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Hi, My Name is Wealthy: Women's Dating Behaviors in Relation to the Perceived Wealth of Perspective Mates

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Abstract

It has been cross-culturally documented that women exhibit a preference for mates who possess resources or traits that signal potential wealth. The majority of this literature relies on self reported mate preferences. Here we report on two experiments to test whether women's willingness to date men is actually influenced by their perceived wealth. Online dating profiles were created to present photographs of men and information about their current bank account status (Study 1), or to indirectly indicate their level of wealth (Study 2). In Study 1, the faces were presented with alternating high and low bank account balances. We hypothesized that women who viewed men with high bank account values would evaluate them as more desirable than women who viewed men with low bank account values. That is, they would be more likely to engage with him in an online conversation, meet with him for a casual coffee, accept an invitation of a date, consider him for a one-night stand, consider him for a short-term relationship, or consider him for a long-term relationship. It was also hypothesized that women would rate the men with high bank account balances as more physically attractive than the men with the low bank account balances. The results generally do not support the hypotheses. In Study 2, we replaced bank account balances with indirect indicators of wealth. Our results indicate that women were significantly less interested in wealthier men as compared to poorer men, possibly because the wealthy men may be perceived as bragging. Together, these studies suggest men's wealth may not be as important to women as has been previously considered, but further research is needed. There are universal sex differences in mate preferences due to the particular challenges each sex has faced over evolutionary history (Buss, 1989; Li et al.,
EvoS Journal:
The Journal of the Evolutionary Studies Consortium
PROFESSIONAL ARTICLE
EvoS Journal: The Journal of the Evolutionary Studies Consortium
ISSN: 1944-1932 - http://evostudies.org/evos-journal/about-the-journal/
2019, NEEPS XII, pp. 88-105. -88-
Hi, My Name is Wealthy: Women’s Dating Behaviors
in Relation to the Perceived Wealth of Perspective
Mates
Hunter, H., Benoit, T., Reid, G., Bourgeois, C., Tiller, A., & Fisher, M. L.*
Saint Mary’s University
ABSTRACT
It has been cross-culturally documented that women exhibit a preference for mates
who possess resources or traits that signal potential wealth. The majority of this
literature relies on self reported mate preferences. Here we report on two
experiments to test whether women’s willingness to date men is actually influenced
by their perceived wealth. Online dating profiles were created to present
photographs of men and information about their current bank account status (Study
1), or to indirectly indicate their level of wealth (Study 2). In Study 1, the faces were
presented with alternating high and low bank account balances. We hypothesized
that women who viewed men with high bank account values would evaluate them as
more desirable than women who viewed men with low bank account values. That is,
they would be more likely to engage with him in an online conversation, meet with
him for a casual coffee, accept an invitation of a date, consider him for a one-night
stand, consider him for a short-term relationship, or consider him for a long-term
relationship. It was also hypothesized that women would rate the men with high
bank account balances as more physically attractive than the men with the low bank
account balances. The results generally do not support the hypotheses. In Study 2,
we replaced bank account balances with indirect indicators of wealth. Our results
indicate that women were significantly less interested in wealthier men as compared
to poorer men, possibly because the wealthy men may be perceived as bragging.
Together, these studies suggest men’s wealth may not be as important to women as
has been previously considered, but further research is needed.
KEYWORDS
Dating, Wealth, Physical Attractiveness, Mate Preferences, Men
There are universal sex differences in mate preferences due to the particular
challenges each sex has faced over evolutionary history (Buss, 1989; Li et al.,
AUTHOR NOTE: Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Maryanne L. Fisher, PhD,
Department of Psychology, 923 Robie Street, Saint Mary’s University, Halifax, NS B3H 3C3, Canada. Contact:
mlfisher@smu.ca; +1-902-491-6275.
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2013). Men and women differ in some of the characteristics they value in potential
mates, and demonstrate considerable overlap in other preferences, especially for
long-term relationships (e.g., Buss, 1989). In terms of differences, the two that are
most discussed in the evolutionary psychological literature are men placing a higher
premium on youth and attractiveness, and women emphasizing the importance of
men’s ability to acquire resources (e.g., Buss, 1989; Feingold, 1990). Indeed, these
sex difference have been widely studied (e.g., Buss, 1989; Geary, 2010; Sprecher,
Sullivan, & Hatfield, 1994). They have been found in a variety of contexts, including
(of relevance here) personal advertisements (e.g., Baize & Schroeder, 1995)
although the results are not always cleanly along these lines (women advertising
wealth Arua, 2017; Strassberg & Holty, 2003).
