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Sessions 2 -3, Single Contributions

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The Economic Centre of Pompeii Revealed by Roman Cash Keeping. Money chests or casseforti in situ could offer knowledge of where the core areas of economic activity in Pompeii were situated. Casseforti or platforms for such can be found in 30 locations in the city. There are archaeological indications from one house (Casa del Fauno) that slaves handled the money going into the chest, and kept accounts. Money chests stood on platforms of stone or concrete. Stone platforms are considered the oldest. If the dating of stone platforms is correct, the considerable number of such indicates that Samnite Pompeii was a society in control of great financial resources. When we put this information into the historical context, this wealth may provide an additional reason for the military conquest of the city in the 1st century B.C.
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Published in: Martin Bentz – Michael Heinzelmann (Eds.), Sessions –, Single Contributions. Archaeology and Economy in the
Ancient World  (Heidelberg, Propylaeum ) –. DOI: hps://doi.org/10.11588/propylaeum.999.c13353
e Economic Centre of Pompeii Revealed
by Roman Cash Keeping
Espen B. Andersson
Ancient economies in general relied strongly on their accessibility to currency. e dis-
tribution of cash resources within the urban topography of Roman cities is therefore a
topic that deserves aention.
A group of archaeological monuments hardly ever discussed in this context is Roman
money chests, or casseforti, specially made to contain coins and valuables. ese money
chests are striking items of furniture (g.1). However, the following investigation does
not focus on the chests themselves, but rather on the paern in which they occur in the
urban landscape.
Fig.1: Cassaforte preserved in situ, Casa di M. Obellius Firmus (IX 14. 4). Photo Soprin-
tendenza Speciale per i Beni Archeologici di Napoli e Pompei.
160 E B. A
Surprisingly, research has never been conducted on whether the casseforti in situ
could oer knowledge of where the core areas of economic activity in Pompeii were
situated.
At the start of the horric disaster that struck the Campanian cities in AD 79, money
chests were emptied in panic, but the chests themselves remained in their habitual
places. Strongboxes were heavy and installed with the intention of not being easy to
move (g.2). Unlike other furniture, casseforti were rmly secured to a platform of
stone or concrete by an iron bolt in the centre of their underside (g.3).
e archaeological evidence is most commonly divided into two parts: ere are a
number of preserved money chests and there are the platforms that the chests stood on.
Not all the money chests have proved possible to save during excavations. On the
other hand, nearly all of the carrying platforms/bases made of stone or Roman concrete
have survived, which is something of a gi for this investigation.
Despite this fortunate situation, the evidence concerning the positions of the money
chests in the urban structure has earlier been le untouched by research.
One fact established through centuries of archaeological research is that the money
chests had no physical connection to the storage of wax tablets, which were used as
receipts for economic transactions. Although heaps of money are depicted above wax
tablets on the legendary wallpainting (g.4) from the property of Julia Felix (II 4.1– 12),
archeologically speaking, money has never been found near wax tablets.
Fig.2: One of two casseforti in Casa dei Dioscuri (VI 9. 6).
161T E C  P
Fig.3: Platform with central iron bolt for cassaforte in Casa dei Dioscuri (VI 9. 6).
Fig.4: Wallpainting from Praedica di Julia Felix (II 4). Museo Archeologico Nazionale di
Napoli.
162 E B. A
In Casa di L. Caecilius Iucundus (V 1, 26), for instance, the famous wax tablets were
found on the north side of the peristyle, belonging to a room on the rst oor.
e money chest, on the other hand, was found in the atrium a good distance away.
Updated Figures of Money Chest Findings
A new count of the remains of casseforti found through centuries of excavation deter-
mines that the casseforti, or their platforms, stem from 30 locations. is increases the
known number of casseforti threefold, since the most commonly quoted estimate is
about 10.
e money chests’ stone platforms are regarded as belonging to the Samnite Pom-
peii, while concrete platforms are considered Roman. If this dating of stone platforms
is correct, the considerable number of such platforms indicates that Samnite Pompeii
was a society in control of great nancial resources. When we put this information into
the historical context, it may provide an additional reason for the military conquest of
the city in the 1st century B.C.
