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Priorities for Inclusive Urban Food System
Transformations in the Global South
Paule Moustier, Michelle Holdsworth, Dao The Anh, Pape Abdoulaye Seck,
Henk Renting, Patrick Caron, and Nicolas Bricas
1 Objective and Focus of the Chapter
This chapter is concerned with identifying: (i) challenges to food systems in Africa,
Asia, and Latin America caused by urban development, (ii) how existing food
systems respond to these challenges, and (iii) what can be recommended to improve
their responsiveness. The chapter is based on the authors ‘published research
complemented by published literature.
We define ‘urban food systems’as food systems linked to cities by material and
human flows. “A food system gathers all the elements (environment, people, inputs,
processes, infrastructures, institutions, etc.) and activities related to the production,
processing, distribution, preparation and consumption of food, and the outputs of
P. Moustier (*)
Cirad, MoISA, Cirad, IAMM, INRAE, l’Institut Agro, IRD, University of Montpellier,
Montpellier, France
e-mail: paule.moustier@cirad.fr
M. Holdsworth
IRD: French National Research Institute for Sustainable Development,
MoISA, Montpellier, France
D. T. Anh
Vietnam Academy of Agricultural Science (VAAS), Hanoi, Vietnam
P. A. Seck
Senegal Ambassador of FAO in Italy and Former Ministry of Agriculture, Rome, Italy
H. Renting
Aeres University of Applied Science, Wageningen, the Netherlands
P. Caron
Cirad, University of Montpellier, Montpellier, France
N. Bricas
Cirad, MoISA, Director of UNESCO Chair in World Food Systems, Montpellier, France
©The Author(s) 2023
J. von Braun et al. (eds.), Science and Innovations for Food Systems Transformation,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15703-5_15
281
these activities, including socio-economic and environmental outcomes”(HLPE
2014:29). This definition is close to the definition of food chains, with three major
differences. First, it includes food acquisition, diets and consumer behaviour. Sec-
ond, it considers a diversity of food products, which is crucial for nutrition security,
as well as for the sustainability of production systems. Third, it emphasises the key
role of food environments, i.e., “the physical, economic, political and socio-cultural
context in which consumers engage with the food system to make their decisions
about acquiring, preparing and consuming food”(HLPE 2017:28). Often, contra-
dictory objectives are attributed to food systems, gathered under the general objec-
tive of achieving sustainability (Béné et al. 2019). According to FAO (2018:1), a
sustainable food system (SFS) delivers food security and nutrition for all in such a
way that the economic, social and environmental bases for generating food security
and nutrition for future generations are not compromised. Among SFSs, inclusive
food systems are defined by Fan and Swinnen (2020:9) as “reaching, benefiting, and
empowering all people, especially socially and economically disadvantaged indi-
viduals and groups in society.”
282 P. Moustier et al.
2 Challenges Posed by Urban Development
2.1 Urban Growth
The world is becoming increasingly urbanised. Half of the world’s population now
lives in cities, 40% in Africa, 49% in South-East Asia, and 81% in Latin America.
By 2050, these figures are expected to increase by a further 25%. Cities differ
considerably in size, and a high proportion of urban growth is taking place in
secondary cities, especially in sub-Saharan Africa where, in 2015, half the popula-
tion lived in cities of less than 500,000 inhabitants (OECD/SWAC 2020). Compared
to the rural population, urban populations have more diverse cultural, economic, and
social profiles. A middle class is emerging, defined as an individual’s income
ranging from 12 to 50 US$ per capita/day in Africa, accounting for 13% of the
population (Neveu-Tafforeau 2017). In sub-Saharan Africa, income growth, which
benefits urban areas, started in 2000, but it has faltered since 2013 (Tschirley et al.
2020 based on World Bank data). In Latin America, 40-50% of the population of
most countries live in a small number of large cities with more than one million
inhabitants. Urbanisation is positively correlated with income per capita, but Latin
America is the continent with the highest income inequality, which also persists in
urban areas (BBVA Research 2017; OECD 2019). As a region, Asia has modest
levels of urbanisation, but is home to half of the world’s urban community, and is the
continent with the fastest urban growth (Leeson 2018).
Priorities for Inclusive Urban Food System Transformations in the Global South 283
2.2 Challenges for Urban Food Systems
Urbanisation poses several policy challenges for urban food systems. These are
related to food and nutritional security, employment, and environmental protection.
2.2.1 Urban Food and Nutritional Security
In contrast to rural areas, most people who live in cities do not produce food and
must rely on local markets. Food purchased in markets represents more than 80% of
food consumption in cities in sub-Saharan Africa, compared with 50% in rural areas
(Tschirley et al. 2020). There are many signs that urban food security is inadequately
addressed, especially in Africa. “Urban food insecurity in low-income countries,
estimated by the Food Insecurity Experience Scale of the Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations, is higher (50%) than levels in rural areas
(43%). In urban slums, other studies estimate food insecurity at up to 90%”(Tefft
et al. 2017:11–12).
