions found to impact perceptions (Jalil et al., 2012; Thomas &
Pemstein, 2015). Examples of stimuli are shown in Figure 1.
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Procedure
Data was collected through an online questionnaire using the Qualtrics survey
platform. Participants read the information sheet followed by a consent form where
informed consent was given. Participants were presented with a face overlaid onto one of
the 6 backgrounds framed with a Zoom border to simulate videoconferencing. After viewing
each stimulus, participants responded to two items “How trustworthy is this individual?”
and “How competent is this individual?” which were both rated on a 7-point Likert scale.
Figure 1: Sample Stimuli: A) Happy female on plants background B) Happy male on
bookcase background C) Happy female on home background D) Neutral male on
blurred home background E Neutral female on blank background F) Neutral male on
novelty background
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Participants viewed all 72 stimuli, randomised by Qualtrics. There were no time restrictions
for responses because additional time exposure does not alter first impressions which form
in under a second (Willis and Todorov, 2006). Furthermore, unrestricted time better
represents a real videoconference scenario. Those who successfully completed the survey
were debriefed reimbursed (if relevant, dependent on recruitment) and thanked for taking
part in the study. Participants took approximately 10 minutes to complete the experiment.
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Results
Two repeated measures ANOVA were conducted to determine the effect of
background, gender, and facial expression on first impressions of trustworthiness and
competence. Where Mauchly’s test of sphericity was violated, degrees of freedom were
corrected using Greenhouse Geisser estimates for ε<0.75 and Huynh-Feldt estimates for
ε>0.75. The results for trustworthiness are presented first, followed by the results for
competence
First Impressions of Trustworthiness
Background
First impressions of trustworthiness differed significantly across backgrounds, F(4.46
735.33)= 27.65, p<.001, η2p= . 124. Mauchly's test indicated that the assumption of
sphericity had been violated, χ2(14)= 52.86 p<.001, therefore degrees of freedom were
corrected using Huynh Feldt (ε=.85). Descriptive statistics are presented in Figure 2.
Figure 2: Average scores for trustworthiness across all 6 backgrounds. Error bars represent SEM.
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Post-hoc pairwise comparisons revealed faces with a background of Home (M=4.38)
and Novelty (M=4.30) were perceived as being significantly less trustworthy than those with
backgrounds of Plants (M=4.60), Bookcase (M=4.63), Blurred Home (M=4.53) and Blank
(M=4.49), all p<.001. Blurred Home was additionally more trustworthy than Home (p<.001)
and Novelty (both p=.05). However, there was no significant difference between the highest
rated backgrounds (Plants and Bookcase) p>.99 or between the lowest rated backgrounds
(Home and Novelty), p>.99.
Facial expression
For facial expressions, happy faces (M=5.17) were perceived as significantly more
trustworthy than neutral faces (M=3.80), F(1,165)=511.0, p<.001, η2p=.756.
There was also significant interaction effect between facial expression and
background on first impressions of trustworthiness F(4.9, 808.459)= 18.31, p<.001, η2p= .1.
Despite this significant interaction, post-hoc pairwise comparisons reveal that there
is an additive effect of facial expression, with happy faces being perceived as significantly
more trustworthy than neutral across all backgrounds (all p<.001, see Figure 3).
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Figure 3: Average scores for trustworthiness across all 6 backgrounds split by facial expression. Error bars represent SEM.
Gender
There was a significant main effect of gender F(1,165)= 140.37 , p<.001, η2p= .460.
Female faces (M=4.69, SE=.046) were rated as significantly more trustworthy than males
(M=4.29, SE=.053), p<.001.
There was also a significant interaction effect between gender and background on
perceptions of trustworthiness, F(4.98, 821.68)= 15.64 , p<.001, η2p= .087.
To explore the interaction effect, post-hoc pairwise comparisons reveal that similar
to Facial Expression, Gender produced an additive effect on perceived trustworthiness in
the backgrounds with Females judged to be significantly more trustworthy than males
across all backgrounds (all p<.001, see Figure 4). Interestingly for the Female faces, the
Home background was no longer found to be significantly less trustworthy (p>.99) than the
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top two backgrounds of Plants and Bookcase. This overall effect therefore appears to be
driven by the male faces in a Home background.
