Living in a Black Hole: Explaining Human Trafficking for Ransom in Migration

Abstract

The framing of migration as an issue of ‘illegal’ migrants is based on flawed theories, such as the push and pull theory of migration. This generates a situation in which people on the move are regarded as less worthy of the enjoyment of human rights, leading to policies that focus on preventing migrants and refugees from entering Europe. These policies are not only ineffective, but may even exacerbate the problem. This chapter seeks to develop an alternative conceptual framework for migration based on ‘black holes in the digital landscape’, remoteness and trauma. This plurality of theories allows for a more realistic understanding of how migrants and refugees see their world, which helps to explain the persistence of human trafficking for ransom.

Full text

Living in a Black Hole: Explaining Human
Trafficking for Ransom in Migration
Mirjam Van Reisen, Klara Smits, Morgane Wirtz & Anouk Smeets
Chapter in: Enslaved
Trapped and Trafficked in Digital Black Holes:
Human Trafficking Trajectories to Libya
From the book Series:
Connected and Mobile: Migration and Human Trafficking in Africa
Cite as: Van Reisen, M., Smits K., Wirtz, M., & Anouk, S. (2023).
Living in a Black Hole: Explaining Human Trafficking for Ransom in
Migration. In: Van Reisen, M., Mawere M., Smits, K., & Wirtz, M.
(eds), Enslaved. Trapped and Trafficked in Digital Black Holes: Human
Trafficking Trajectories to Libya. Bamenda, Cameroon: Langaa RPCIG,
pp. 30-69. Chapter URL:
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/367240525_Living_in_a
_Black_Hole_Explaining_Human_Trafficking_for_Ransom_in_Mi
gration Book URL:
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/367254851_Enslaved_T
rapped_and_Trafficked_in_Digital_Black_Holes_Human_Trafficki
ng_Trajectories_to_Libya

Contents
Preface by Honourable Chief Fortune Charumbira................. vi
Acknowledgements ................................................................ xix
Acronyms ................................................................................. xx
Glossary of Terms .................................................................. xxii
Chapter 1 .................................................................................... 1
Human Trafficking for Ransom in Black Holes in the Digital
Landscape: An Introduction ..................................................... 1
Trapped in a human trafficking cycle for ransom ........................... 1
Methodology and aim of research........................................................4
Organisation of this book ................................................................... 5
Summary of findings ............................................................................ 7
Human trafficking trajectories: A string of black holes ................ 18
Number of migrants and refugees detained in Libya .................... 20
Number of Eritreans and payments in Libya ................................. 23
Conclusion .......................................................................................... 23
Acknowledgements ............................................................................ 25
Ethical clearance ................................................................................. 25
Author contributions ......................................................................... 25
References ........................................................................................... 26
Chapter 2 .................................................................................. 30
Living in a Black Hole: Explaining Human Trafficking for
Ransom in Migration .............................................................. 30
Introduction ........................................................................................ 30
Methodology ....................................................................................... 35
The flaw in the push and pull theory of migration ....................... 37
Problem framing................................................................................. 40
Black holes in the digital infrastructure ........................................... 45

Ethnographic monitoring of black holes in the digital landscape
............................................................................................................... 48
Remoteness and cultural entropy ..................................................... 54
The human trafficking cycle: Living in a black hole in the digital
landscape ............................................................................................. 55
Conclusion .......................................................................................... 57
Acknowledgements ............................................................................ 60
Ethical clearance ................................................................................. 60
Author contributions ......................................................................... 60
References ........................................................................................... 60
Chapter 3 .................................................................................. 70
Skin in the Game: Methodology of an Ethnographic Research
with Exposure to Trauma........................................................ 70
Introduction ........................................................................................ 70
Is human trafficking for ransom researchable?................................71
The research contributors ................................................................. 79
Research approach ............................................................................. 80
The research Social Dynamics of Digital Innovation ................... 83
Locations and materials for SDDI research.....................................91
Fieldwork preparation and conduct ................................................ 94
Data analysis ...................................................................................... 100
Management of potentially traumatising experiences of the
research team .................................................................................... 103
Conclusion ........................................................................................ 110
Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 112
Ethical clearance ............................................................................... 112
Contribution by authors .................................................................. 112
Author contributions ....................................................................... 112
References ......................................................................................... 113

Documentaries and videos .............................................................. 118
Chapter 4 ................................................................................. 121
Human Trafficking for Ransom: A Literature-Review .......... 121
Introduction ...................................................................................... 121
Methodology ..................................................................................... 123
Description of human trafficking for ransom ............................. 125
Practices ............................................................................................. 126
Human trafficking networks ........................................................... 133
Trauma of victims ............................................................................ 136
Prosecution and delivery of justice ................................................ 139
Unintended effects of ICTs ............................................................ 141
Documentation of human trafficking for ransom beyond the Sinai
............................................................................................................. 145
Conclusion ........................................................................................ 145
Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 147
Ethical clearance ............................................................................... 148
Author contributions ....................................................................... 148
References ......................................................................................... 148
Chapter 5 .................................................................................154
The Past is not Past: The History and Context of Human
Trafficking for Ransom in Libya ............................................154
Introduction: Crossing the desert is not just a job ...................... 154
Methodology ..................................................................................... 157
A fertile ground: Historic context .................................................. 160
Migrants and refugees in Libya today: Findings from the interviews
............................................................................................................. 174
Discussion ......................................................................................... 184
Conclusion ........................................................................................ 185
Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 187

Ethical clearance ............................................................................... 187
Author contributions ....................................................................... 187
References ......................................................................................... 187
Chapter 6 .................................................................................195
Enslaved by their Own Government: Indefinite National
Service in Eritrea ....................................................................195
Introduction ...................................................................................... 195
Methodology ..................................................................................... 200
The definition of slavery: Ownership vs control ......................... 203
Forced labour, but not slavery? ...................................................... 214
Forced labour for the purpose of economic development ........ 221
Control over Eritrean national service conscripts ....................... 226
Conclusion ........................................................................................ 238
Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 240
Ethical clearance ............................................................................... 240
Author contributions ....................................................................... 240
References ......................................................................................... 240
Chapter 7 ................................................................................ 255
Escaping Eritrea: The Vulnerability of Eritreans to Human
Trafficking ............................................................................. 255
Introduction ...................................................................................... 255
Methodology ..................................................................................... 257
Literature review: Exodus from the ‘black hole’ of Eritrea ....... 260
Reasons for fleeing Eritrea ............................................................. 268
Leaving Eritrea ................................................................................. 274
Situation in neighbouring countries ............................................... 280
Conclusion ........................................................................................ 287
Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 289

Ethical clearance ............................................................................... 289
Author contributions ....................................................................... 290
References ......................................................................................... 290
Chapter 8 ................................................................................ 296
TRUST Works: Delivering Trauma Recovery Understanding
Self-Help Therapy (TRUST) to Refugees from Eritrea ........ 296
Introduction ...................................................................................... 296
The need for mental health support for Eritrean refugees ........ 297
Research question............................................................................. 305
Research design ................................................................................ 307
Results ................................................................................................ 315
Discussion and conclusion ............................................................. 320
Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 323
Ethical clearance ............................................................................... 324
Author contributions ....................................................................... 324
References ......................................................................................... 324
Chapter 9 ................................................................................ 332
Deceived and Exploited: Classifying the Practice as Human
Trafficking ............................................................................. 332
Introduction: From the Sinai to Libya .......................................... 332
Documentation of human trafficking routes ............................... 333
Methodology ..................................................................................... 339
The start of the journey ................................................................... 341
The routes to Libya .......................................................................... 355
Conditions on route across the desert .......................................... 361
Payments for the journey ................................................................ 368
The organisation of trafficking to Libya ....................................... 376
Discussion ......................................................................................... 379

Conclusion ........................................................................................ 383
Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 386
Ethical clearance ............................................................................... 386
Author contributions ....................................................................... 386
References ......................................................................................... 387
Chapter 10 .............................................................................. 392
Straight Lines in the Sahara: Mapping the Human Trafficking
Routes and Hubs through Libya ........................................... 392
Introduction ...................................................................................... 392
Holding camps, official detention centres and departure points
............................................................................................................. 394
Methodology ..................................................................................... 397
Southern route (from Niger) .......................................................... 400
South-eastern route (from Sudan) ................................................. 405
Western route (from Algeria) ......................................................... 410
North-western route (from Tunisia) ............................................. 412
North-eastern road (from Egypt) .................................................. 414
North Libya – Departure point for the Mediterranean Sea ....... 422
Discussion ......................................................................................... 443
Conclusion ........................................................................................ 445
Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 446
Ethical clearance ............................................................................... 446
Author contributions ....................................................................... 447
References ......................................................................................... 447
Chapter 11 ...............................................................................451
“You are the Ball – They are the Players”: The Human
Traffickers of Eritreans in Libya ............................................451
Introduction ...................................................................................... 451
Methodology ..................................................................................... 455

The relationship between refugees and traffickers ...................... 459
Key human traffickers and where they work ............................... 461
Libya as a ‘black site’ for Eritrean government’s nefarious activities
............................................................................................................. 503
Cloaking of human traffickers ........................................................ 505
Synthesis: Tracing the trafficking network ................................... 506
Discussion ......................................................................................... 511
Conclusion ........................................................................................ 514
Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 515
Ethical clearance ............................................................................... 515
Author contributions ....................................................................... 516
References ......................................................................................... 516
Chapter 12 ...............................................................................521
Living Skeletons: The Spread of Human Trafficking for
Ransom to Libya ....................................................................521
Introduction: Living skeletons ....................................................... 521
Human trafficking for ransom in the Sinai and Libya ................ 522
Methodology: Exploring the perspective of survivors ............... 525
Experiences of detainees in holding camps ................................. 528
Extortion of ransoms ...................................................................... 538
Discussion ......................................................................................... 560
Conclusion ........................................................................................ 564
Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 566
Ethical clearance ............................................................................... 566
Author contributions ....................................................................... 566
References ......................................................................................... 566
Chapter 13 .............................................................................. 570
Hell on Earth: Conditions of Eritrean Refugees in Official
Detention Centres in Libya ................................................... 570

Introduction ...................................................................................... 570
Methodology ..................................................................................... 578
Arrests by Libyan Coast Guard ...................................................... 581
Conditions in official detention centres ........................................ 583
Relationship between refugees and humanitarian organisations,
UN agencies, journalists and authorities ....................................... 603
Discussion ......................................................................................... 613
Conclusion ........................................................................................ 618
Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 619
Ethical clearance ............................................................................... 620
Author contributions ....................................................................... 620
References ......................................................................................... 620
Chapter 14 .............................................................................. 627
“Dead-dead”: Trapped in the Human Trafficking Cycle in
Libya ...................................................................................... 627
Introduction ...................................................................................... 627
Methodology ..................................................................................... 631
Escape from detention – what’s next? .......................................... 634
Travel within Libya .......................................................................... 637
Urban areas ....................................................................................... 641
Facilities provided by humanitarian organisations ...................... 643
Slavery in Libya ................................................................................. 644
The sea ............................................................................................... 648
Escaping by land to Tunisia ............................................................ 652
Evacuation to Niger ......................................................................... 655
Discussion ......................................................................................... 659
Conclusion ........................................................................................ 662
Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 663