It is natural to expect that the temples in the city have had at least one cassaforte
each for storing valuables, particularly votive gis of gold. Such chests located in tem-
ples must have been rescued shortly aer the eruption since none of them have emerged
during the excavations. Although the details about the temple chests remain unknown,
there was supposedly lile dierence in both type and use between the public money
chests and the most lavish private money chests.
Campania as an area was possibly a production centre for elaborate Roman casse-
forti, which is indicated by the important nd of one comparable money chest as far
away as in Turiaso (Tarazona), Spain.
Money Chests in the Public Sphere
Only one money chest in the city of Pompeii has been discovered in a public context.
is cassaforte was located in the Macellum (VII 9. 7– 8), inside the meat market at the
Forum (g.5).
During the excavation in May 1822, the early archaeologists must have experienced a
double surprise. e money chest remained untouched, yet the intact coins it contained
were of a lesser value than one should expect. ere were more than eleven hundred
bronze coins, but only 35 small silver coins. Uncharacteristic was the total absence of
gold coins.
In sum, the coins in the Macellum chest had a monetary value of 577 sestertii, an
amount that in comparison is less than what has been found in an ordinary Caupona
in the city (see below). Most likely, the quantity and variety of bronze coins indicates a
163T E C  P
money chest that was used to keep the daily income and change necessary for trade in
the Macellum.
Money Chests Used in Trade or Commerce: the Evidence from Casa del Fauno
As regards cash keeping in private houses, Casa del Fauno (VI 12.5) demonstrates some
unparalleled features connected to one of its two casseforti. In the last years of the city,
this vast house was in the hands of a wine grocer, a fact that, at the time of excavation,
was proven by large groups of dierent wine amphorae stored all over the property.
e house contained two casseforti, both of which were found in the domestic part of
the house. What is astonishing here is the unique arrangement pertaining to one of the
chests, which stood in the northeast corner of the tetrastyle atrium (g.6 and g.7).
What was observed here in Casa del Fauno, and never seen anywhere else, was an
unexpected hole in the wall of a side-room (no.45), leading directly to the inside of the
money chest (no.42). Coins could therefore be dropped into a channel running into
the cassaforte from room no.45.
e cassaforte in this domestic seing seemingly received money from local sale of
wine in the city. ere was no need to unlock the chest to feed it with the incoming
Fig.5: Reconstructed nd-spot of the cassaforte in the Macellum, Forum.
164 E B. A
Fig.6: Plan of atria in Casa del Fauno (VI 12.5) with marked northeast corner of tetra-
style atrium.
Fig.7: Hole in the wall between cassaforte no.42 and room no.45, Casa del Fauno.
165T E C  P
cash. Another detail concerning the construction of the cassaforte was that anybody
standing in the atrium could hear when coins were thrown into it since the chest was
lined with iron.
It is conceivable that the cassaforte was either fed money aer each transaction, or
that it functioned as something similar to a night safe. e side-room to the right of
the cassaforte, no.45, where the channel started, must have been the accounts room.
is room was simple and demonstrated one very crucial feature: its walls had no dec-
oration. e bare walls clearly indicate that slaves took care of the coins and monetary
exchange for their master, as well as keeping the accounts. e whole process may
actually have been in their hands.
In 1831, at the time of excavation, the hole in the wall into the cassaforte was doc-
umented and commented on. Later, research has forgoen these features, and the
hole seems to have been camouaged by restoration work.
e Matter of Money Chests in Shops
As regards trade, an interesting question is whether any money chests were recovered
in shops. Hypothetically, one could expect numerous nds of simpler money chests in
the context of shops. However, this appears to be a concept belonging to more modern
periods rather than describing the general use of money chests in antiquity.
When it comes to the usual kinds of street-level shops, it appears that ancient shop-
keepers kept their cash in more informal or secret spaces. is was observed in the shop
of the Caupona (I 8. 8). Here, the money was found hidden in the boom of a dolium in
the sales counter. e bronze coins amounted to 683 sestertii. Compared to the coins
in the cassaforte of the Macellum at the Forum, this represented a hundred sestertii more
in value.
e public trade of the Macellum required a cassaforte, but in most ordinary shops, it
appears that they were not a necessity. Aer examining the excavation reports, with
particular focus on chests in shops, the only money chest to be found was located in the
so-called Shop of Ceratus (VII 1. 26) situated on the Strada Stabiana. is cassaforte was
described as an iron chest of not very large dimensions.