Figure 4: Average scores for trustworthiness across all 6 backgrounds split by gender. Error bars represent SEM.
We also found a significant 3-way interaction between Emotion, Gender and
Background, F(5, 825) = 15.64, p<.001, η2p= .087.
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Happy
Figure 5: Average scores for trustworthiness from happy faces across all 6 backgrounds split by gender
Neutral
Figure 6: Average scores for trustworthiness from neutral faces across all 6 backgrounds split by gender
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When split by emotion (see Figure 5 and 6), we find that Females are judged as
significantly more trustworthy than Males in every background when they are portraying
happiness (all p<.001). However, when portraying a neutral expression, Females are judged
to be more trustworthy than Males only in Home (p<.05), Blank (p<.001) and Novelty
(p<.001).
First Impressions of Competence
Background
On evaluations of competence, first impressions differed significantly between
backgrounds, F(3.29,539.23)= 53.82 , p<.001, η2p= .247. Mauchly's test of sphericity
indicated a violation of sphericity (χ2(14)= 177.703, p<.001,) therefore degrees of freedom
were corrected using Greenhouse Giesser estimates of sphericity (ε=.66).
Figure 7: Average scores for competence across all 6 backgrounds. Error bars represent SEM.
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Post-hoc pairwise comparisons revealed Bookcase (M=4.96), Plants (M=4.90) and
Blank (M=4.85) led to people being judged as significantly more competent than Home
(M=4.41), Blurred Home (M=4.65) and Novelty (M=4.34), all p<.001. There was no
significant difference between the three highest rated backgrounds: Plants, Bookcase and
Blank, p>.99 (see Figure 7).
Facial expression
A significant main effect of facial expression was found for judgements of
competency, F(1,165)=154.16 , p<.001, η2p=. 485. Happy faces (M=5.06, SE=.052) were
significantly more competent than neutral faces (M=4.31, SE=.057), p<.001 (see Figure 8).
Figure 8: Average scores for competence across all 6 backgrounds split by emotion. Error bars represent SEM.
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There was a significant interaction effect between facial expression and background
on competence ratings, F(5, 825) = 5.58 , p < .001, η2p= .033. To explore the interaction
effect further, Bonferroni corrected paired t-tests were conducted between happy and
neutral faces at the 6 background levels. Happy faces were found to be judged as
significantly more competent than neutral faces across all backgrounds (all p<.001).
Gender
On evaluations of competence, female faces (M= 4.87) were perceived as
significantly more competent than male faces (M=4.51), F(1,165)= 121.9 , p<.001, η2p= .426
(See Figure 9).
Figure 9: Average scores for competence across all 6 backgrounds split by gender. Error bars represent SEM.
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There was also significant interaction effect between background and gender on
competence perceptions, F(5,825)= 8.67 , p<.001, η2p= .05. Again post-hoc Bonferroni
corrected paired t-tests revealed that Female faces were judged to be more competent than
male faces across backgrounds (all p<.001 except for Blank background which was p<.005).
Finally, we found a significant 3-way interaction between Emotion, Gender and
Background, F(5, 825) = 6.92, p<.001, η2p= .04.
Happy
Figure 10: Average scores for competence from happy faces across all 6 backgrounds split by gender. Error bars represent
SEM.
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Neutral
Figure 11: Average scores for competence from neutral faces across all 6 backgrounds split by gender. Error bars represent
SEM.
When split by emotion (see Figure 10 and 11), we find that Females are judged as
significantly more competent than Males in every background when they are portraying
happiness (all p<.001). However, when portraying a neutral expression, Females are judged
to be more competent than Males only in Home (p<.05) and Novelty (p<.001).
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Discussion
The present study investigated the influence of video background, facial expression,
and gender on first impressions of trustworthiness and competence in a videoconferencing
context. An effect of video background was found, supporting the first hypothesis. The
plants and bookcase were consistently rated as the most trustworthy and most competent
backgrounds contrasting the home and novelty backgrounds which received lower
trustworthiness and competence ratings. Facial expression influenced evaluations,
consistent with the second hypothesis, with Happy faces judged as more trustworthy and
more competent than neutral faces. The third hypothesis was partly supported. Females
were perceived as more trustworthy, but they were also rated more competent, contrasting
predictions of a male competence bias. The study found significant interaction effects of
video background with both facial expressions and gender.