Ethical clearance ............................................................................... 663
Author contributions ....................................................................... 663
References ......................................................................................... 663
Chapter 15 .............................................................................. 669
“We had no Choice; it’s Part of the Journey”: A Culture of
Sexual Violence in Libya ....................................................... 669
Introduction: Many did that…rape ............................................... 669
Methodology ..................................................................................... 672
Literature review: The culture of sexual violence in Libya ........ 675
Theoretical considerations: Three categories of sexual violence
............................................................................................................. 683
Sexual violence as a tool of subjugation ....................................... 685
Sexual exploitation ........................................................................... 691
Sexual violence as an opportunistic crime .................................... 697
Impact of rape: Trauma and secondary trauma ........................... 703
Discussion ......................................................................................... 706
Conclusion ........................................................................................ 709
Acknowledgement ............................................................................ 710
Ethical clearance ............................................................................... 710
Author contributions ....................................................................... 710
References ......................................................................................... 710
Chapter 16 ...............................................................................715
“Gate Closed”: The Situation in Libya during COVID-19 ....715
Introduction ...................................................................................... 715
Methodology ..................................................................................... 719
Push and pull theory of migration during COVID lockdowns. 723
Findings of the interviews ............................................................... 725
Findings of the desk review ............................................................ 740

Conclusion: Moving on, despite the restrictions, whatever the risks
............................................................................................................. 747
Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 748
Ethical clearance ............................................................................... 749
Author contributions ....................................................................... 749
References ......................................................................................... 749
Chapter 17 .............................................................................. 759
Active Agency, Access and Power: Social Media and Eritrean
Refugees in Libya .................................................................. 759
Introduction ...................................................................................... 759
Digital connectivity in exile: Power and agency........................... 762
The Eritrean online public sphere ................................................. 765
Methodology ..................................................................................... 767
Findings ............................................................................................. 770
Discussion ......................................................................................... 778
Conclusion ........................................................................................ 779
Acknowledgements .......................................................................... 780
Author contributions ....................................................................... 780
References ......................................................................................... 781
About the Authors ................................................................. 786

30
Chapter 2
Living in a Black Hole: Explaining Human
Trafficking for Ransom in Migration
1
Mirjam Van Reisen, Klara Smits, Morgane Wirtz & Anouk
Smeets
Introduction
Although human trafficking is
not new, the crime of human
trafficking for ransom has
emerged with the now
ubiquitous global digital
infrastructure. Traditional
theories, such as the push and
pull theory of migration, do not
adequately explain this
phenomenon. This chapter
seeks to develop a conceptual
framework for understanding
human trafficking for ransom in
the digital age and how people
can become trapped in a human
trafficking cycle.
Information and
communication technologies
(ICTs), such as mobile phones
and the Internet, have facilitated
a new modus operandi for
human trafficking (Van Reisen
& Rijken, 2015). This new form
1
Parts of this chapter were written as part of the second and third authors' PhD
theses and will be reused fully or in part for this purpose.
The framing of migration as an issue of
‘illegal’ migrants is based on flawed
theories, such as the push and pull
theory of migration. This generates a
situation in which people on the move
are regarded as less worthy of the
enjoyment of human rights, leading to
policies that focus on preventing
migrants and refugees from entering
Europe. These policies are not only
ineffective, but may even exacerbate the
problem. This chapter seeks to develop
an alternative conceptual framework for
migration based on ‘black holes in the
digital landscape’, remoteness and
trauma. This plurality of theories
allows for a more realistic
understanding of how migrants and
refugees see their world, which helps to
explain the persistence of human
trafficking for ransom.

31
of human trafficking was first identified in about 2009 in the Sinai
desert in Egypt, around the same time as the connectivity of mobile
phones became global (Van Reisen, Gerrima, Ghilazghy, Kidane,
Rijken & van Stam, 2018; Van Reisen, Smits, Stokmans & Mawere,
2019). In this new form of trafficking, migrants and refugees
2
(men,
women and children) were kept by human traffickers in torture
warehouses in the Sinai desert where they were tortured, raped, sold,
and even killed (see Chapter 4: Human Trafficking for Ransom: A
Literature Review).
In order to leave a Sinai ‘torture house’, victims had to pay a ransom,
often amounting to tens of thousands of US dollars. This is where
mobile phones, and increasingly other forms of technology, played a
crucial role. To make sure that the ransom was paid, the human
traffickers would force the victims to phone relatives while they were
being tortured. Their cries for help would compel family members to
send money for their release (Van Reisen, Estefanos & Rijken, 2012;
Van Reisen, Estefanos & Rijken, 2014; Van Reisen & Rijken, 2015).
Van Reisen and Rijken (2015) referred to this type of trafficking as
‘Sinai trafficking’, also known as human trafficking for ransom.
3
While human trafficking usually happens in secret, this new form of
human trafficking depends on others knowing about the situation of
the victims (Van Reisen, Smits, Stokmans & Mawere, 2019). ICTs
enable the traffickers to communicate with those who will pay the
2
In this chapter the terms ‘migrant’ and ‘refugee’ are used interchangeably in a non-
legal way to refer to people on the move, without drawing any conclusions about
their legal status (see Glossary of Terms).
3
Human trafficking for ransom in Libya involves grave human rights abuses; as
will be seen in this book, it is widespread, perpetrated by organised networks, and
long-term in scope. It potentially constitutes an atrocity crime. There are four
atrocity crimes – genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic
cleansing – of which first three are legally defined in various international
instruments (the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime
of Genocide, the 1949 Geneva Conventions and their 1977 Additional Protocols,
and the 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court). They have been
deemed to be international crimes because they affect the core dignity of human
beings, both in times of peace and war (Global Centre for the Responsibility to
Protect, 2018).

32
ransom and to arrange the payment. ICTs also enable them to control
the flow of information, plan routes and logistics, and stay
anonymous (Van Reisen, Smits, Stokmans & Mawere, 2019). This
modus operandi has evolved with the introduction of new
technologies. Human traffickers have adapted their strategies with the
development of ICTs, increasing the impact of their ransom demands
with videos of the torture, as well as audio recordings (Van Esseveld,
2019).
After the construction of a high-tech fence between the Sinai desert
and Israel and anti-terrorism activities, the human trafficking routes
through the Sinai were cut off (Van Reisen & Mawere, 2017; Van
Reisen, Smits & Wirtz, 2019). However, this high-tech fence has not
stopped human trafficking for ransom. It has simply moved the
problem from the Sinai to elsewhere. From 2012 onwards, this form
of trafficking has appeared in Libya and the surrounding countries,
including Sudan and Chad (Van Reisen, Smits & Wirtz, 2019). Human
trafficking for ransom has also been reported in Mexico (Meyer &
Brewer, 2010), South America (Cooper, 2021), Thailand and Malaysia
(Van Reisen, Gerrima, Ghilazghy, Kidane, Rijken & van Stam, 2018),
Yemen (Michael, 2019), North Macedonia (MacGregor, 2020),
Greece (Callaghan, 2019) and other places. With the phenomenon
constantly changing and geographically spreading, it is important to
assess the relevance of the concepts and theories available to explain
human trafficking for ransom.
In this chapter, we consider the availability of new technologies in the
digital era, such as mobile phones and computers, as a critical factor
in human trafficking for ransom and, more generally, as a critical
aspect of the movement of migrants and refugees. The mobile phone,
as a contested space of access, is not only vital to human trafficking
for ransom, but also to migration more widely. The Mixed Migration
Centre has collected data on the phone access of migrants and
refugees moving from the Horn of Africa towards Northern Africa
and Europe (Frouws & Brenner, 2019). This data shows that, at least
somewhere on the route, around 85% of migrants and refugees have
access to a phone (either a smartphone or a non-smartphone). In
addition, of all the routes analysed (seven different migration routes

33
originating from West Africa, the Horn of Africa, and Afghanistan),
the route from the Horn of Africa to North Africa/Europe had the
most cases of lost or stolen phones, with about 15% of the migrants
and refugees interviewed who had used this route reporting that their
phone was lost or stolen along the way (Frouws & Brenner, 2019).
The data reported by the Mixed Migration Centre (Frouws &
Brenner, 2019) also suggests that human traffickers and human
smugglers are (one of) the main source(s) of information. In their
report, Frouws and Brenner (2019) analysed the sources of
information for migrants from the Horn travelling towards North
Africa and Europe. Migrants indicated that, at the start of their
migration route, family and friends in the country of destination were
their first source of information (56%), followed by smugglers (37%),
and family and friends in the country of origin (20%) (in this study
migrants were able to choose multiple first information sources). On
route, the importance of smugglers as a source of information
increased, with smugglers becoming their main source of information
(53%), followed by friends and family in the country of destination
(50%), and others ahead on the route (33%) (Frouws & Brenner,
2019).
Furthermore, the Mixed Migration Centre found that migrants who
had access to a phone on the route had access to a wider range of
information channels than migrants who did not (Frouws & Brenner,
2019). Migrants without phone access reported their main source of
information to be smugglers, whereas migrants with phone access
were also able to use friends, family, and social media to receive
information (Frouws & Brenner, 2019). Another report by the Mixed
Migration Centre (2020) found that, specifically for Eritreans,
smugglers are the main source of information on the migration route.
In this report, 79% of Eritreans interviewed said that while on route
they received information from people who they identified as
smugglers.
So, how can we explain the critical role of ICTs in migration generally
and human trafficking for ransom in particular? The push and pull
theory, which says that pull and push factors determine the decisions
of migrants and refugees to stay or move, has continued to dominate

34
the migration discourse, including how migration drivers are
understood and framed. However, it does not offer a perspective that
can help us understand how ICTs have changed migration or why it
has escalated in places such as Libya in relation to human trafficking
for ransom.
Does it matter how a situation is explained? We believe that it does.
The conceptual framework underpinning our understanding of a
situation drives the direction of policies – and if this framework does
not adequately explain the situation, the policies may fail to address
the problem, or even exacerbate it. As a result of the incorrect framing
of the problem and, subsequently, ineffective policies, human
trafficking for ransom has greatly increased in the context of migrants
and refugees in Libya – as this book sets out to illustrate. It is,
therefore, important to explore whether or not there are better ways
to explain the causes of this phenomenon and any factors that
exacerbate it.
Accordingly, this chapter looks at the link between the introduction
of ICTs, such as mobile phones and increases in Internet
connectivity, and the emergence human trafficking for ransom,
towards developing a conceptual framework to explain the
phenomenon. After the methodology, the subsequent section looks
at the flaw in the push and pull theory of migration, including why it
fails to explain why migrants take great risks to reach Europe. This is
followed by a discussion of problem framing, including the influence
of problem framing on policy making and the framing of the
migration ‘problem’.
After problem framing, the next section explores how the digital
infrastructure is a social structure of ‘winners’ and ‘losers’, which – in
extreme situations – can lead to ‘black holes’ in the digital landscape.
The concept of a black hole is further explored using the empirical
observations of the authors to identify key incidents that point to a
more nuanced understanding of the problem (Erickson, 1977). This
is followed by a discussion of the concept of remoteness and cultural
entropy to help explain how areas that are disconnected from the
‘centre’ can be both vulnerable and resistant to policy, as well as
affected by ineffective policies.