Urban food consumption is characterised by a triple burden of malnutrition, with
the persistence of undernutrition, micronutrient deficiencies –especially related to
iron deficiency anaemia in women of reproductive age and young children - and the
increasing prevalence of overweight/obesity (GNR 2020). With rising incomes,
urban residents are eating more animal-source foods and processed foods that may
be low in micronutrients, while high in calories and fat (Popkin et al. 2012; Yaya
et al. 2018; Holdsworth et al. 2020; Rousham et al. 2020). These poor quality diets
affect children of all ages from infancy to adolescence, and food systems do not
currently account sufficiently for the nutritional needs of children and adolescents
(UNICEF/GAIN 2018). Nutritional problems are amplified by excessively monoto-
nous diets and limited consumption of fruit, vegetables, and pulses, as well as lack of
physical activity (Popkin et al. 2012). Likewise, the consumption of imported food
by urban dwellers is increasing –although the proportion is still limited: only 5% in
Africa, mostly imported cereals, according to Bricas et al. (2016) and Tschirley et al.
(2014); and consumers commonly combine local and imported products in meals,
resulting in a hybridisation of cooking (Soula et al. 2020). In Latin American cities,
food security improved for many years, partly as result of “zero hunger”strategies
first developed in Brazil in the late-1990s and later in other countries in the region.
However, in recent years, food insecurity has started to rise again as the result of
increased social inequality and due to the Covid-19 pandemic. At the same time,
Latin America is facing escalating obesity rates, which affect 24% of the regional –
mostly urban –population, almost double the global level of 13.2%, which is
explained by unhealthy diets and poverty (FAO, RUAF 2019).
In parallel, food safety has become a major public health issue. Food safety crises
are regularly reported in the media, especially in South-East Asia, where consumers’
fears are linked to chemical products in fruit and vegetables and antibiotic residues in
meat (Figuié et al. 2004; Ortega and Tschirley 2017). This is due to new industrial
and domestic sources of pollution close to agricultural production areas, and the
increase in the use of chemical inputs by farmers (De Bon et al. 2010; Reynolds et al.
2015). The lengthening of food supply chains and the lack of knowledge about
hygiene also creates risks of contamination in the processing, marketing, handling
and consumption stages (Jaffee et al. 2018). Consumer concerns about food safety
have potential nutritional consequences, as they may reduce the consumption of fruit
and vegetables because of concerns about pesticides, or push consumers towards
packaged (often highly processed) foods because they are perceived as safer.
284 P. Moustier et al.
2.2.2 Food Convenience
Another growing consumer pattern is related to the convenience of where they buy
and what they buy. As women are increasingly employed outside their homes and
lifestyles become more sedentary, demand is growing for packed, pre-prepared food
that can be purchased near offices or shops where it is easy to park (for the middle
classes) (Reardon et al. 2019). In sub-Saharan Africa, processed food accounts for
between 60% (in West Africa) and 70% (in eastern and southern Africa) of total food
consumption, compared to, respectively, 50% and 30% in rural areas. Food con-
sumption outside the home is on the increase. The proportion varies across African
cities, ranging from 6% in Freetown and Conakry to 25% in cities of Nigeria and
Tanzania, and 30% in Cotonou, Lomé and Abidjan (Tschirley et al. 2020). Street
food is especially convenient for urban workers and low-income households who
may not have the resources and facilities to purchase raw ingredients and prepare
dishes at home, especially in slums (Soula et al. 2020; Pradeilles et al. 2021). In Latin
America, between 2000 and 2013, the consumption of ultra-processed products
increased by more than 25%, and fast food consumption by almost 40% (PAHO
2015).
2.2.3 Urban Employment
Cities in the Global South are characterised by the absence of stable employment,
and poverty is increasingly becoming an urban phenomenon (Ravaillon 2016). The
difference in living standards among the urban population is widening, thereby
increasing social inequalities. The informal sector still provides most employment
(especially for women), accounting for up to 90% in low-income countries (LICs)
and 67% in emerging countries (Bonnet et al. 2019). Sub-Saharan Africa is facing
premature deindustrialisation, with only 11% of employment in the manufacturing
sector, mostly in the food industry (Giordano et al. 2019 based on Rodrik 2016 and
ILO 2018). In Latin America, 60% of mostly urban people are employed in the
informal sector.
Priorities for Inclusive Urban Food System Transformations in the Global South 285
2.2.4 Quality of the Urban Environment
Last, but not least, the urban environment is responsible for major air, water and soil
pollution (Amegah and Agyei-Mensah 2017; Adimalla 2020), severe risks of
flooding (Douglas 2017; Pervin et al. 2020), and problematic waste disposal, as
the balance between what enters and leaves the city is largely negative (Guerrero
et al. 2013). This jeopardises the production of safe food in cities. At the same time,
if handled safely, agriculture can recycle part of the waste produced (De Bon et al.