The effect of video background supports the first hypothesis, extending previous
research on the influence of visual cues on first impressions into a videoconferencing
context, demonstrating emotional or threatening contexts are not necessary conditions to
affect trait evaluations (Brambilla et al., 2018; Righart & Gelder, 2008). For competence
perceptions, the low ratings for home and novelty backgrounds are consistent with the
literature where virtual scenic backgrounds received low expertise ratings while
backgrounds showing personal spaces are deemed unprofessional (Scott, 2022; Zandan &
Lynch, 2020). The extension of professional appearance to include video background may
explain these findings. Formally dressed individuals are rated as more competent because
professional attire communicates maturity, capability, and success (Bell, 2012). The home
and novelty backgrounds could therefore be compared to informal attire because the
backgrounds indicate a casual and relaxed attitude, suggesting the individual may not be
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conscientious and thus explaining evaluations of low competence. Home and novelty
backgrounds were also rated as low on trustworthiness which is somewhat surprising. For
the novelty background, conventional wisdom suggests it would be perceived as light-
hearted and humorous. Perhaps as a virtual background, participants judged it to be hiding
their personal environment, inducing perceptions of secrecy and dishonesty. This does not
explain why the blurred home background received relatively high trustworthiness ratings.
However, the home background was perceived even less trustworthy than the blurred
home which cannot be explained by a concealment account because displaying your home
exposes vulnerability. The finding is surprising because viewing the actual room of
videoconference speakers increased perceptions of trustworthiness and authenticity in
previous work, therefore one might have expected the home background to have higher
ratings (Zandan & Lynch, 2020). The low ratings of home and novelty backgrounds on both
dimensions suggest there is an overall negative effect of these backgrounds. A general
detrimental effect is supported by the blank background being rated among the most
competent, despite limited signalling of positive behavioural cues. This effect is likely
induced by the negative implications of informality and unprofessionalism. The salience of
competency judgements in videoconferencing contexts may drive this effect, particularly as
participants judged both dimensions simultaneously. Negative competence evaluations may
therefore have influenced trustworthiness evaluations or vice-versa. Future research should
disentangle the dimensions by assessing trait inferences separately to determine if the
findings are explained by an influence of competency judgements on trustworthiness
perceptions or if a general negative effect is upheld.
The literature indicated a potential compromise between competence and
trustworthiness, bolstered by findings of a compensation effect between warmth and
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competence (Yzerbyt et al., 2008). However, the current study finds no evidence to support
this relationship. Furthermore, the study failed to support a relationship between the
functionality objects with competence. The bookcase background consistently received high
ratings for both dimensions while the home received the lowest ratings, yet both
backgrounds included functional objects. Books were likely rated highly due to the positive
relationship between literacy with intelligence and reading with academic performance
(Stanovich, 1993; Whitten et al., 2019) which reflects the decisive preference for a wall with
books or bookshelves in videoconferencing (Zandan & Lynch, 2020). The plants background
also scored highly on competence and trustworthiness perceptions which complements the
established human preference for natural environments and the positive evaluations
induced by house plants (Bringslimark et al., 2009; Ulrich, 1983). The findings suggest
objects do influence trait evaluation, but it is the qualities of the objects themselves and
what they indicate about individuals’ character, and not their functionality or symbolism,
that affects judgements. Further, the results observe a general positive or negative effect of
background demonstrating there is no compromise or compensation effect between
competence and trustworthiness.
Consistent with the second hypothesis, facial expressions influenced first
impressions. Happy faces were perceived as more trustworthy than neutral faces which
confirms the well-established influence of smiling on trustworthiness evaluations (Thierry et
al., 2021; Todorov et al., 2008). The adaptive value of facial expressions explains this finding.
Smiling signals friendliness and prompts approach behaviour thus inducing perceptions of
trustworthiness. Smiling further positively influenced competency judgements compared to
neutral faces. A possible explanation is that smiling signals self-confidence, high-self-
esteem, and success which typically result from high agency and competence (Hareli & Hess,
28
2010). The negative relationship found by previous research can be explained by culture
differences in societal uncertainty where certainty expressed through smiling is be
perceived as unintelligent (Ambady & Weisbuch, 2010; Krys et al., 2014).