35
Finally, this chapter looks at how living in a ‘remote’ black hole in the
digital landscape, in a situation in which human trafficking for ransom
of migrants and refugees dominates the scene, policies to fight the
criminal networks are ineffective at best, and support to victims is
largely unavailable, creates a ‘human trafficking cycle’ (Van Reisen,
Estefanos & Rijken, 2014). This concept has emerged from previous
studies on human trafficking for ransom and has been identified as a
key characteristic of this type of trafficking (Van Reisen, Estefanos &
Rijken, 2014; Van Reisen & Mawere, 2017). The existence of this
human trafficking cycle helps explain why the policies of deterrence
and interception have not worked to decrease human trafficking in
Libya – and may have even exacerbated this situation. This is followed
by a brief conclusion.
Methodology
The investigation set out in this chapter concerns the exploration of
an epistemological point of departure for a discourse on migration
that is centred on the experiences of migrants and refugees. The
current migration discourse tends to take an external viewpoint that
focuses on economically-linked drivers of migration based on the
push and pull theory. In contrast, the research on human trafficking
for ransom presented in this book takes the perspective of the
victims, and those close to them, as an important source of
information.
In this investigation we follow an ethnographic approach, in which
the central task is to describe the people living in the situation. In
doing so this research seeks to describe an emic (insiders’) perspective
on human trafficking for ransom, to explore the way in which the
victims, and others who are close to them, perceive their situation and
act upon their understanding. This is in contrast to the
epistemological lens of the push and pull theory, which dominates the
current migration discourse and makes assumptions about how
persons on the move (migrants and refugees) see and calculate their
options. Although such assumptions may be confirmed by the
research, the data collected is also framed within this paradigm,
without any deeper questioning of the underlying processes at stake.

36
In an ethnography, all of the data available from a research can
potentially be a relevant source to discover patterns of social reality.
Accordingly, this chapter investigates alternative concepts to explain
human trafficking for ransom in migration. Although there are no
predefined hypotheses, sensitising concepts are used to direct the
tools, data collection, analysis and interpretation of findings. In
particular, the research in this chapter builds on empirical
observations collected during the time of this research (2019–2021).
The observations are selected as key incidents that lead the
researchers to the workings of abstract principles of social
organisation (Frederickson & Wise, 1977). Such research is inductive
and data driven, generalising from the specific information in the data
to a more general reasoning. These key incidents help to reveal a more
general rule.
The key incidents were selected from fieldwork carried out in location
by the researchers in Uganda and Zimbabwe.
4
It also draws on the
daily reports generated through ethnographic monitoring of the war
unfolding in Tigray, on the border of Eritrea, where four major
refugee camps were located when the war started. Given that Tigray,
Eritrea and, to some extent, Ethiopia were closed to the Internet
during the research period (at least from November 2020 to July
2021), the reports received were difficult to access and validate. These
reports were published on a daily basis by Europe External
Programme with Africa (EEPA) in its Situation Reports (from
November 2022 to July 2021).
The events reported were received from sources on the ground.
These events were reported by refugees themselves or through
intermediaries. The incidents reported were selected in this research
because of their relevance to the understanding of the concept of an
‘a black hole in the digital landscape’. This approach is inspired by the
ethnographic monitoring approach developed by Hymes (1980),
although in a different context. In this methodology, the researcher
4
The fieldwork in Zimbabwe was carried out by Van Reisen in January 2020, May
2019, and October 2018, and by Smeets in 2020. The fieldwork in Uganda was
carried out in January 2020.

37
takes an incident to signify a social situation through observations
that give reference to a conceptual understanding of that situation,
analyse this in a broader theoretical framework, and return it to the
social situation with the intention to help improve the situation
(Hymes, 1980). The participants in the study do not emerge as objects
or bystanders, but are active collaborators in the research, the findings
and their use (Hymes, 1980).
Before presenting the findings on the ethnographic monitoring of
black holes, the following sections discuss the flaw in the push and
pull theory and the importance of framing the problem correctly.
The flaw in the push and pull theory of migration
Introduced by Ravenstein in his 1885 and 1889 works, The Laws of
Migration, the push and pull theory is described as one of the oldest
theoretical models of migration (Kidane, 2021). Ravenstein described
his laws of migration mainly in relation to migration from county to
county within the United Kingdom. He talked about “currents of
migration” flowing to “the great centres of commerce and industry”
(Ravenstein, 1889, p. 198).
This theory provided the foundation for many migration theorists.
One of them was Everett Lee (1966), who stated that migration is the
result of the evaluation of the positive factors in destination countries
and negative factors in the countries of origin. This model also
assumes that obstacles to migration weigh heavily in this decision
(Lee, 1966).
The push and pull theory fits within the paradigm of the rational
choice theory, which is one of the leading theories that attempt to
explain the factors behind migration (Haug, 2008), especially between
countries. Applied most famously in the fields of criminology and
economics, the rational choice theory looks at the decisions of
individuals as the result of weighing up the costs versus the benefits.
These theories and narratives of calculation are integrated into
European Union (EU) policy. In response to the EU’s new anti-

38
human trafficking strategy, the European Parliament Research
Service wrote a report stating that:
Factors contributing to human trafficking can be categorised as 'push' and 'pull'
factors. [...] The victims were recruited at a moment in life when they were
experiencing either persistent or deteriorating economic hardship and were thus ready
to take a high level of risk. (Bakowski & Voronova, 2021, p. 6)
In relation to the EU’s flagship fund for addressing irregular
migration, the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa, the European
Commission notes:
[It] helps [in] addressing the root causes of destabilization, forced displacement and
irregular migration by promoting economic and employment opportunities, as well as
combating smuggling of migrants and trafficking in human beings. (European
Commission, n.d.)
Here, the fund refers to the promotion of economic and employment
opportunities in countries of origin. In this qualification the push
factors, or root causes, of migration are classified as largely economic.
This approach to the issue implies that the smuggling and trafficking
of migrants and refugees are an additional consequence of ‘irregular’
migration. These are just two examples of how embedded the push
and pull theory is in the framing of the problem in EU policy.
It is not only the EU that assesses migration in terms of push and pull
factors; this has become a globally dominant narrative. For example,
the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) stated the
following:
Migration and forced displacement in the IGAD region are driven by many factors
– ranging from conflicts, degradation of the environment, disasters, and poverty –
that force people to move away in search of safety and economic opportunities, among
others. (IGAD, 2021, p. 6)
Also here, the push (driven by) and pull (move towards in search of)
are clearly visible.
However, various researchers have questioned the adequacy of the
push and pull theory as a general explanation of migration behaviour
and trajectories. Haug (2008), for instance, questions the often
economic-centred analyses that underlie the ‘rational choices’ made

39
by migrants, commenting that “in migration decision research there
is no consensus about a list of necessary and adequate push or pull
factors” (Haug, 2008, p.599). Zimmerman, Hossain and Watts (2011)
found that simplistic push and pull models do not explain the health
implications involved in human trafficking and lead to a criminal
focus in policy that ignores the context. Cheng (2017) found that the
push and pull model is not only limited in scope when it comes to
understanding trafficking, but also deflects attention from the
responsibility of states to address it.
Kidane (2021) adds that push and pull factors do not explain onward
migration in situations where the risks of migration are clearly very
high. She also points out that the model does not explain why similar
push factors do not cause the same patterns of migration in different
parts of the world. In her research, Kidane found that the model does
not take into account psychological factors, such as trauma and
collective trauma. High levels of trauma cause perpetual fear, which
can lead to a flight response that is beyond rational thought processes.
Continuous stress and anxiety linked to traumatic experiences can
heavily influence the mindset of people, causing them to flee the
situation they are in (Kidane & Stokmans, 2019; Kidane, 2018).
Kidane (2021), thus, argues that the push and pull model does not
explain why people continue to flee (secondary migration), despite
the known dangers posed by the journey.
The push and pull model also fails to explain the growing role of
digitalisation in migratory movement and human trafficking (Van
Reisen, Stokmans, Mawere & Gebre-Egziabher, 2019). The increased
availability of information should – if the push and pull theory was
correct – give migrants and refugees a better information position to
avoid entering situations that harm them. However, in contrast, we
find that migrants and refugees, despite having information about
risks associated with migratory journeys, are not avoiding such
situations.
First, there is a need to better diagnose the source of the problem;
how do we explain that fact that migrants and refugees are knowingly
moving into situations that are harmful to them? For this, there is a
need to reconsider our understanding of the processes that lead to

40
this situation. Such understanding is vital to help break the cycle of
violence and attend to the victims in this situation, who at present
remain largely out of sight.
Secondly, there is a need to reflect on the basis for policies that follow
the push and pull model, which have not stopped people from
moving and migrating, and becoming victims of human trafficking
(Horsley & Gerken, 2022). Despite the gravity of this situation and
the extreme violence of the torture perpetrated in this type of
trafficking, research is scarce. It is also remarkable that the policies in
place to deal with this situation focus on stopping the smugglers and
traffickers to prevent refugees and migrants from entering Europe,
rather than the urgent need to protect the rights of victims (Schäfer,
Schlindwein, & Jakob, 2018; Shatz & Branco, 2019; Hayden, 2022).
This is even more surprising given that the crimes committed are
considered among the most heinous and egregious rights violations
committed today.
Hence, it is argued that the link between migration, digital innovation
and human trafficking for ransom cannot be explained by the push
and pull theory, which has dominated the migration field.
Accordingly, the policies based on push and pull theory need to be
revisited. To elaborate on why this is so important, in the next section
we look at how the framing of a problem is relevant to the solutions
proposed. If the framing of a problem is wrong, then the policies
formulated to address the problem are also likely to misfire.
Problem framing
When theories fail to explain a situation or phenomenon, the policies
based on them are, at best, misguided and, at worst, exacerbate the
situation that they are trying to solve. This section looks at the
influence of problem framing through social processes on policy
making and the framing of the migration ‘problem’.
The influence of problem framing on policy making
The way in which problems are understood is the result of social
processes. The process of making sense of a complex situation is
called framing. The framing of a problem does not determine the