2010).
Cities can be viewed as concentrations of people and biomass that produce
particular forms of economic and environmental stress (Chaboud et al. 2013). Yet,
cities also concentrate knowledge, as people from different backgrounds mix,
including rural and international migrants, and public and private investments
provide a favourable substrate for innovation (Cobbinah et al. 2015).
The challenges faced by urban development and new consumer expectations lead
to questions about the capacity of existing urban food systems to adapt. This is
detailed in the following section.
3 The Characteristics of Urban Food Systems
in the Global South
3.1 Spatial and Relational Organisation
The organisation of urban food systems in Africa, Asia, and Latin America is
summarised in Fig. 1. We review the characteristics of the chains that supply food
to urban consumers, their relations with urban food environments, and urban con-
sumer profiles. The nature of urban food environments, especially food retailing
landscapes, as well as consumer living standards, in addition to the perishability and
origin of food, results in major differences among food supply chains.
Food chains and food systems in LICs are currently classified differently
depending on their operation and organisation, which is related to the evaluation
of their outcomes, impacts and performance. This type of classification relates to the
market orientation, the scale of activities, informal versus formal (i.e., whether the
business is registered or not), added value in the chain through the adoption of
technologies and orientation towards consumer expectations, in particular regarding
visual, organoleptic, and sanitary quality. The High Level Panel of Experts (HLPE
2017) report distinguishes traditional food systems, which are dominant in rural
areas and involve open-air markets and small shops with limited concern for food
quality or diversity, and modern food systems, which emerge in urban areas and are
driven by the development of supermarkets and increased income, as well as an
intermediary type termed mixed food systems. As the HLPE typology mostly
considers differences between rural and urban settings, and as urban food supply
chains are diverse, the rest of the chapter highlights the determinants of variable
organisation and performance of urban food systems and leads us to propose six
types.
286 P. Moustier et al.
Local producers
(urban/rural)
Market intermediaries
(Assembling, processing,
wholesaling, retailing)
Urban
consumers
Urban food environment: home
gardens, market places, street
vendors, shops, supermarkets, food
caterers; prices, safety, promotion
URBAN FOOD CHAINS
Waste
Imports
Diets
Demographic
Rural-urban
Economic
Income gaps
Instability
Policy
Public investments, food
aid
Environmental
Urban pollutions
Commodity and spatial
Specialisation of territories
Perishability, freshness
DRIVERS
URBAN FOOD SYSTEMS
Food
OUTCOMES
Environmental impacts
Waste, pollution Employment, livelihoods Food and nutritional security
Fig. 1 The characteristics of urban food systems in the Global South. (Source: Adapted from
HLPE (2017) and David-Benz et al. forthcoming)
Even though subsistence agriculture is of minor importance in terms of total
urban food consumption, in cities in the Global South, it can play an important role
in the livelihoods and social inclusion of some vulnerable inhabitants, as proven in
Tamale and Ouagadougou (Bellwood-Howard et al. 2018), Cape Town (Olivier and
Heinecken 2017), Hanoi (Pulliat 2015), Quito and Rosario (Renting and Dubbeling
2013). Urban gardens also have important pedagogical functions, e.g., through
schooling programmes or community gardens (Hou 2017). The multi-functionality
of urban agriculture means that it is a ‘cheap’producer of public goods.
We now turn to market-oriented urban food systems. Urban consumers are
mainly supplied by small-scale market vendors and neighbourhood shops, even
though supermarkets and convenience stores are increasing their market share.
Supermarket distribution is still limited for food, especially in Africa and South-
East Asia: less than 10% of purchases in Côte d’Ivoire (Neveu-Tafforeau 2017),
Kenya and Uganda (Wanyama et al. 2019), and less than 20% in Vietnam (Univer-
sity of Adelaide 2014)–the percentages being even lower for fresh food, all of
which may be explained by low consumer purchasing power, as well as by consumer
preference for traditional retail formats. So-called traditional urban food systems
predominate in the urban context of LICs. There is overlap between what is termed
traditional or informal markets/sectors/systems, both terms referring to the small
scale of production, the absence of registration and public support. Traditional
systems are often described as ‘poor-friendly,’as suppliers are mostly concerned
with subsistence incomes (Vorley 2013). Moreover, they are an important part of the
social fabric of low-income urban communities, as seen in studies in Ghana and
Kenya (Pradeilles et al. 2021). Food processing, food distribution, and food catering
are major sources of urban employment, especially for the vulnerable poor (partic-
ularly women) who lack qualifications and social and economic capital (Allen et al.