The present study did not manipulate the situational context, participants were only
primed to imagine a virtual meeting. Competence evaluations can vary dependent on task
and context with context mediating smiling perceptions (Laustsen & Petersen, 2018).
Competence was negatively related to smiling in jobs that required a serious demeanour,
perhaps because smiling was judged to be inappropriate for the job (Ruben et al., 2015).
While the specific context was not manipulated, video background is a visual contextual cue
which explains why an interaction effect between video background and facial expression
was found. Smiling, associated with positive evaluations of trustworthiness and
competence, appears to only reliably override the negative associations evoked by the
home and novelty backgrounds in ratings of trustworthiness. Happy faces also enhanced the
positive effect of books over the blank background for competence evaluations and over
plants for trustworthiness. The present study enhances the literature by exploring this novel
concept. However, an interesting avenue for future research would be to determine the
influence of situational differences in videoconferencing interactions to assess the positive
relationship found in the present study.
Regarding the third hypothesis, females were found to be more trustworthy and
more competent than males which partly subverted expectations. The finding of females as
more trustworthy reflects established findings supporting expectations of the communal
female social role (Buchan et al., 2008; Eisenberg & Lennon, 1983). However, contrary to
hypothesis predictions, females were rated as more competent than males. These results
29
may be explained by the attractiveness of feminine facial features which contribute to
competence evaluations and ultimately mask gender biases. Oh (2018) found a masculinity
bias for competence only when attractiveness was controlled for. The present study did not
control for facial attractiveness thus a male competence bias may have been masked.
Nevertheless, a lack of male competence bias may reflect changing gender stereotypes. A
recent meta-analysis of gender stereotype public opinion polls demonstrated a profound
social trend of increasing belief in gender competence equality, along with a decided female
superiority among those who indicated a sex difference in competence (Eagly et al., 2020).
Despite significant consensus among sex, education level, employment status, race,
ethnicity, and generations, there was a small measure of female ingroup favouritism. The
high proportion of female participants in the present study could explain the female
competence advantage. Nevertheless, the present study’s findings are consistent with the
literature, challenging the traditional gender stereotypes of male competence.
The study also found an interaction effect between gender and background. The
convincing feminine superiority for trustworthiness appeared to refute the negative
implications of the home and blurred home backgrounds such that the difference compared
to the most trustworthy backgrounds was non-significant. Further, the feminine
competency advantage increased the positive evaluations of competency for the bookcase
background compared to blank. For males, however, the effect of background on
trustworthiness and competency judgements was stable. For the public using
videoconferencing, this has interesting implications. Men should be the most aware of their
virtual background because of the stability of the video background effect. For females,
video background is less important because while feminine advantages in both dimensions
can counteract the negative implications induced by backgrounds.
30
The present study extends and improves upon the limited literature on virtual
background by correcting for methodological limitations (Angus-Yamada, 2022; Scott, 2022).
Using static photos prevents confounds from verbal cues, including pitch and tone of voice,
and non-verbal cues including gestures, gaze, and facial expressions, allowing investigation
of the true influence of background. Furthermore, real faces were used which are
comparable to the natural, unconstrained faces encountered in everyday life thus advancing
previous research that used computer generated images and increasing the ecological
validity of the present study. The use of facial stimuli with a direct, forward-facing gaze has
been criticised for lacking ecological validity (Gogan et al., 2021). However, frontal gaze is
particularly relevant for videoconferencing due to webcam positioning and features that
allow individuals to join calls with their camera on, but audio muted. The facial stimuli used
here therefore mimics actual initial videoconferencing interactions, facilitating an accurate
and ecologically valid investigation of first impressions in videoconferencing; a clear
strength of the present study.