41
existence of an issue, but the ways in which that issue is understood
(Goffman, 1974; Snow, Rochford, Worden & Benford 1986;
Vdovychenko, 2019), and the potential solutions (Klandermans &
Oegema, 1987). This in turn depends on access to people relevant to
an issue (Klandermans & Oegema, 1987). The narration implies an
understanding of a situation, which impacts on the way the problem
is addressed by policymakers (Daviter, 2007).
The framing of an issue also affects agenda setting. Kingdon (1984)
discusses how policy can change significantly, in a time-bound
window of opportunity, when three streams align – the problem,
policy and politics streams. The problem stream is the part where an
issue is identified and defined (depending on how it is framed). Only
if the problem is framed in the right way can the right solution be
found (policy stream). And, if it is considered relevant in the politics
and power dynamics of the day, it may be put on the agenda (politics
stream). When all three streams come together, a policy window
opens in which a policy change is possible.
The framing of an issue is not only important in the agenda-setting
phase, but remains important in policy revisions (Daviter, 2007).
When a policy problem is framed, a selection process takes place,
(Dewulf & Bouwen, 2012). This selection involves dissecting the
problem into various elements and selecting some, while leaving
others aside or giving them less weight. The framing of a problem is
affected by actors, including policy entrepreneurs, both governmental
and non-governmental (Kingdon, 1984). Framing is also affected by
problem brokers who use knowledge, values and emotions to shape
the framing of the problem (Knaggard, 2015).
Different actors (including the media, politicians and others) are
involved in framing processes, which produce collective action
frames; such processes can require long periods of time (Benford &
Snow, 2000). Problem framing affects the media, and the media in
turn has an influence on how problems are understood. The empirical
research of Gregoriou & Ras (2018) shows that human trafficking
narratives in the media focus on certain modus operandi that position
women as victims, particularly of sexual exploitation. This framing
narrows the understanding of human trafficking to the modus

42
operandi reported, which can differ from what is actually taking place,
such as in the case of human trafficking for ransom, thereby
distorting the picture (Vdovychenko, 2019).
The problem, therefore, becomes how the framing and decision-
making around the issue is presented in an agenda. This ties in well
with Kingdon, who describes the agenda-setting process as dynamic,
time-bound, situational and dependent on the policy networks that
are engaging with the issue. Tversky and Kahneman (1986) have
shown that decision-making processes are often not rational. While
learning can take place in decision making, the base conditions for
such learning are often lacking. For example, most of the problems
that we face are unique, exist in variable environments and do not
provide immediate feedback in relation to the decisions made. This
means that the initial framing of an issue becomes the norm and the
basis for decision making, and is likely to stay until another major
policy shift takes place.
The framing of the migration ‘problem’
The classification of a condition in a particular category qualifies how
it is understood as a problem in the public agenda. Kingdon gives an
example that:
[…] classifying a condition into one category rather than another may define it as
one kind of a problem or another. The lack of public transportation for handicapped
people, for instance, can be classified as a transportation problem or as a civil rights
problem, and the treatment of the subject is dramatically affected by the category.
(Kingdon, 1984, p. 198)
The classification of conditions occurring in the context of migration
is contested. For several decades, the process of framing around
migration, and aspects that are linked to it by politicians and the
media, such as human trafficking, has been increasingly linked to
security threats (Kicinger, 2004). In recent years, this has included the
perceived threat of terrorism. Abdou (2020) describes how polarised
sides of the political ideological spectrum see migration as something
out of the ordinary and something to be prevented or that is
connected to misery and tragedy, which feeds into fear and alienation.

43
Vdovychenko (2019) argues that, in the area of migration, a policy
window, such as described by Kingdon, began to open in the EU
around 2013. She says that the window was triggered by an event in
which a ship with more than 600 refugees on board sank near the
coast of Lampedusa. More than 300 people, mostly Eritreans,
drowned that day. The event received widespread political attention
and featured prominently in the media (BBC, 2013; Davies, 2013;
Horsti, 2017).
Analysing the documentary ‘It will be Chaos’ (Luciano & Piscopo,
2018), Vdovychenko (2019) claims that the Lampedusa crisis can be
seen as a focusing event, which opened a policy window. She points
out that the framing of the problem, the wording chosen to address
it, and the policy directions made available to address the problem
were hotly contested and negotiated. In particular, the use of the term
‘illegal migrants’ as opposed to ‘refugees’ determined whether or not
these people were considered to be deserving of help or not –
governing the policy response. Smits and Karagianni (2019) state that,
unfortunately, rather than framing this disaster in terms of the human
right to life and, hence, the failure to protect refugees, it was framed
as a crisis caused by the movement of ‘illegal’ migrants. They argue
that since 2013, the issue of human trafficking of migrants and
refugees has become part of a larger problem frame in which
migration itself is seen as a crisis. In this framing of the problem, the
very movement of people has been problematized.
Mawere, Van Reisen and van Stam (2019) highlight the dominant new
language introduced in this agenda, such as ‘irregular’ and ‘illegal’
migration. The introduction of this language created a new frame,
turning migration, which is a normal lifestyle in Africa, into a problem
with negative connotations associated with being ‘irregular’ and
‘illegal’. This language diminishes the status of the lives of refugees
and migrants, creating or exacerbating vulnerabilities, dehumanising
the experience as ‘not normal’, and placing refugees and migrants
‘outside-the law’, as well as creating fear around their existence and
movement among those in host communities (Mawere, Van Reisen
& van Stam, 2019). Following Rorty (1998), the framing of mobility
as a generic problem – with connotations of being undesirable,

44
outside-the law, dangerous and instilling insecurity and fear – may
situate people on the move as being less worthy of the enjoyment of
human rights. This impacts on whether or not issues like human
trafficking are seen primarily as a human rights problem.
Figure 2.1. March for human rights for refugees and migrants in
Brussels, September 2015
Source: Photograph: Han Soete, Solidaire (2015)
Schwarz’s (2012) feelings-as-information theory explains how
perceived feelings are also information and, as such, influence the
judgement of people. Linking this with the question of whether a
problem is regarded as a human rights problem, Rorty (1998) points
out that perceiving a situation as a human rights problem requires
sympathy and security. Sympathy requires knowledge of the situation of
other people and the possibility of emotionally relating to them.
Security relates to the need to feel safe, in order to have the space to
consider any concerns that relate to the situation of other people.
Rorty’s argument is relevant to understanding how the infliction of
severe human rights violations often has the effect of dehumanising
the victim, undermining emotional engagement with, and sympathy
for, the victim.

45
As seen from this (and the previous) section, the framing of a
problem has a direct impact on the policies (solutions) formulated to
address it. When the theories used to understand a problem are
flawed, the resulting policies are likely to be ineffective. The framing
of migration as an issue of push and pull involving ‘illegal’ migrants
has led to the formulation of policies that focus on the creation of
obstacles for people to move along migration routes, such as
interceptions and returning people to where they came from. The idea
that intercepting people on the migration routes deters them from
moving onwards is overlooking alternative (and possibly better) ideas
on how this issue could, or should, be addressed. The following
section looks at the emergence of human trafficking for ransom in
conjunction with the development of ICTs.
Black holes in the digital infrastructure
Van Reisen, Mawere, Stokmans, Nakazibwe, Van Stam and Ong’ayo
(2019) observed that human trafficking is fuelled by black holes in the
digital landscape.
5
Using spatial imaginaries, they make the case that
unequal access to ICTs starts with the very design of core
infrastructure. As depicted in Figure 2.2, fibre optic submarine cables
connect the African continent to Europe. About 99% of the total
international data transmissions run through these cables (Bischof,
Fontugne & Bustamante, 2018). All traffic that moves through these
cables automatically travels through the centre, which is located in
Europe or the United States, even if the information is transferred
between nodes placed in another continent (Gueye & Mbaye, 2018).
Developments in ICT, particularly the rise of the Internet and mobile
phones, have led to a world in which people are more connected than
ever before, which has led to the perception of a ubiquitous
connected (and informed) world (Castells, 2011). In this digital
structure, information circulates within a globalised social network
(Van Reisen, Mawere, Stokmans, Nakazibwe, van Stam & Ong’ayo,
5
‘Black holes’ in the digital landscape are places where access to connectivity is
limited, either because of lack of ICT infrastructure and Internet connectivity or
control over information technology (see Glossary of Terms).

46
2019). With terms such as ‘global village’, ICTs are seen as something
that innovate economies and solves social problems (Smart, Donner
& Graham, 2016). However, as ICTs are the product of human
invention, it is inevitable that the digital architecture of these
inventions has certain social characteristics. While ICTs have enabled
coordination at a high level and across borders, at the same time they
are creating an increasing divide between those who are connected to
the Internet and those who are not (Fuchs & Horak, 2008; Van
Reisen, Smits & Wirtz, 2019).
Figure 2.2. Submarine cable map
Source: Wikimedia (2015)
Castells (2000) argues that this creates a new social structure in which
the elite profit and others get stuck in ‘black holes’ of informational
capitalism. Such black holes are not just caused by lack of access to
devices or connectivity, although this can play a role, but access can
also be deliberately limited or denied. According to the Research and
Evidence Facility (2020), (not) being able to make use of ICTs is an
essential part of understanding the impact of technology on people
on the move. They found that the number of mobile phone
subscriptions per 100 people in the Horn of Africa (51) is far lower
than in sub-Saharan Africa (82) and the world (106). In particular, the
number of subscribers in Eritrea is very low (20 per 100 people). In
addition, the Research and Evidence Facility explains that the use of
smartphones is limited in the Horn of Africa and that most people

47
with a mobile phone subscription make use of phones mainly, or only,
for calling or text messaging (SMS).
In terms of Internet use, data provided by the World Bank (2021a)
show that Eritrea has only 1% Internet usage. This means that hardly
anyone in the country has access to the Internet. The main
explanations for this are the Eritrean government’s tight control over
SIM card access and the extremely poor fibre-optic broadband
infrastructure in the country (BBC, 2019; Research and Evidence
Facility, 2020). Internet use in Ethiopia is 19%, in Libya 22%, and
Sudan 31% – and it is not equally distributed (World Bank, 2021b).
In addition, the Research and Evidence Facility (2020) explains that
some countries in the Horn, such as Ethiopia and Sudan, are able to
shut down the Internet when deemed necessary. Such Internet
blackouts are frequent during exams, for example, but also at times
of protest or conflict.
Within a black hole, people are not, or are barely, connected and
depend on others for access (Van Reisen, Mawere, Stokmans,
Nakazibwe, van Stam & Ong’ayo, 2019). Such actors are referred to
as gatekeepers of information (Barzilai-Nahon, 2008). Van Reisen,
Mawere, Stokmans, Nakazibwe, van Stam, and Ong’ayo (2019)
describe how particularly youth living in a black hole may seek to
leave their home in search of better opportunities and ‘connectivity’.
They are often attracted to nodes with a better information position
and better access to connectivity. However, being in a black hole, they
have very limited information about where to go and what routes are
safe to take (Van Reisen, Mawere, Stokmans, Nakazibwe, van Stam,
and Ong’ayo, 2019).
The fact that unequal access to ICTs is associated with vulnerability,
which can lead to exploitation, is a problem everywhere. For instance,
not having access to a mobile/smart phone and the Internet is
associated with greater risk of exposure to abuse among elderly. One
author asked: “Are elderly in a cage, under a lockdown within a
lockdown?” (Rina et al., 2020). In the next section, the authors will
further investigate empirical evidence on black holes in the digital
landscape. Investigating the impact of reduced mobility under the
COVID-19 lockdowns, researchers found that protecting vulnerable