2018). The urban food catering sector is varied, ranging from school canteens to
street caterers and restaurants targeting different types of customers. Most
processing takes place in MSMEs at an artisanal scale (Tschirley et al. 2020)in
various locations within and outside cities. While street vendors are documented as
major providers of food and livelihoods for poor urban residents, especially women,
in Africa and Asia, they usually lack public support (Turner and Schoenberger 2011;
Ogunkola et al. 2021).
Priorities for Inclusive Urban Food System Transformations in the Global South 287
Traditional food systems are sometimes judged to be inefficient in responding to
new consumer expectations, especially concerning quality and convenience
(Reardon et al. 2019). Low investments in infrastructure may limit the regular supply
and availability of some nutrient-dense foods like fruit and vegetables (Maestre et al.
2017). Regarding the effect of traditional food systems on waste reduction, some
studies report evidence for inefficiency related to poor logistics, while others argue
that less stringent quality criteria help reduce waste.
In addition to scales and technology, another major factor that influences the
organisation of food chains is food perishability, as it influences the location of
production and the length of food chains, especially when logistics are limited,
which is even worse in times of crisis, like the current Covid-19 pandemic. The
location of production and the possibility of producing locally depend on the climate
and the soil, as well as on the history of specialisation in some territories. Mapping
food supply chains is crucial for representing differences in the length of chains, in
the number of intermediaries and in their origin. This is the basis of approaches such
as foodsheds, city-region food systems and short versus long chains (Blay-Palmer
et al. 2018; Schreiber et al. 2021). Short versus long chains refers to physical as well
as relational factors, and the two are linked. Short chains (in terms of distance and
relations) have fewer intermediaries than long ones. This may lead to lower final
prices than longer chains, but this is not systematically the case, because long chains
may enable economies of scale (De Cara et al. 2017). In line with predictions from
spatial economics, short food chains predominate in the supply of perishable pro-
duce, e.g., leafy vegetables, milk, eggs and chicken. These commodities are nutrient-
dense and commonly under-consumed relative to nutritional recommendations. The
farmers themselves, or their relatives, are frequently involved in wholesale and/or
retail distribution. On the other hand, staple food crops, including cereals, tubers,
pulses, vegetables that can be stored, e.g., onions, and some animal products, are
supplied by long chains originating in local rural areas or by imports (Moustier
2017a,b; Karg et al. 2019; Lemeilleur et al. 2019). They often involve a chain of
rural collectors, rural wholesalers, urban wholesalers, and urban retailers who supply
all types of urban consumers. Transactions take place in wholesale and retail markets
located so as to minimise traders’and consumers’transport costs (Blekking et al.
2017; Lemeilleur et al. 2019). With the development of transport, credit, and mobile
phones, these chains may be shortened, and the roles of rural collectors and whole-
salers may be reduced. This transformation is termed the ‘quiet revolution’in
agrifood value chains in low- and middle-income countries by Reardon (2015).
288 P. Moustier et al.
Another important aspect of chain organisation concerns business-to-business
relationships. Food chains in LICs are characterised by long-term acquaintanceship
and reciprocity, together with competition among hundreds of vendors, resulting in a
certain degree of price homogeneity, even though oligopolies of wholesalers are
observed because of limited access to credit and storage facilities (Fafchamps 2004).
Modern distribution systems, driven by supermarkets, are characterised by
labour-saving and capital-intensive technologies in terms of logistics, refrigeration,
self-service, packaging, and cash registers, in addition to the recourse to contractual
arrangements with dedicated wholesalers (Hagen 2002). They are judged to be
efficient in terms of logistics and quality (Reardon et al. 2019), but with potential
negative effects on nutrition, because they supply a wide range of highly processed
foods rich in fats and sugar (Demmler et al. 2018; Giordano et al. 2019; Wertheim-
Heck and Raneri 2019). Regarding affordability for the poor, modern systems are
usually presented as less poor-friendly because of higher prices and transport
constraints. Modern systems also create less employment per unit of product
(Moustier et al. 2009; Wertheim-Heck and Raneri 2019). Regarding differences in
prices between supermarkets and traditional vendors, when controlling for quality
differences, results are country-specific. When supermarkets gain a substantial
market share, they can reduce their logistic costs and provide food at lower prices,
especially food that can be stored (Reardon et al. 2010; Nuthalapati et al. 2020). Prior
to that stage, food is usually cheaper and more accessible in open markets and small
shops than in supermarkets (Moustier et al. 2009; Wanyama et al. 2019). Moreover,
supermarkets favour the use of plastics for wrapping fresh food, which is a major
environmental concern (Letcher 2020).