Iron chest supposedly means that it was a wooden chest covered with iron. e chest
itself was found empty. Disappointingly, published archaeological data does not go fur-
ther, and the remains of the chest are not preserved. What was sold from this shop is
unknown, and nor were any signs of production activity recorded.
166 E B. A
Interpretation of the Urban Distribution of Money Chests
An examination of a map of the city with the nd-spots of the cassaforte marked shows
that 24 of the 29 private money chests are situated in a well-dened central segment
crossing the city, running in a north to south direction. Interestingly enough, this
long, stretched segment does not point towards the Forum.
e Probability of Two Economic Centres in one City
What can be deduced on the basis of where the money chests appear on the map is that
Pompeii as an urban structure seems to have had two economic centres. e long seg-
ment appears to divide itself into two sectors.
ere is one sector at the top between Via del Mercurio in the west and Via Vesuvio
in the east. e other sector is along the Strada Stabiana following the city’s falling
landscape to the south (g.8).
e Centre of the Lower Area
rough the discoveries of casseforti in lower parts of the city, one becomes aware of
the importance of Strada Stabiana in relation to money circulation, in terms of both the
street and the insulae adjoining it.
Using the perspective of Roman city planning, Strada Stabiana is above doubt the
cardo maximus, running north to south. e fact that the cardo maximus represented
the core of urban life is a characteristic shared by many Roman cities.
In this context, Strada Stabiana had several important public buildings along its
course, including two baths, both of the city’s two theatres, and two temples; the Tem-
ple of Aesculapius and the Temple of Isis. Outside the Forum, no other area had a similar
density of public buildings.
is street is also unique in its diversity. Here, ceremonial religious activities meet
with pure entertainment and personal spending. Along the street of Strada Stabiana, at
least 115 shops, 7 bakeries and 23 thermopolia can be counted, in addition with a variety
of other activities.
A considerable number of citizens must have spent substantial amounts of their
money in this area. Strada Stabiana formed the urban heart of the populations’ needs
and day-to-day consumption. e conclusion is that Strada Stabiana was the main street
of Pompeii, and in addition to the adjoining insulae, was characterised by continuous
economic activity.
167T E C  P
Fig.8: Map and topographical catalogue of casseforti and platforms.
1. I 4. 25; platform
2. V 1. 26; platform
3. VI 9. 1; platfrom
4. VI 9. 3– 5; platform
5./6. VI 9. 6; two casseforti
7. VI 10. 7; platform
8./9. VI 11. 10; two casseforti
in two atria
10./11. VI 12. 5; two casseforti
12./13. VI 15. 1; two casseforti
14. VII 1. 26; cassaforte
15. VII 1. 47; platform
16. VII 2. 23; cassaforte
17. VII 4. 51; platform
18. VII 4. 57; cassaforte
19./20. VII 7. 5; two casseforti
21. VII 7. 10; platform
22. VII 9. 7– 8; cassaforte
23. VII 14. 5; cassaforte
24. VIII 5. 5; platform
25. VIII 4. 12; platform
26. IX 1. 12; platform
27. IX 2. 26; platform
28. IX 2. 17; platform
29. IX 9. 10(6); platform
30. IX 14. 4; cassaforte
168 E B. A
e Centre Furthest North in the Topography
e distribution of casseforti clearly points to another economic centre, which is very
dissimilar to the rst. In this sector towards the north, a square drawn on the map will
encompass the highest density of casseforti in the entire urban landscape. Many of the
houses belong to the insula VI.
A group of four houses owning two casseforti each reveals the ultimate prosperity.