48
elderly citizens who could be in a situation of neglect or abuse in New
York (as elsewhere) was difficult due to lack of access to a phone:
However, such remote work can be challenging, as it may not be safe for victims to
speak on the phone if they reside with the actual or potential perpetrator. The abuser
may even prevent the older adult from having access to this technology. (Elman et
al., 2020, p. 692)
This is similar to what Van Reisen, Smits & Wirtz (2019) found in
relation to the situation of Eritrean refugees in Libya in the context
of human trafficking for ransom. Using the network gatekeeping
theory of Barzilai-Nahon (2008), these authors found that Eritrean
refugees were more repressed than the most repressed category of
‘gated’ communities suggested by the theory (i.e., traditional gated).
This was because not only did the Eritrean refugees have no access
to, or freedom to distribute information, but in the context of human
trafficking for ransom, were forced to distribute information (on their
own torture) using mobile phones, as part of forced begging (for
ransom). The authors suggest that the term ‘exploited gated’ be used
for this group (Van Reisen, Smits & Wirtz, 2019).
Ethnographic monitoring of black holes in the digital landscape
Black holes in the digital landscape are associated with social
situations and are naturally unequal in terms of resources, which
Bourdieu refers to as ‘capital’ (Bourdieu, 1986). This section looks at
black holes in the digital infrastructure and how these place people,
especially people on the move, in vulnerable situations, increasing the
likelihood that they will fall victim to human trafficking and human
rights violations. Using ethnographic monitoring the authors selected
and compared key incidents from their data that lead to a general idea,
from which one can abstract the existence of a black hole.
People seek information through connectivity
It could be assumed that people who are living in a black hole in the
digital landscape are unaware of the need to connect. However, some
ethnographic observations point to the desire of people to connect
and of people making efforts to be digitally connected, even when

49
such connectivity is not readily available. An evening observation tour
by one of the authors around Great Zimbabwe University in
Masvingo showed youth flocking to the compound’s fences at night
to pick up a WiFi signal from the university; apparently the youth had
found ways of circumventing the password and restrictions to gain
Internet access (Van Reisen, 2020a).
For her master’s thesis, Smeets conducted a case study on Masvingo
City, Zimbabwe, looking at the gatekeeping of information. She
concluded from interviews that those having more digital access
would have an information advantage, and those without similar
access would be more vulnerable and prone to being exploited. A
female media student she interviewed said that without access to
information:
[…] you know nothing at all. People can take advantage of you just because you
don’t, you don’t have information [… But with access] you can defend yourself, you
know what is going on, and you can’t be manipulated. (Smeets, 2020, p. 46)
In Masvingo City, the editor of the local newspaper added, as an
explanation:
So what happens with those with less access to digital technology, that means that
they are left out. They are disadvantaged, that means that they are more vulnerable
to exploitation, all forms of exploitation. […] information is a liberating tool because
nobody can easily take advantage of you, [without information] you can’t make
rational decisions. (Smeets, 2020, p. 46)
Control over the flow of information is a way of controlling the
narrative about what is going on in a particular situation. A testimony
of a witness to an aid delivery in Darfur reported how an enterprising
person made good use of technology:
In Darfur in 2009 I was part of a mission that took 35 trucks of food, medicine
and other items to a location where there had been fighting and displacement. When
we arrived we found a person who had set up public telephone service with a satellite
telephone and a solar chargers. People could do reverse charge telephone calls with
family and friends. There were just as many people in line for the telephone as there
were for food and medicine. (Interviewee 3006, Resource person, Zoom-
seminar, GAIC Research Group, May 2022; chat record held by MvR)

50
The barriers imposed by a two-year stringent shut-down of Internet
connectivity during the war in Tigray (Ethiopia) were circumvented
by moving phones to other states with connectivity, from where
messages were up and downloaded, and screenshots were flashed
between phones unconnected to the Internet using Bluetooth
(Interviewee 3007, resource person, Zoom-seminar, GAIC Research
Group, May 2022; chat record held by MvR; Interviewee 3009,
resource person, conversation with Van Reisen, 4 May 2022).
The incidents reported here show that people are creatively and
innovatively using alternatives to receive and distribute information,
if and when they can.
Controlling information on mobile phones as a source of power
Focus group discussions held by Van Reisen and other researchers
with an elderly population living in impoverished circumstances in
Northern Uganda on the use of mobile phones gave an interesting
perspective on the anxiety caused by not being able to control the
information (Van Reisen, 2020b). The elderly participants reported
being anxious over not being able to read the screens of their typically
small (Nokia) feature phones due to deteriorating eyesight. They were
clearly fearful of their lack of control over information, including
digital payments made per phone, and missing out on other
information. They also feared that other people would take advantage
of the situation (Van Reisen, 2020b).
In her research in Zimbabwe, Smeets quotes a resource person who
is knowledgeable about online media in remote areas in relation to
the power of those with access to social media:
…those who have information can manipulate those who are less informed […those]
who are informed, they become more powerful (Smeets, 2020, p. 46).
Smeets (2020) also found that youth in remote areas with access to
social media through their phone had relatively more power and
independence than the elders of the community, because of the
advanced information position they had on what was reported within
the community, as well as outside on social media.

51
This example speaks to the more general principle that digital
information distributes power, giving more power to young people,
who can more easily access the information. This can upset traditional
power structures in communities, in which elderly people would
previously have had greater authority.
Controlling information to control a population
Gatekeeping is particularly relevant during times of conflict. Control
over the flow of information is a way of controlling the narrative
about what is going on in a particular situation. When crimes are
perpetrated, black holes are purposefully created by removing access
to the Internet and confiscating mobile phones. Restricting
information prevents the media, international actors and
policymakers from obtaining a detailed image of what is happening
on the ground, including the perspectives of everyone involved. An
example is how, during the war in Tigray, Internet access was shut off
in the entire Tigray region for nearly two years. In collaboration with
EEPA, the research team collected regular updates on the situation
and first reported the black-out in Situation Report 11 in November
2020: “Phone and internet to the Mekelle and Tigray region remains
closed off (EEPA, 2020).
Controlling phone and Internet traffic is a powerful tool for turning
a location into a black hole and dominating the information-stream
of what is going on in that place. In Situation Report 65, EEPA
quoted a local from Tigray who described the situation in Tigray as
follows:
[...] there is no telephone, no aid, no electricity, no freedom to movement even locally,
no access to any external organization of any kind whatsoever in the border areas
with Eritrea. Eritrean forces also denied access to the interim government in Tigray
and the Ethiopian army staff to go past Adigrat town. (EEPA, 2021b)
The following account is given in Situation Report 75, published in
March 2021, of the confiscation of mobile phones by Eritrean

52
soldiers in Mekelle, the capital of Tigray, presumably to continue to
tightly control all information channels:
Ethio-Forum reports that residents of Mekelle said that ENDF allied forces are
confiscating their mobile phones. Especially residents found with pictures of Dr
Debretsion, other TPLF officials and a flag of Tigray regional state in their mobile
phones are intimidated and beaten whilst their phones are confiscated. According to
the sources, Eritrean soldiers dressed in ENDF uniform are the main perpetrators
of mobile phone confiscation. (EEPA, 2021c)
Similar tactics are also reported in other places in Ethiopia (Situation
Report 163, July 2021):
The OLF

Oromo Liberation Front

added that the Eritrean troops were
confiscating mobile phones, cash and looting private belongings from local civilians.
(EEPA, 2021d)
This illustrates the fact that the existence of a black hole is not just
dependent on factors such as lack of infrastructure, but also on
deliberate policies of control over information. Control over mobile
phones is a tool used by states to control the narrative about what is
going on.
Controlling migrants and refugees by controlling mobile
phones
The mobile phone is an indispensable feature of human trafficking
for ransom. Taking control over mobile phones is often the first
indicator of an (emergent) operation of a human trafficking network.
A resource person reported on an incident in which Eritrean refugees
in a refugee camp in Ethiopia were attacked:
I already asked one of our refugees in the new camp and he said that yesterday
between 7pm and 8:30pm during Al Eshaa prayer, some of the Amharic people
attacked the refugees and took their telephones after they beat them. This issue is
happening 2 or 3 times a week and the committee of the refugees there has asked for
help more than 10 times, but always the Federal Security promises them, but no
action is taken at all. (Interviewee 3004, resource person, Signal
communication with Van Reisen, April 2022, emphasis added)

53
The following testimony about the abduction of Eritrean refugees
from camps in Tigray, Ethiopia, was published in EEPA Situation
Report 56 on 15 January 2021:
Eritrean refugees in Tigray are taken to Shiraro, others to Badme. There are at least
10,000 refugees, and they are slowly taken to Eritrea. What happens with them in
Eritrea, is not known. The refugees held in Shiraro and Badme are held by Eritrean
soldiers. They have no food, and they are forced to contact their family to send money.
However, the refugees are dependent on the Eritrean soldiers to be able to phone
relatives. (EEPA, 2021a, emphasis added)
This testimony shows the transactional element of the use of phones:
The refugees held by Eritrean troops are using mobile phones from the Eritrean
soldiers to contact relatives. These are Eritrean mobile phones. The soldiers are
making a business out of this, so that they get paid for this ‘service’. Soldiers take a
part of this money, and in some cases all of it. (EEPA, 2021a)
In locations where the victims of human trafficking are held in
captivity, human traffickers keep tight control over the use of digital
technology. This often means having no access to a phone and, thus,
not being able to access (to either receive or send) information. The
main sources of information in these situations are the human
traffickers themselves (Van Reisen, Smits & Wirtz, 2019).
Moreover, refugees and migrants can be mistrustful of varied
information sources. Smugglers and human traffickers bridge this gap
by offering (filtered) information, creating a dependency by the one
who wants to leave on the provider of information (Van Reisen,
Mawere, Stokmans, Nakazibwe, van Stam, and Ong’ayo, 2019). For
human trafficking for ransom, which depends on the control of
communication channels by human traffickers, this control over
information is a key to their modus operandi.
The ethnographic monitoring in this section shows that information
is a typical asset the control of which can lead to a more dominant
social position. Hence, it can be seen that, as not everyone is equally
connected, a social structure has been created by the Internet that
benefits the ones who are better connected, while leaving others in