3.2 Innovations in Urban Food Systems
Considering the ability of urban food systems to adapt to new consumer demand for
quality and convenience, we need to look beyond the traditional approach that
qualifies modern or supermarket-driven chains as innovative and traditional chains
as obsolete and lacking dynamics. A number of MSMEs are indeed increasingly
upgrading their technologies and improving product quality in response to new
consumer expectations. At the same time, they create new chain organisation
patterns with increased chain interactions and different forms of vertical integration,
with the general support of national and international public programmes (Moustier
and Renting 2015; De Brauw et al. 2019; Tefft et al. 2017). This is the case with
farmer organisations that sell food in shops or at farmers’markets in Laos, India,
Ecuador, Colombia, Brazil, and Kenya, or by subscription in Dakar and in some
South African cities (Freidberg and Goldstein 2011; Joshi et al. 2012; Renting and
Dubbeling 2013). Entrepreneurial producers, e.g., le Terroir in Abidjan, can sell
dairy products and cold cuts to wealthy urban consumers thanks to processing and
cold storage (Neveu-Tafforeau 2017). Caterers, private companies, restaurants, and
school canteens are developing strategies to ensure food safety and promote local
products by signing contracts with local producer groups. This is also the case for
public programmes targeting the urban poor, e.g., the food purchase programme in
Brazil (Berchin et al. 2019). Food caterers and processing SMEs also innovate to
supply processed local food to urban dwellers (Ferré et al. 2018; Reardon et al.
2021a). Yet,these initiatives are still precarious because of the cost of access to sales
points for farmers, low levels of state support, lack of product diversity, and lack of
guaranteed food safety.
Priorities for Inclusive Urban Food System Transformations in the Global South 289
Supermarket chains are expanding rapidly in countries where incomes are rising,
as in South Africa, Côte d’Ivoire, and China. Supermarkets carry both local and
international brands and are developing strategies for quality control and guaranteed
origin, including using dedicated wholesalers and contracts, but still face difficulties
concerning quality control and traceability. Supermarket chains are usually
supported by city and national governments on the grounds of modernity and
hygiene, but face increasing competition from traditional markets and from compa-
nies that use digital technology for logistics and delivery to consumers (Neveu-
Tafforeau 2017 with reference to Côte d’Ivoire and Si et al. 2019 with reference to
China). Overall, supermarkets vary in their supply strategies, including whether they
favour linkages with local food chains, in their pricing and in the payment conditions
offered to local farmers, as well as in the training and logistics they may provide to
farmers (Minten et al. 2017).
Digital technology can be used by MSMEs, as well as by supermarkets or by new
large-scale capital-intensive companies, which sometimes partner with SMEs for
their supply, logistics, or final delivery (Reardon et al. 2021a; Tefft et al. 2017;Si
et al. 2019). E-commerce has been spurred by sanitary crises, including SARS and
Covid-19, and is developing particularly rapidly in Asian countries, including China,
India and Vietnam (Reardon et al. 2021b; Vietnam news 2021; Dao 2020).
3.3 Six Types of Urban Food System
To summarise, we advocate going beyond the simplistic classification of traditional
versus mixed and modern food systems. This classification may stigmatise the small-
scale relational food systems that are competitive in terms of food availability,
accessibility, and affordability. Moreover, it suggests a linear trend of change from
one system to another, while the reality frequently turns out to be combinations and
synergies between different patterns. Hence, based on our review of the literature,
we propose the following typology –while acknowledging that overlaps between
and combinations of types are possible. The main characteristics of each type are
summarised in Table 1.
Description Outcomes
290 P. Moustier et al.
Table 1 Characteristics and outcomes of the six types of urban food system
Type of UFS
(urban food
system)
Subsistence Urban agriculture, including home
gardens
Variable additional contribution
to the food and nutrition security
of the poor
Waste recycling
Possible food safety problems
through use of polluted soil,
water or waste
Short relational
(perishables)
Chain of farmers and retailers in markets
or streets
Oral commitments
All income categories of consumers
Provisioning of nutrient-dense
fresh food at low cost
Employment of low qualified
population
Limited quality management
Long relational
(non-perishables)
Chain of farmers, collectors, wholesalers,
market and street retailers
Oral commitments
All income categories of consumers
Possible high margins due to
wholesalers’oligopolies
Employment of low qualified
population
Limited quality management
Value-oriented
SME-driven
Chain of farmers-entrepreneurs or col-
lectives, processors, retailers; quality
control and labelling
Middle and high-income consumers
Employment and value added
for low qualified population
Rise in quality
Rise in price
Supermarket-
driven
Like above + common dedicated whole-
salers + contracts
Middle and high-income consumers
Rise in quality
Rise in price
Variable impacts on inclusion of
the poor
Increased availability of
unhealthy food
Digital Cross-cutting use of digital technologies
in the types listed above, plus some
specialised e-commerce companies
delivering food, sometimes partnering
with SMEs
Middle and high-income consumers
Overcome risks linked with san-
itary crises
Higher traceability and trust,
supporting for certification
schemes
Increased convenience
Rise in price
Exclusion of consumers with
poor internet access
4 Adaptation to Demand and Crises in Urban Food Systems
The capacity of food systems in low- and middle-income countries to supply urban
populations in sufficient quality and quantity is often questioned. The development
of agribusiness at all stages of food chains is sometimes seen as one way to
overcome these shortcomings. Large-scale private investments in mechanised pro-
duction, processing, storage, and retailing are put to the fore. Yet, innovations are not
neutral in terms of social inclusion. It is sometimes even claimed that the present
problems of food security, including unhealthy food, are caused by innovations and
agribusinesses (Glover and Poole 2019). Labour-saving and scale-biased innova-
tions have a negative impact on employment for the poor and they are less suitable in
regions where labour is in excess supply than is the case with capital-saving or
neutral innovations (unless massive credit programmes targeting the poor are
launched). Moreover, they ignore the diversity and creativity that exist at the level
of food systems driven by MSMEs, including producer organisations, as explained
in Sect. 3.2.