How much capital the casseforti in these wealthy houses may have contained is
demonstrated by one noble house, Casa dei Dioscuri (VI 9, 6). On excavation, gold coins
worth 4,520 sestertii remained in one of the house’s two money chests, even though
it had been looted in antiquity. It is reasonable to estimate that the original content
could easily have been the double, about 9,000 sestertii. In addition, the second cassa-
forte in the house would also have contributed further value.
Why have casseforti in City Houses?
It is dicult to agree with the traditional interpretation that derives from Giuseppe
Fiorelli, suggesting that money chests were needed for the “domestico peculio”. is
may be seen as a misunderstanding based on a more modern perspective. e money
chests contained far greater resources than were needed for running a household.
e answer must be as detached from modern projections as possible. In Roman
society, where bankers and lenders existed, but not banks, the protection of capital re-
sources in cash, whether great or small, had to be undertaken by individuals.
e casseforti of a city tell us about capital and its urban distribution. ey can,
however, only tell us how the money was earned in very few cases. It must be assumed
that the majority of the wealth in the upper part of the city came from prot from land
and property, some of which could be far from Pompeii. As an extension of this inter-
pretation, the last owner of Casa del Fauno (VI 12. 5), situated in the same economical
centre, seems to have been part of a more extensive Mediterranean wine commerce, not
only a local wine trade.
Larger Sums of Money near Volcano Victims
likely Stemming from Money Chests
One could also consider the great sums of money kept by the eeing volcano victims
in order to get an indication of what the casseforti may have contained. Of particular
interest are four dierent victims that are recorded as carrying from 4,700 and up to
7,380 sestertii, all in gold coins.
169T E C  P
In one single discovery made outside Regio III, near Porta di Sarno, a victim was
carrying 6,296 sestertii. I am personally convinced, aer considering a possible ight
route, that this is the content of the cassaforte in Casa di M. Obellius Firmus (IX 14.4),
shown in Figure 1.
Wealthy Citizens with no Money Chest
I would like to conclude with another interesting question; who were the rich individu-
als who had similar amounts of money, but did not display their wealth by having a
cassaforte in their atrium? Pompeii also provides examples here.
It is possible, for instance, to refer to Casa del Bracciale d’oro (VI 17, 42) where 4,696
sestertii were found in a box. Another example is Casa di Marcus Lucretius (IX 3.5),
which did not have a cassaforte either. However, just outside on the street victims car-
rying coins with a total (minimum) value of 3,550 sestertii were found. Both houses
were huge and well equipped with dwelling luxury; they possessed fountain structures
for cooling, and had newly nished wall decorations of impressive scale.
In the maer of who among the wealthy had a cassaforte and who did not, one
factor to consider is the relation to private clients, and another is whether the house
owner kept a public oce or not. Individuals who kept a public oce had to run most
of the activity from their own house. In such case, it is not certain that all the money
inside the chests needed to be private. Furthermore, there are many factors that we do
not know, such as family traditions and personal aspirations, whatever these may have
been.
In any case, Pompeii gives us the most detailed material on which we can base our
research. Traditionally, the economy is one approach, and the display of wealth and
status is another. However, in this case they may unite. Casseforti contained hard cash
resources and, at the same time, this gleaming item of furniture positioned its owner in
a hierarchy of status.
Notes
e rst money chest recorded in Pompeii was excavated on 13 May 1822 in the Macellum, Forum. No
chests have come to light recently and the last one was discovered in IX 14.4 Casa di Obellius Firmus on
11 June 1911; Della Corte 1911, 271, g.2).
Lead was used to fasten iron bolts to platforms. First researcher to observe the value of iron bolts as a
precaution against moving chests was de Longpérier 1868, 59, Pl. XX.
Pernice 1932, 72– 76.
Camodece 2009, 18.
170 E B. A
Beltrán Lloris 2004, 143– 186. Note especially the conclusion, 186.
Excavated on 13 May 1822, Amicone 1822, 31.
Nissen 1877, 283: “Es verdient endlich Erwähnung, dass unmielbar l. neben dem Eingang von der
Augustalen-strasse eine grosse Geldkiste (…) gefunden ward; man sieht noch im Boden Spuren des Eisens.
Amicone 1822, 32, and Fiorelli 1875, 264 under “Augusteum”.