54
so-called ‘black holes’ in the digital landscape (Van Reisen, Smits &
Wirtz, 2019).
Remoteness and cultural entropy
As seen from the previous section, black holes in the digital landscape
leave people cut off from information and vulnerable to human
trafficking. Remoteness is another concept developed to help
understand areas that are cut off or remote. Anthropologist Edwin
Ardener (1989) first developed the concept of remoteness in remote
areas. For Ardener, remote areas are not those most far removed
from “central” areas on the map, but areas that are not well “linked”
(Ardener, 2012, p. 532) to the areas around them. Remoteness, as a
concept, defines a place that may appear to be inaccessible to
outsiders, but which, at the same time, is vulnerable and open,
because people in these places do not control access. Remote areas,
says Ardener, house all kinds of what the locals define as strangers.
At the same time, from the outside, the people inhabiting remote
locations suffer from stereotyping, not so much because of their
geographical remoteness, but rather the conscious disconnection of
“central” people from “remote” areas (Ardener, 2012, p. 521). Yet,
despite the perceived disconnect, remote areas are constantly in touch
with the outside world, and are “event-rich” (Ardener, 2012, p. 531).
Brachet and Scheele (2019) describe how stereotypes about remote
areas from the outside world can also affect how locals see
themselves. In the case of northern Chad, Brachet and Scheele assert
that remoteness is, therefore, not only externally imposed, but also
internally perpetuated. Negative stereotypes become accepted by
locals, enabling them to profit off their reputation and giving them
the ability to avoid government control. “Remoteness, in this sense,
translates both as a structural vulnerability and a certain form of
power – the power to make one’s self invisible, unpredictable and
hence ungovernable” (Brachet & Scheele, 2019, pp. 168–169).
Saxer and Anderson (2019) add that connectivity has brought another
dimension to remoteness. According to these authors, rather than
being without connectivity, remote areas are: “usually shot through

55
with uneven forms of connectivity, wiring them to the world
economy and into global politics and mediascape” (Saxer &
Anderson, 2019, pp. 4–5). This creates different power dimensions
and socio-spatial constellations. This connects with the concept of
black holes, as places where digital connectivity is low and
gatekeepers are in control of the information flows. Black holes, then,
signify digital remoteness, which shapes the socio-spatial
constellations inside them.
Remoteness also links to the concept of cultural entropy. Cultural
entropy is the clash of values within a system, originally described
within organisations (Barrett, 2010). Van Reisen, Stokmans, Mawere
and Gebre-Egziabher (2019) describe cultural entropy as also
occurring between the values of different stakeholders in the
migration process. When cultural entropy is high, the clash in values
can result in ineffective policies. In remote areas, the risk of differing
values with those of the so-called central areas is likely to be higher,
which may result in a more significant cultural entropy – leading to
policies also becoming less effective in remote areas.
The human trafficking cycle: Living in a black hole in the
digital landscape
In human trafficking for ransom, being cut off keeps the victims
remote from information exchange, from accountability mechanisms
and unable to access justice and support, even when they are released.
This can cause what the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
(UNODC) refers to as the re-victimisation of victims of human
trafficking. According to UNODC this as “a significant problem”
(UNODC, 2006, p. 140).
In the book The Human Trafficking Cycle: Sinai and Beyond, Van Reisen,
Estefanos & Rijken (2014) describe human trafficking for ransom in
the Sinai as a ‘trafficking cycle’. These authors go beyond previous
descriptions of how “victims become locked in a cycle of trafficking,
extortion and violence without an exit” (Van Reisen, Estefanos &
Rijken, 2014, p. 27). They argue that the process of human trafficking
cannot be analysed in isolation, but should rather be seen as a process

56
of violence in which the victims are trapped before, during and after
the trafficking event(s). This includes the human rights abuses that
cause the victims to flee in the first place, and detention in transit,
host or third countries.
Noting that most of the victims of human trafficking for ransom in
the Sinai were Eritrean refugees, these authors trace the human
trafficking cycle back to Eritrea, where the refugees had fled forced
labour in the form of Eritrea’s indefinite national service (Van Reisen,
Estefanos & Rijken, 2014). They describe how the victims of human
trafficking in the Sinai were sold and resold, and how they did not
receive adequate protection from authorities in, among other
countries, Egypt and Israel, and were even deported, which led to re-
victimisation (Van Reisen, Estefanos & Rijken, 2014; Rozen, 2019).
In addition, victims would often have to go through the process again,
but now on the other end of the line – having a family member who
had fallen victim to such trafficking, and would call them to beg for
ransom. Paying ransom would lead to debt and even greater
vulnerability (Van Reisen, Estefanos & Rijken, 2014). Even if the
refugees eventually arrive in a situation where they receive protection,
the process of family reunification exposes family members to risky
paths associated with the vulnerable situation the family members are
in, including human trafficking for ransom (Van Reisen, Berends,
Delecolle, Hagenberg, Trivellato & Stocker, 2019). Thus, the violence
and lack of protection of the rights of the survivors creates further
vulnerability at each stage.
All of these compounded events in the human trafficking cycle have
led to the normalisation of violence. For example, Van Reisen, Smits
and Wirtz (2019) report that Eritrean refugees view it as normal to be
put in prison, often for minor offenses. Rozen (2019) describes how
refugees who are the victim of human trafficking for ransom do not
always realise that they have been ‘trafficked’, and fail to disclose this
in interviews with authorities or researchers. In addition, the payment
of ransoms has also become normalised. In rational decision-making
processes, as presumed by the push and pull model, the normalisation
of violence is not taken into account. If where you come from is as

57
dangerous as where you are, and where you are going to is also
dangerous, how do you weigh one danger against another?
When the human trafficking cycle is defined as such, it is not
sufficient to look at what happens to victims during and immediate
after the trafficking event, but also what happens leading up to it; and
what happens within the communities that the victims are part of.
The lack of protection of victims can lead to them again falling victim
to human trafficking and other crimes. Adams (2011) notes that the
protection of victims is, therefore, key to breaking the cycle of
trafficking, but is often pushed aside in favour of a purely criminal
approach to tackling human trafficking. The cycle referred to here is
one in which the victim is more vulnerable to being trafficked again,
once ‘free’, and from which it is difficult to escape for structural, legal,
and policy reasons.
Conclusion
Theory matters, as it underpins what people think, what they do and
how they act – and theory underpins policies as a scripted and agreed
form of responding to a certain situation identified as a problem.
Theories such as the push and pull theory of migration, on which the
policies of the EU and international organisations are reliant, assume
that refugees and migrants – including the victims of human
trafficking – are in a position to make rational choices and have free
access to information. However, this theory does not take into
account how information streams are restricted, made unavailable,
controlled or manipulated by ‘gatekeepers’. It also does not take into
consideration the fact that sustaining high levels of trauma and
continuous stress and fear can contribute to the decision to flee
situations perceived as dangerous and to continue to move on
(secondary migration), despite the risks involved.
In addition, which policy options are considered is mediated by the
framing of the problem, and how the conditions referring to the
problem are categorised – which is influenced by stakeholders and
actors, including the media. Problems are, therefore, not neutral facts,
but are, rather, constructed through social processes. Whether a

58
problem is recognised as such, is also determined by who can speak
about it. This process of framing is all the more important, as problem
framing creates conditions in which issues may be taken up on the
public agenda. When a policy window emerges for issues to enter the
agenda, such as those triggered by a focusing event, the framing of
the event is particularly important in determining what policies may
be considered to solve the problem. What information is available to
whom, and who controls the disbursement of information, is of
critical importance in this process. In addition, if the problem is
analysed in isolation – e.g., only the act of trafficking, rather than the
full cycle of human trafficking, which includes before, during and
after the event – the analysis of the problem may be incomplete.
On this note, this chapter seeks to contribute to a more pluralistic
approach to seek alternative explanatory frameworks to understand
migration, in general, and human trafficking for ransom, in particular.
The digital landscape gives unequal access to ICTs, leading to a digital
divide between those who have access to ICTs and the Internet and
those who do not. Furthermore, gatekeepers (which can be
governments, but also non-governmental actors) can control access,
for example, by shutting down the Internet or restricting access
through infrastructure or price. This allows them to control the flow
of information, giving those controlling the ICTs – the so-called
‘gatekeepers’ – a significant advantage.
Investigating the concept through ethnographic monitoring, it can be
concluded that black holes in the digital landscape have four aspects:
• People seek (digital) information, even if they are not connected,
or barely connected, and this information is important to them.
• The control over how information can be obtained in barely, or
unconnected, situations can be a source of power.
• Those who have more power can control others by removing
(access to) connectivity by shutting down the Internet or taking
mobile phones.
• Migrants and refugees, who are already in a vulnerable situation,
are at risk of finding themselves in an extremely vulnerable
situation in which all communication is regulated by those in
control, as a means of subjugation in order to exploit them.

59
Given the importance of technology and control over information in
human trafficking for ransom, the concept of a ‘black hole’ can help
explain how, and why, unequal information flows and restrictions on
information by gatekeepers benefit the perpetrators of human
trafficking for ransom. The human trafficking networks also serve as
gatekeepers, controlling what information reaches people in
vulnerable situations. Black holes in the digital landscape also prevent
information from getting out. Therefore, it is difficult for anyone to
obtain a clear picture of what is happening on the ground inside these
areas. A lack of information and access isolates people, causes false
information to proliferate, and increases the vulnerability of people
to extortion and other crimes.
Black holes can also be described as ‘remote areas’, places that are
disconnected from the ‘centre’. This ‘remoteness’ contributes to
vulnerability, while at the same time allowing people to remain
invisible and, hence, ungovernable. Remoteness shields areas from
government control. Stereotypes about people in remote areas can be
internalised by locals, reinforcing their status (e.g., of people in Libya
as criminals, operating outside the law). Human trafficking for
ransom thrives in such places. At the same time, according to the
principles of cultural entropy, the plurality of stakeholders and values
can render policies ineffective.
Finally, it is important to understand human trafficking for ransom as
a cycle. Seeing it as a cycle allows a broader perspective on the
vulnerability of persons to human trafficking and a more nuanced
understanding of what is driving it and what might help break the
cycle. Such an understanding takes into account the cycle of violence
accompanying the trafficking, from human rights abuses experienced
in the country of origin, to the trafficking itself, and beyond, as well
as the vulnerable economic situation of people on the move (e.g.,
debt, labour conditions due to illegal status) and lack of protection,
also due to their illegality. These factors place migrants and refugees
in a powerless position and can lead to re-victimisation.
Due to the dehumanisation of people in such situations, barriers to
sympathy emerge and feelings of fear and danger are aroused, fuelled
by narratives around security and terrorism. In human trafficking for