Priorities for Inclusive Urban Food System Transformations in the Global South 291
The Covid-19 crisis has caused major disturbances, the most important being the
decrease in sources of income among vulnerable urban dwellers, with an impact on
women and children, due to restrictions on movement and the disturbances in
logistics systems (Shekar et al. 2021). In some countries, the increased vulnerability
of the urban poor has been addressed through food aid programmes and increased
social safety nets targeting women (Shekar et al. 2021). At the same time, the local
food provisioning sector has proven to be quite resilient, with no major breaks in the
food supply chains. Public policies restricting the sale of food in open markets have
been varied, with mixed consequences for access to employment and to food by the
poor. For instance, the municipalities of Abidjan and Dakar found ways to maintain
retail sales of food in open markets through regulations concerning hygiene and
social distancing, enabling some contactless proximity, which was not the case in
Burkina Faso, where markets were shut down at the beginning of the crisis (Dury
et al. 2021; IPES Food 2020; Moustier 2020; Devereux et al. 2020).
Considering their inclusiveness and resilience, we recommend supporting urban
food transformations based on MSMEs. These are discussed in more detail in the
following section.
5 Solutions for Enhancing Inclusive Urban Food System
Transformations
In the previous section, we reported insights from the literature on the advantages
and shortcomings of current urban food systems. Yet, these insights are quite patchy
in terms of time, space, and commodity coverage. That is why our first recommen-
dation concerns the need for better data. Second, we provide recommendations
related to urban food planning, mostly concerning the protection of land for agri-
culture, marketplaces, and shops, as well as regulations pertaining to supermarkets
and food safety. These should enable urban consumers to benefit from a variety of
food retailing formats. We also recommend communication actions to promote
nutrient-dense foods, e.g., fruit, vegetables, nuts and legumes, which may be avail-
able to consumers locally, but are not always purchased, because consumers may
have little knowledge of their health benefits or of how to include them in their meals
and dietary practices. Rural-urban transportation, which is the mandate of national
governments, should be a priority to improve both food availability and quality and
to reduce food losses. National programmes should also improve access to credit and
X
Xxx
xx
xx
training on food processing and storage for food MSMEs. Improvements in food
quality can be obtained through food processing and storage technologies, which are
not always available to MSMEs because they have no access to credit and training
programmes. Finally, securing coordination among food system actors is required to
enhance the quality and availability of diverse food items. Details of these recom-
mendations are given below. Some recommendations concur with the recent work of
the Centre for Food Policy (London University) aimed at identifying policies and
actionsthat can orient food systems towards healthier dietsfor all (Hawkes et al.
2020).
292 P. Moustier et al.
Table 2 Recommendations according to targeted types of urban food systems
5.2.1.
Land
protection
5.2.2. Upgrading
of open market
places
5.2.3. Mobile
vendors’
markets
5.4.1. Rural-
urban
transportation
5.4.2.
Services to
MSMEs
Subsistence X
Short
relational
X x
Long
relational
Value-ori-
ented SMEs
Supermarket-
driven
Digital x
While some recommendations (Sects. 5.1 and 5.3) relate to all types of urban food
system, some are more particularly relevant for some of the urban food system types
identified here (see Table 2).
The recommended interventions are intended to upgrade the operation of
MSMEs, as well as changing consumers’environments to enable healthier food,
while keeping costs and prices affordable for the urban poor. This is why the
proposed interventions are sober in terms of capital and energy; moreover, econo-
mies of scale are reached through coordination of SMEs, rather than by providing
support to agribusinesses.
5.1 Obtaining Accurate Data on Food Consumption,
Foodsheds, and Food Chains
1
Policymakers need to support inter-disciplinary teams of researchers, including
geographers, economists, specialists in consumption and statisticians, to collect
accurate and updated data on food consumption, foodsheds and food chains.
1
The lack of data was underlined at the Milan Urban Food Policy Pact meeting in Ouagadougou,
February 15-19, 2021.