In addition to the 35 silver coins; 354 asses, 188 sestertii and 586 quadrants were discovered, see, Breglia
1950, Tabella B, no.7.
Bechi 1832, 15.
e other money chest was placed in a sort of tablinum, a short distance from the atrium, Bonucci
1832, 7. is chest was likely in a beer state of preservation than the one in the atrium. Avellino 1837,
47f., mentions a chest in Casa del Fauno, which aer excavation was possible to keep and preserve in the
place it was found.
It is natural to believe that even a wine grocer would sell wine amphorae in retail from his property.
e market for quality wine was surely of some scale, taken into account not only the city but also the
needs of many suburban villas.
“(…) foderata di ferro”, Bonucci 1832, 7.
ere were other rooms in this section of the house without any decoration. Bare walls, with no colour
at all, demonstrate the extreme contrast between the dierent parts of Casa del Fauno.
Bechi 1832, Tav. A.B.
Bechi 1832, 14. In the rst report by G. Bechi, the cassaforte with the hole in the wall was thought to be
a machine for improving the taste of wine.
Unpublished, but listed by Breglia 1950, Tabella B, no.59.
Strada Stabiana No. 53. Bull. Arch. Nap.1853, 60: “(…) presso sopra un piccolo rialto di fabbrica vedonsi
i residui di una cassa di ferro di non molto grandi dimensioni, ove forse il padrone della boega serbava il
danaro ritrao dalla sua industria.” is shop is mentioned by Fiorelli 1875, 170 as “26 Boega”.
A small number of chests do not follow this rule. For instance, close to Porta Marina, there is a cluster of
three money chests in two houses, which may have a connection with Pompeii as harbour, or be related
to maritime activities.
Today’s overestimation of Via dell’Abbondanza ought to be shied to investigation of the richer, and
more complex, Strada Stabiana as the main street of the city.
Bechi 1829, 7.
e sum that was actually found (4,520 sestertii) were only coins that had slipped through the boom
of the cassaforte and escaped the looting in antiquity, Gell 1832 II, 31
is always seems to be Fiorelli’s idea when a cassaforte appears. As proven by Fiorelli 1875, 242:
“(…) la cassa di ferro pel domestico peculio”, which is his remark on the discovery of the cassaforte in
Casa di Triolemo (VII 7.5) on 29 October 1864.
For public capital, the situation was dierent, where sanctuaries, oered a secure place to deposit
money under normal circumstances.
ere were wine amphorae with both Greek and Roman inscriptions, likely indicating a wider com-
merce in the Mediterranean. Bechi 1832, 15, promised that these inscriptions would be published later,
but disappointingly, this does not seem to be the case.
171T E C  P
Cantilena 2005, 678.
“(…) in una cassea”, Cantilena 2005, 678.
Breglia 1950, Tabella A, no.18, with further reference.
On the rich embellishment of Casa di Marcus Lucretius (IX 3.5), see Tammisto/Kuivalainen 2008.
Image Credits
Fig. 1: Courtesy by Parco Archeologico di Pompei. – Fig. 2: Drawing by Sir William Gell. Aer Gell
1832 II, 14. – Fig. 3: Photo by T. Warscher DAI-ROM-WAR-00790. – Fig. 4: Photo by Wolfgang Rieger
[Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons. – Fig. 5: Drawing by the author. – Fig. 6: Detail of map,
H. Eschebach, revised Müller-Trollius. – Fig. 7: Detail of plan, G. Bechi 1832, Tav. A.B. – Fig. 8: Map
base of H. Eschebach, revised Müller-Trollius.
References
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Avellino 1837
F.M. Avellino, Descrizione di una casa Pompejana con capitelli gurati all’ ingresso (Naples 1837).
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G. Bechi, Relazione degli scavi di Pompei. Da Aprile 1828 no a Maggio 1829. Real Museo Borbo-
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(Rome 1832).
Breglia 1950
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Bulleino archeologico Napoletano 1853 (Naples 1853).
172 E B. A
Camodeca 2009
G. Camodeca, Gli archivi privati di tabulae ceratae e di papiri documentari. Pompei ed Ercolano:
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