60
ransom, human beings are commoditised, stripped of their dignity
and humanity. Following Rorty (1998), this generates a situation in
which people in a black hole are regarded as less worthy of the
enjoyment of human rights. If the framing of the problem is
determined by such sentiments, and the policy agenda follows this
frame, this explains why human rights are less of a consideration in
the policies that have emerged to address the problem of human
trafficking in Libya.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Europe External Programme in
Africa (EEPA) for its support, through the project Europe-Africa
Response to Human Trafficking and Mixed Migration Flows.
Ethical clearance
Ethical clearance for this research was obtained from Tilburg
University REC2017/16; REDC # 2020n13; REDC# 2020/01 3a;
REDC 2020.139.
Author contributions
Mirjam Van Reisen, Klara Smits, and Anouk Smeets are the authors
of several sections in this chapter. Mirjam Van Reisen edited the
overall text. Anouk Smeets drafted an early version of this chapter.
Morgane Wirtz provided input for this chapter and provided
background on the information presented in this chapter.
References
Abdou, L. (2020). ‘Push or pull’? Framing immigration in times of crisis in
the European Union and the United States. Journal of European Integration,
42, 643–658
Adams, C. (2011). Re-trafficked victims: How a human rights approach can
stop the cycle of re-victimization of sex trafficking victims. George
Washington International Law Review, 43(1)

61
Ardener, E. (1989, 2012 reprint). ‘Remote areas’ – some theoretical
considerations. In: E. Ardener, M. McDonald & K. Hastrup (eds), The
Voice of Prophesy and Other Essays. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, pp. 211–223
Bakowski, P., & Voronova, S. (2021). Understanding EU action against human
trafficking. Briefing, European Parliamentary Research Service (EPRS).
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2021/6906
16/EPRS_BRI(2021)690616_EN.pdf
Barrett, R. (2010). High performance it’s all about entropy. Barret Values Centre.
https://www.undici.fr/articles/High%20Performance%20-
%20It%27s%20all%20about%20entropy.pdf (accessed 28 September
2022)
Barzilai-Nahon, K. (2008). Toward a theory of network gatekeeping: A
framework for exploring information control. Journal of the American
Society for Information Science and Technology, 59(9), 1493–1512.
https://doi.org/10.1002/asi.20857
BBC. (2013). Italy boat sinking: Hundreds feared dead off Lampedusa. [Online],
BBC, 3 October 2013. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-
24380247 (accessed 20 October 2022)
BBC. (2019). Eritrea – where ATMs are unknown and Sim cards are like gold dust.
[Online], BBC, 15 October 2019. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-
africa-49727573 (accessed 10 May 2021)
Benford, R.D., & Snow, D.A. (2000). Framing processes and social
movements: An overview and assessment. Annual Review of Sociology,
26(1), 611–639
Bischof, Z.S., Fontugne, R., & Bustamante, F.E. (2018). Untangling the world-
wide mesh of undersea cables. Proceedings of the 17th ACM Workshop on
Hot Topics in Networks HotNets-XVII, November 15–16, 2018,
Redmond, WA, pp. 78–84. https://doi.org/10.1145/3286062.3286074
Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In: J.G. Richardson (ed.),
Handbook of theory and research for the sociology of education. New York, NY:
Greenwood Press, pp. 241–58
Brachet, J., & Scheele, J. (2019). Remoteness is power: Disconnection as a
relation in northern Chad. Social Anthropology, 27(2)
Callaghan, L. (2019). Greek kidnap gangs target migrants for ransom.
[Online], The Times, 26 May 2019.
https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/greek-kidnap-gangs-target-
migrants-for-ransom-7nbmjsjxr (accessed 5 October 2021)

62
Castells, M. (2000). The information age: Economy, society and culture (3 Volumes).
Oxford: Blackwell
Castells, M. (2011). The rise of the network society (2nd Edition). Chichester, U:
John Wiley & Sons
Cheng, S. (2017). A critical engagement with the “pull and push” model:
Human trafficking and migration into sex work. In: R. Piotrowicz, C.
Rijken & B.H. Uhl (eds), Routledge Handbook of Human Trafficking.
London: Routledge
Cooper, J. (2021). Terrifying videos, threats: How kidnappers extort migrants'
relatives for ransoms. [Online], NBC News, 3 October 2021.
https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/terrifying-videos-threats-
kidnappers-extort-migrants-relatives-ransoms-rcna2387 (accessed 5
October 2021)
Davies, L. (2013). Lampedusa boat tragedy is 'slaughter of innocents' says
Italian president. [Online], The Guardian, 3 October 2013.
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/oct/03/lampedusa-boat-
tragedy-italy-migrants (accessed 20 October 2022)
Daviter, F. (2007). Policy framing in the European Union. Journal of European
Public Policy, 14(4), 654–666
Dewulf, A., & Bouwen, R. (2012). Issue framing in conversations for
change: Discursive interaction strategies for ‘doing differences’. The
Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, 48(2), 168–193
EEPA. (2020). Situation report 11. [Online], Europe External Programme
with Africa (EEPA), 29 November 2020.
https://www.eepa.be/?page_id=4237 (accessed 12 September 2022)
EEPA. (2021a). Situation report 56. [Online], Europe External Programme
with Africa (EEPA), 15 January 2021.
https://www.eepa.be/?page_id=4237 (accessed 12 September 2022)
EEPA. (2021b). Situation report 65. [Online], Europe External Programme
with Africa (EEPA), 24 January 2021.
https://www.eepa.be/?page_id=4237 (accessed 12 September 2022)
EEPA. (2021c). Situation report 75. [Online], Europe External Programme
with Africa (EEPA), 2 March 2021.
https://www.eepa.be/?page_id=4237 (accessed 12 September 2022)
EEPA. (2021d). Situation report 163. [Online], Europe External Programme
with Africa (EEPA), 6 July 2021. https://www.eepa.be/?page_id=4237
(accessed 12 September 2022)

63
Elman, A., Breckman, R., Clark, S., Gottesman, E., Rachmuth, L., Reiff, M.,
Callahan, J., Russell, L.A., Curtis, M., Solomon, J., Lok, D., Sirey, J.A.,
Lachs, M.S., Czaja, S., Pillemer, K., & Rosen, T. (2020). Effects of the
COVID-19 outbreak on elder mistreatment and response in New York
City: Initial lessons. Journal of Applied Gerontology, 39(7), 690–699.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0733464820924853
Erickson, F. (1977). Some approaches to inquiry in school-community
ethnography. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 8(3), 58–69
European Commission. (n.d.). EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa: Strategy.
[Online], European Commission.
https://ec.europa.eu/trustfundforafrica/content/strategy_en
(accessed 3 May 2022)
Frouws, B., & Brenner, Y. (2019). Hype or hope? Evidence on use of smartphones
& social media in mixed migration. [Online], Mixed Migration Centre, 23
January 2019. https://mixedmigration.org/articles/hype-or-hope-new-
evidence-on-the-use-of-smartphones-and-social-media-in-mixed-
migration/ (accessed 11 May 2021)
Frederickson, H.G., & Wise C.R. (1977). Public administration and public
policy. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books
Fuchs, C., & Horak, E. (2008). Africa and the digital divide. Telematics and
Informatics, 25(2), 99–116. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tele.2006.06.004
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect. (2018). Defining the four mass
atrocity crimes. [Online], GlobalR2P, 15 August 2018.
https://www.globalr2p.org/publications/defining-the-four-mass-
atrocity-crimes/
Goffman, E. (1974). Frame analysis: An essay on the organization of experience.
New York, NY: Harper and Row
Gregoriou, C., & Ras, I.A. (2018). Representations of transnational human
trafficking: A critical review. Leeds, UK: University of Leeds
Gueye, A., & Mbaye, B. (2018). On the prevalence of boomerang routing
in Africa: Analysis and potential solutions. In: C. Kebe, A.N. Gueye, A.
Diaye & Garba (eds), Innovations and Interdisciplinary Solutions for
Underserved Areas. Second International Conference, InterSol2018, Kigali,
Rwanda, March 24. Cham: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-
319-98878-8_1
Haug, S. (2008). Migration networks and migration decision-making. Journal
of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 34(4), 585–605

64
Hayden, S. (2022). “My fourth time, we drowned”: Seeking refuge on the world's
deadliest migration route. London: Harper Collins
Horsley, R. & Gerken, J. (2022). Stability fuels rebound in human smuggling.
[Online], Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, July
2022, https://globalinitiative.net/wp-
content/uploads/2022/06/Human-smuggling-and-trafficking-
ecosystems-LIBYA.pdf (accessed 20 October 2022)
Horsti, K. (2017). The mediated commemoration of migrant deaths at European
borders. Media@LSE Working Paper Series, Cammaerts, B., Anstead, N.
& Stupart, R. (eds). https://www.lse.ac.uk/media-and-
communications/assets/documents/research/working-paper-
series/EWP46.pdf (accessed 21 September 2022)
Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). (2021). IGAD
migration statistics report: October 2021. IGAD.
https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/IGAD-
english-digital-2022-1.pdf (accessed 3 May 2022)
Hymes, D. (1980). Language in education: Ethnolinguistic essays. Washington,
DC: Center for Applied Linguistics
Kicinger, A. (2004). International migration as a non-traditional security threat and
the EU responses to this phenomenon. Warsaw: Central European Forum for
Migration Research
Kidane, S. (2018). The role of ICT in psychological trauma. PowerPoint
presentation, Tilburg University
Kidane, S. (2021). Trauma, collective trauma and refugee trajectories in the digital era:
development of the Trauma Recovery Understanding Self-Help Therapy (TRUST).
Bamenda, Cameroon: Langaa Research & Publishing CIG
Kidane, S., & Stokmans, M. (2019). Desperate journeys: The need for
trauma support for refugees. In: M. Van Reisen, M. Mawere, M.
Stokmans & K.A. Gebre-Egziabher (eds), Mobile Africa: Human
Trafficking and the Digital Divide. Bamenda, Cameroon: Langaa Research
& Publishing CIG
Kingdon, J.W. (1984). Agendas, alternatives, and public policies. Boston, MA:
Little, Brown
Klandermans, B., & Oegema, D. (1987). Potentials, networks, motivations,
and barriers: Steps towards participation in social movements. American
Sociological Review, American Sociological Association, 52(4), 519–531.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/2095297