Priorities for Inclusive Urban Food System Transformations in the Global South 293
Available data on food consumption underestimate two kinds of patterns: food
consumed away from the home, and seasonal food, including fruit and vegetables.
Adequate and valid methods of measurement are needed to address this deficiency
(Rousham et al. 2020). Identifying the specific role of different production areas and
market intermediaries in urban food supply requires original sources of data. Com-
paring what is produced over a year in a city, what is produced in rural areas and
what is imported has many limitations, including difficulties in capturing informa-
tion on perishable seasonal products; additionally, such comparisons do not take the
destination of products into consideration. Accurately appraising the role of different
production areas and intermediaries in urban food supply requires surveys of
wholesale and retail markets, and of the origin and quantities of products traded.
Surveys should be conducted at different times of the year to account for seasonal
variations, and with specific relational expertise. A foodshed approach (Schreiber
et al. 2021) combined with value chain analysis is recommended to identify the
production areas of targeted nutrient-dense food and to assess how the organisation
of the value chain (geography and intermediation) determines the quality, accessi-
bility and competitiveness of the supply of targeted food products.
5.2 Urban Food Planning for Poor-Friendly Production
and Marketing Spaces
5.2.1 Protection of Land for Multifunctional Urban Agriculture
If market forces are left unrestricted, urban agriculture is doomed to disappear, given
the forces of pressure on land and water. This is detrimental to urban food security
and livelihoods and may create environmental problems. We consequently recom-
mend protecting land for agriculture in areas where it is documented to play a major
role in both food supplies and livelihoods, and where pollution is not an issue.
Access to land can be secured through regulations (protecting agricultural parks or
zoning measures) and formal contracts. How urban planning is enforced needs to be
closely monitored, as it has frequently been observed that legal protection of land is
regularly trespassed owing to the attraction of private investors’urban development
schemes (De Bon et al. 2010; Valette and Philifert 2014; Dao 2019).
5.2.2 Upgrading Food Marketplaces
Urban marketplaces are frequently characterised by congestion, difficulty moving
around, and lack of hygiene. Some past projects aimed to replace urban marketplaces
with wholesale markets located outside the city boundaries, but these markets were
underused due to limited transport facilities, as well as the high cost of market stalls
(Moustier 2017a,b). We thus recommend upgrading existing markets. The priority
should be covering them and concreting the ground. Other basic infrastructures and
services should be provided, including access to clean water. The planning of new
markets should include in-depth consultation of a panel of market users, especially
wholesalers and retailers (Hubbard and Onumah 2001). Food markets can also be
combined with a “food hub”function, thereby creating new market linkages with
food producers in the region, as developed in Colombia (Dubbeling et al. 2017).
Marketregulationsconcerning hygiene should be designed with the involvement of
representatives of market users. Farmers’markets should be encouraged by provid-
ing adequate space and market services (Baker and de Zeeuw 2015).
294 P. Moustier et al.
5.2.3 Accommodating Space for Mobile Vendors
Given the importance of street vending in the livelihoods of vulnerable urban
populations (especially women), we recommend their business should be acknowl-
edged and support provided that aims at “semi-formality”(Cross 2000). Semi-
formality refers to a self-regulating system with some light third-party regulatory
enforcement, thus protecting the flexibility of street vending, which is uniquely
adapted to the conditions of the urban poor. Regulatory enforcement requires
consulting a panel of street vendors to protect some urban spaces so as to allow
vendors to conduct their temporary business while ensuring their commitment to
respecting rules of hygiene and traffic safety. Some examples of successful integra-
tion of street vending in urban planning can be found in Loc and Moustier in
Vietnam (2016), in Srivastana in India (2012), in Dai et al. in China, (2019), and
in Tangworamonycon in Thailand (2014).
5.3 Consumer-Oriented Promotion of Nutrient-Dense Food
Culinary recipes and techniques that enhance the nutritional quality of the food, as
well as the packaging and labelling of local nutrient-dense food items, including
fruit, vegetables, pulses, and nuts, should be promoted. These food items are
recommended to enable urban consumers, including women and children, to diver-
sify their diets in line with nutritional and planetary limits and the promotion of local
biodiversity (EAT-Lancet Commission 2019). Different ways to increase public
awareness about healthy food and promote traditional food cultures are discussed
in Hawkes et al. (2020).
Priorities for Inclusive Urban Food System Transformations in the Global South 295
5.4 National Provisioning of Infrastructures and Services
for MSMEs
5.4.1 Improving Rural-Urban Transport
Roads between cities and rural areas, which play a major role in supplying food to
cities, need to be expanded and maintained, along with alternative transport routes
by rail or water (Popoola et al. 2021).