One limitation of the current study is the variability of facial stimuli. Faces were also
not pre-screened on traits such as attractiveness. Attempts were made to control for facial
appearance using the maximum number of available faces to generate an average effect for
each background. However, attractiveness influences first impressions of trustworthiness
and competence (Todorov, 2006; Oh, 2018). The relative attractiveness of faces may have
varied systematically with the backgrounds such that the background effect could be
explained by facial attractiveness. Similarly, backgrounds were carefully chosen based on
equivalent resolution, lighting, and colour palettes because these variables influence trait
evaluations (Jalil et al., 2012; Thomas & Pemstein, 2015). However, resource constraints
made this feasible only to an extent. Future research should substantiate this study’s
31
findings using pre-validated faces and tailor-made backgrounds to control for additional
stimuli variability and enable definitive conclusions on the true effect of background on first
impressions of trustworthiness and competence in videoconferencing.
Despite a convincing effect of video background, facial expression, and gender on
first impressions in videoconferencing, the generalisability of the results cross-culturally
remains to be examined. The sample consisted of western participants which could be
problematic as culture influences contextual processing. Research indicates that East Asian
individuals attend more to contextual factors than Western individuals (Chua et al., 2005;
Freeman et al., 2013). If the study was conducted in an eastern sample, then different
backgrounds may influence trait evaluations differentially This is particularly pertinent as
videoconferencing is used for global connections, with virtual meetings used to reduce
travel. It is therefore likely that in first virtual interactions individuals may be connecting
with people around the world. More research is subsequentially needed to establish cultural
differences in the perception of virtual backgrounds the findings are generalised and
implemented into recommendations.
Implications and Conclusions
The COVID-19 pandemic induced a global boom in videoconferencing which has
quickly developed into a permanent feature of the post-pandemic world. In the professional
environment, 75% of business meetings are predicted to occur by videoconferencing by
2024 (Standaert et al., 2022). The findings of this study therefore have extensive
implications for professional organisations and the general public.
As the use of virtual interviews increases, the findings are highly relevant to
recruitment processes because competence is a strong predictor of hire ability (Fetscherin
32
et al., 2020). Candidates should therefore be aware of their backgrounds to make a good
first impression. Beyond the boardroom, the implications of the study are pervasive for the
criminal justice as defendants are increasingly appearing by videoconferencing (Poulin,
2003). Based on this study’s results, it is feasible that video background will influence
perceptions of defendants, particularly as Blair (2004) demonstrated influence of
appearance on sentencing and judicial decisions.
For those regularly using videoconferencing platforms such as Zoom and Teams, the
study implies a recommendation for a background with a bookcase or house plants. Novelty
virtual backgrounds and showing your full living space should be avoided. Males in
particular should be aware of their backgrounds. Individuals are also recommended to smile
to elicit the best first impressions of trustworthiness and competence and negate the
negative effects of background, particularly for those who have no choice but to have their
home in view.
The present study has demonstrated the influence of video background, facial
expression, and gender on first impressions of trustworthiness and competence in a
videoconferencing context. Further, it found interaction effects between background and
both facial expression and gender. These findings have implications for those who regularly
use videoconferencing as video background affects trait evaluations, particularly as
videoconferencing develops into a permanent feature of the professional environment.
Overall, the current study demonstrates the power and influence of video background on
first impressions, as well as the importance of being able to negate these influences in order
to leave the best first impression possible.
33
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... Virtual backgrounds are a popular option in videoconferencing platforms, and users can choose the type of virtual background according to their preference (Cook et al., 2023). However, only a few studies have explored the effect of virtual backgrounds, with their focus mainly on how virtual backgrounds can positively influence people's first impressions and creativity during videoconferencing (Hwang et al., 2021;Palanica and Fossat, 2022;Cook et al., 2023). ...
... Virtual backgrounds are a popular option in videoconferencing platforms, and users can choose the type of virtual background according to their preference (Cook et al., 2023). However, only a few studies have explored the effect of virtual backgrounds, with their focus mainly on how virtual backgrounds can positively influence people's first impressions and creativity during videoconferencing (Hwang et al., 2021;Palanica and Fossat, 2022;Cook et al., 2023). With these findings in mind, there is reason to believe that virtual backgrounds can likely aid in alleviating the experience of VF. ...
... Moreover, previous studies highlight the diversity in virtual backgrounds used in videoconferencing, including blurred, video, and still images with themes like nature, office settings, urban landscapes, and humorous images (Hwang et al., 2021;Cook et al., 2023). Users select these backgrounds for various reasons but face concerns about their impact. ...
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