65
Knaggard, Å. (2015). The multiple streams framework and the problem
broker. European Journal of Political Research, 54(3)
Lee, E.S. (1966). A theory of migration. Demography, 3(1), 47–57
Luciano, L., & Piscopo, F. (Directors). (2018). It will be chaos: The human cost
of the refugee crisis. [Documentary], Home Box Office. New York, NY:
Infobase. https://www.hbo.com/documentaries/itwill-be-chaos
(accessed 15 January 2019)
MacGregor, M. (2020). Gang charged with abusing kidnapped migrants in
North Macedonia. [Online], InfoMigrants.
https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/22543/gang-charged-with-
abusing-kidnapped-migrants-in-north-macedonia (accessed 30
November 2022)
Mawere, M., Van Reisen, M., & van Stam, G. (2019). Language dominance
in the framing of problems and solutions: The language of mobility. In:
M. Van Reisen, M. Mawere, M. Stokmans & K.A. Gebre-Egziabher
(eds), Mobile Africa: Human Trafficking and the Digital Divide. Bamenda,
Cameroon: Langaa Research & Publishing CIG, pp. 527–555.
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/337089234_Language_Do
minance_in_the_Framing_of_Problems_and_Solutions_The_Langua
ge_of_Mobility
Michael, M. (2019). Migrants endure rape and torture on route through Yemen.
[Online], AP News, 30 October 2019.
https://apnews.com/476e15db8b77486e9d157b33f9494b22 (accessed
5 October 2021)
Mixed Migration Centre. (2020). Profiles and drivers of Eritreans in mixed
migration flows. MMC East Africa and Yemen 4Mi Snapshot – May 2020.
https://mixedmigration.org/wp-
content/uploads/2020/06/109_snapshot_EAY.pdf (accessed 5 May
2021)
Meyer, M., & Brewer, S. (2010). A dangerous journey through Mexico: Human
rights violations against migrants in transit. Washington, DC: Washington
Office on Latin America
Ravenstein, E. (1885). The laws of migration. Journal of the Statistical Society of
London, 48, 167–235
Ravenstein, E. (1889). The laws of migration. Journal of the Royal Statistical
Society, 52, 241–305

66
Research and Evidence Facility (REF). (2020). Information and communication
technologies and mobility in the Horn of Africa: A review of the literature. London:
EU Trust Fund for Africa (Horn of Africa Window), Research and
Evidence Facility
Rina, K., Maiti, T., Panigrahi, M., Patro, B., Kar, N., & Padhy, S.K.. (2020).
Impact of COVID-19 pandemic and lockdown on elder abuse. Journal
of Geriatric Care and Research, 7(3), 103
Rorty, A.O. (ed.). (1998). Philosophers on education. New York, NY/London:
Routledge
Rozen, S. (2019). Identifying survivors of torture: “I never told what
happened to me in the Sinai”. In: M. Van Reisen, M. Mawere, M.
Stokmans & K.A. Gebre-Egziabher (eds), Mobile Africa: Human
Trafficking and the Digital Divide. Bamenda, Cameroon: Langaa Research
& Publishing CIG, pp. 353–391.
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/336956190_Mobile_Africa
_Human_Trafficking_and_the_Digital_Divide
Saxer, M., & Anderson, R. (2019). The return of remoteness insecurity,
isolation and connectivity in the new world disorder. Social Anthropology,
27(2)
Schäfer, J., Schlindwein, S., Jakob, C. (Directors), & ARTE/ZDF.
(Producer). (2018). The gatekeepers of Europe. Outsourcing border controls to
Africa. [Documentary], Zweites Deutsches Fernsehen. Germany:
Deutsche Welle
Schwarz, N. (2012). Feelings-as-information theory. In: P.A.M. Van Lange,
A.W. Kruglansk & E.T. Higgins (eds), Handbook of Theories of Social
Psychology. London: SAGE Publications Ltd, pp. 289–308
Shatz, O. & Branco, J. (2019). Communication to the Office of the Prosecutor of the
International Criminal Court Pursuant to the Article 15 of the Rome Statute: EU
Migration Policies in the Central Mediterranean and Libya (2014-2019).
[Online], Statewatch, June 2019.
https://www.statewatch.org/media/documents/news/2019/jun/eu-
icc-case-EU-Migration-Policies.pdf
Smart, C., Donner, J., & Graham, M. (2016). “Connecting the world from
the sky”: Spatial discourses around Internet access in the developing
world. In: University of Michigan (ed.), Proceedings of the Eighth
International Conference on Information and Communication Technologies and
Development. Ann Arbour, MI: University of Michigan

67
Smeets, A. (2020). Gatekeeping in the digital age. A case study in Masvingo city and
surroundings, Zimbabwe. Master’s Thesis, Management of Cultural
Diversity, Tilburg University
Smits, K., & Karagianni, I. (2019). The shaping of the EU’s migration
policy: The tragedy of Lampedusa as a turning point. In: M. Van Reisen,
M. Mawere, M. Stokmans & K.A. Gebre-Egziabher (eds), Mobile Africa:
Human Trafficking and the Digital Divide. Bamenda, Cameroon: Langaa
Research & Publishing CIG, pp. 559–591
Snow, D.E., Rochford, B. Jr., Worden, S.K., & Benford, D.R. (1986). Frame
alignment processes, micromobilization, and movement participation.
American Sociological Association, 51(4), 461–481
Solidaire. (2015). 23 000 à marcher en solidarité avec les réfugiés. [Online],
Solidaire, 27 September 2015. https://www.solidaire.org/articles/23-
000-marcher-en-solidarite-avec-les-refugies
TeleGeography. (n.d.) Submarine cable map. [Online], TeleGeography.
https://www.submarinecablemap.com/ (accessed 14 January 2021)
Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1986). The framing of decisions and the
evaluation of prospects. Studies in Logic and the Foundations of Mathematics,
114, 503–520
UNDOC. (2006). Toolkit to combat trafficking in persons. United Nations Office
on Drugs and Crime. https://www.unodc.org/documents/human-
trafficking/HT-toolkit-en.pdf
Van Esseveld, A. (2019). Tortured on camera: The use of ICTs in trafficking
for ransom. In: M. Van Reisen, M. Mawere, M. Stokmans & K.A.
Gebre-Egziabher (eds), Mobile Africa: Human Trafficking and the Digital
Divide. Bamenda, Cameroon: Langaa Research & Publishing CIG, pp.
91–111
Van Reisen, M. (2020a). Observation notes, Great Zimbabwe University, Masvingo.
Unpublished observation notes and photographs, Tilburg University,
29 January 2020
Van Reisen, M. (2020b). Adoption of mobile money in Kole – Lira, Northern
Uganda, report visit of Data collection, 23–25 January. Unpublished field
notes, Tilburg University, 2 February 2020
Van Reisen, M., Berends, E., Delecolle, L., Hagenberg, K., Trivellato, M.P.,
& Stocker, N. (2019). Refugees’ right to family unity in Belgium and the
Netherlands: ‘Life is nothing without family’. In: M. Van Reisen, M.
Mawere, M. Stokmans & K.A. Gebre-Egziabher (eds), Mobile Africa:

68
Human Trafficking and the Digital Divide. Bamenda, Cameroon: Langaa
Research & Publishing CIG, pp. 449–493.
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/336937240_Refugees'_Rig
ht_to_Family_Unity_in_Belgium_and_the_Netherlands_'Life_is_Not
hing_wit hout_Family'
Van Reisen, M., Estefanos, M., & Rijken, C. (2012). Human trafficking in the
Sinai: Refugees between life and death. Nijmegen: Wolf Legal Publishers
Van Reisen, M., Estefanos, M., & Rijken, C. (2014). The human trafficking cycle:
Sinai and beyond. Oisterwijk: Wolf Legal Publishers
Van Reisen, M., Gerrima, Z., Ghilazghy, E., Kidane, S., Rijken, C., & van
Stam, G. (2018). Tracing the emergence of ICT-enabled human
trafficking for ransom. In: R. Piotrowicz, C. Rijken & B. Heide Uhl,
(eds), Handbook for Human Trafficking. London: Routledge, pp. 146–156
Van Reisen, M., & Mawere, M. (2017). Human trafficking and trauma in the
digital era: The ongoing tragedy of the trade in refugees from Eritrea. Bamenda,
Cameroon: Langaa Research & Publishing CIG
Van Reisen, M., Mawere, M., Stokmans, M., Nakazibwe, P., van Stam, G.,
& Ong’ayo, A.O. (2019). Black holes in the global digital landscape: The
fuelling of human trafficking on the African continent. In: M. Van
Reisen, M. Mawere, M. Stokmans & K.A. Gebre-Egziabher, (eds),
Mobile Africa: Human Trafficking and the Digital Divide. Bamenda,
Cameroon: Langaa Research & Publishing CIG, pp. 3–31
Van Reisen, M., & Rijken, C. (2015). Sinai trafficking: Origin and definition
of a new form of human trafficking. Social Inclusion, 3(1), 113–124. doi:
10.17645/si.v3i1.180
Van Reisen, M., Smits, K., Stokmans, M., & Mawere, M. (2019). Network
gatekeepers in human trafficking: profiting from the misery of Eritreans
in the digital era. In: M. Van Reisen, M. Mawere, M. Stokmans & K.A.
Gebre-Egziabher (eds), Mobile Africa: Human Trafficking and the Digital
Divide. Bamenda, Cameroon: Langaa Research & Publishing CIG, pp.
33–62
Van Reisen, M., Smits, K., & Wirtz, M. (2019). Lawless Libya: Unprotected
refugees kept powerless and silenced. In: M. Van Reisen, M. Mawere,
M. Stokmans & K.A. Gebre-Egziabher (eds), Mobile Africa: Human
Trafficking and the Digital Divide. Bamenda, Cameroon: Langaa Research
& Publishing CIG, pp. 261–293

69
Van Reisen, M., Stokmans, M., Mawere, M., & Gebre-Egziabher, K.A.
(2019). Roaming Africa: A social analysis of migration and resilience.
In: M. Van Reisen, M. Mawere, M. Stokmans & K.A. Gebre-Egziabher
(eds), Roaming Africa: Migration, Resilience and Social Protection. Bamenda,
Cameroon: Langaa Research & Publishing CIG
Vdovychenko, N. (2019). The representation of human trafficking in
documentaries: Vulnerable victims and shadowy villains. In: M. Van
Reisen, M. Mawere, M. Stokmans & K.A. GebreEgziabher (eds), Mobile
Africa: Human Trafficking and the Digital Divide. Bamenda, Cameroon:
Langaa Research & Publishing CIG, pp. 497–525
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/336956190_Mobile_Afri
ca_Human_Trafficking_and_the_Digital_Divide
Wikimedia. (2016). Submarine Cable Map. Available at:
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Submarine_cable_map_u
map.png (accessed 26 October 2022)
World Bank. (2021a). Individuals using the Internet (% of population) – Eritrea,
Ethiopia, Sudan, Libya: International Telecommunication Union (ITU) World
Telecommunication/ICT Indicators Database. [Online], World Bank Data.
https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/IT.NET.USER.ZS?locations=
ER-ET-SD-LY&start=2017&end=2017&view=bar (accessed 10 May
2021)
World Bank. (2021b). Mobile cellular subscriptions (per 100 people) – Eritrea,
Ethiopia, Sudan, Libya: International Telecommunication Union (ITU) World
Telecommunication/ICT Indicators Database. [Online], World Bank Data
https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/IT.CEL.SETS.P2?end=2017&l
ocations=ER-ET-SD-LY&start=2017&view=bar (accessed 10 May
2021)
Zimmerman, C., Hossain, M., & Watts, C. (2011). Human trafficking and
health: A conceptual model to inform policy, intervention and research.
Social Science & Medicine, 73(2), 327–335