5.4.2 Disseminating Small-Scale Food Processing Technologies
Technological innovations are available to improve the safety and nutritional qual-
ities of food, but not at a sufficient scale for MSMEs (Ferré et al. 2018; Pallet and
Sainte-Beuve 2016). Examples of small-scale food storage and processing technol-
ogies that reduce food losses, based on a thorough assessment of losses along food
chains, are given by Tefft et al. (2017).
5.4.3 Service Provisioning for MSMEs
Innovation in the artisanal sector needs to be supported by providing credit to
increase working capital, so as to enable investment in semi-industrial processing.
Training on how to improve the quality of food also needs to be made available to
MSMEs. This falls under the mandate of the public sector. As public resources are
scarce, partnering with the retail sector may be an appropriate solution, if it enables
sufficiently wide coverage of both farmers’and consumer’s economic profiles. The
public sector also needs to invest human resources in food quality control, with
random checks of food safety and labelling frauds, as well as graduated sanctions for
non-compliance, at various points along the chain, including wholesale and retail
markets (Hawkes et al. 2020; Dao 2020).
5.5 Fostering Multi-stakeholder Coordination
and Governance
Secured forms of coordination between food suppliers and vendors range from
agreements on quality or quantity requirements to contractual joint commitments.
Innovative producer organisations that include processing and distribution, e.g.,
“Entreprises de Services et Organisations de Producteurs”(ESOPs), should be
encouraged, as this increases the scale of operation and investments in quality
while creating added value for farmers (Maertens and Velde 2017). The concept of
‘intermediate food systems’(systèmes alimentaires du milieu) developed by
Chazoule et al. (2018) and tested in some African situations (Sirdey 2020) can be
used to model the hybridisation of traditional and modern systems that combine
cooperation mechanisms with economies of scale.
296 P. Moustier et al.
Cities can become important actors in the development of SFSs, particularly
through their governance of urban agriculture, school canteens, and waste manage-
ment (Bricas 2019; Fages and Bricas 2017). Through the Milan food policy pact
(https://www.milanurbanfoodpolicypact.org/), city officials are invited to commit to
31 actions aimed at sustainable food provisioning and consumption. In many cities,
permanent urban food policy councils have been set up, with interesting outcomes,
e.g., school catering programmes (Sonnino et al. 2019). Governing urban food
systems in an inclusive way involves setting up multi-stakeholder city-region food
platforms. These include public stakeholders working in different sectors (agricul-
ture, trade, environment, health, social care) and at the national and city scales,
together with a panel of value chain actors and service support organisations. The
stakeholders meet regularly to exchange and discuss information, aiming to reach a
consensus on desirable outcomes and on a set of policy recommendations (Blay-
Palmer et al. 2018; see also https://ruaf.org/ for many examples of urban food policy
platforms, sometimes on the basis of urban agriculture programmes, like in Quito).
Food system assessment and dialogues are good starting points (Huynh et al. 2021;
David-Benz et al. forthcoming).
In all these platforms, access and use of market information is strategic. Systems
favouring interactions among farmers, traders and public agencies, conducive to new
marketing decisions for farmers, new supply options for traders, and priorities for
extension workers and input suppliers, e.g., for the support of off-season production
as a substitute for imports, are termed alliances by the World Bank (2016), as quoted
by Tefft et al. (2017), or market information and consultation systems (MICS).
Modelling tools and serious games can be combined in such information and
consultation systems to present options for local production that better address
consumer needs (Verger et al. 2018; Mangnus et al. 2019).
6 Conclusion
In the context of continuous urban development and widening income disparities,
urban food systems in countries of the Global South are becoming more market-
oriented and innovative, with new investments in logistics and quality. Small-scale,
labour-intensive food supply chains with relational governance and decentralised
food distribution that provide food at a low price close to consumers’homes have
proven resilient. They are poor-friendly and adapted to the time and work demands
of women, in particular compared to agro-industrial schemes. Relative to the vast
recent literature on food systems, this chapter highlights some peculiarities of the
urban context and food systems of low- and middle-income countries. These include
the importance of food caterers and mobile and open market vendors, as well as
urban agriculture, in the provisioning of the urban poor; the high pressure on urban
agricultural land and water; the innovative nature and consumer orientation of many
food MSMEs; and the growing concerns and involvement of urban authorities in
urban food security. Opportunities exist to respond to consumer demand and needs
in terms of nutritional balance and food safety, while creating employment for less
educated urban populations, especially for women. To exploit these opportunities,
we have recommended a set of actions representing public support to endogenous
patterns, adapted to the six types of urban food system that we brought to the fore, as
a variety of food systems is needed to target different objectives and local contexts
(Seck 2021).
Priorities for Inclusive Urban Food System Transformations in the Global South 297
Acknowledgements Thanks to Ninon Sirdey, two anonymous reviewers from the UNFSS scien-
tific group for their comments on an earlier version, and to Jemimah Njuki, International Food
Policy Research Institute, Africa Regional office c/o ILRI Nairobi.
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