Men are deemed to possess a greater preference for physically attractive
woman because attractiveness is largely reflective of health; it serves as an
accurate proxy for a woman’s ability to conceive, gestate, and rear children (Buss &
Schmitt, 1993). Unlike men, whose reproductive success is primarily determined by
their frequency of copulation with fecund women, women’s reproductive success
rests more on their investments of energy and time related to conception, gestation,
and post-partum childcare (Campbell, 1999; Trivers, 1972). Due to women’s heavy
parental investment, they are not always able to secure adequate resources for
themselves and/or their children, and as a result they theoretically rely on men’s
resources and efforts to aid with children. Taken together, past research
demonstrates that women are generally choosier than men when selecting a mate
(Walters & Crawford, 1994), and prefer men who can provide care, resources, and
contribute support for both them and their children (using theory from Andersson,
1994; Trivers, 1972; for a review of criticisms see Fisher, Garcia, & Burch, in press).
Indeed, women generally prefer men who possess characteristics related to quality
parenting, such as being loving and spending time at home, particularly if
considering a long-term relationship (Li, Valentine, & Patel, 2011; see also Lu, Zhu,
& Chang, 2015).
Here we empirically examine whether women do prefer men who present
themselves as wealthy in a dating context. Past research overwhelming suggests
they do. For example, findings indicate that men have an awareness of women’s
preference for resources given they compete for women by displaying resources,
status, and strength (Walters & Crawford, 1994). Further, Buss (1988) found that
men, more than women, self-reported that they more frequently display and boast
about their resources, display strength, and show off when attempting to attract a
potential mate. Indeed, Buss (1989) proposed that one of the most critical signals of
male mate quality is the ability to distribute resources, or to show traits related to
future resource accrual, such as ambition, industriousness, and being a hard
worker. In terms of mate attraction, men often exhibit cross-sex mind-reading and
are more likely than women to advertise their resources and traits related to the
accrual of resources (e.g., financial stability, owning a large house, being a
professional and being intelligent; Wiederman, 1993).
The significance of men’s wealth on their reproductive success has also
been studied. Men in the United States with high-incomes and status have more
biological children than poorer men or women with high-incomes (Hopcroft, 2006;
2015). Nettle and Pollet (2008) report that for Britain, there exists positive selection
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on men’s income which is driven by increased childlessness among low-income
men. Further, men in positions of supervision over others, and where they control
hiring and firing decisions, have more children than men in non-supervisory
positions and without the power to hire and fire others (Fielder & Huber, 2012).
Theory suggests women benefit when they have the ability to identify mates
who are willing and able to invest resources to them and their (future) children,
especially when there may be deficits in their own ability to accrue independent
resources (e.g., during pregnancy). Women are therefore thought to pay particular
attention to men’s ambition, industry, income, status, and generosity, all of which
signal his ability and willingness to invest resources (Buss & Schmitt, 1993).
Relationship Duration and Preference for Resources
Schwartz and Hassebrauck (2012) found that women typically prefer long-
term partners who are classified as being wealthy, rich, of high status, generous,
and perusing successful careers. They also report that women usually cannot
imagine marrying a partner with an education level lower than their own, or a man
lacking regular employment.
This trend in women’s long-term mate preferences seems to be similarly
prevalent in short-term relations. In all types of romantic and/or sexual relationship
contexts, including both long-term and short-term mating arrangements, women
more so than men demand a higher minimum acceptable earning capacity
(Bereczkei, Voros, Gal, & Bernath, 1997). However, the influence of anticipated
relationship duration may be in preference for the immediacy of resources being
provided. Buss (1991, see also Smuts, 1992) proposes that women seeking short-
term relationships desire men with resources that are readily available, while those
seeking long-term relationships desire men who show a trajectory of owning future
resources. Women in short-term relationships, compared to women in long-term
relationships, preferred men who had extravagant lifestyles, enjoyed having money
spent on them, and liked to receive gifts early in the relationship, while
simultaneously disliking men who showed initial signs of stinginess (Buss & Schmitt,
1993). There is a clear sex difference; Greiling and Buss (2000) found women
reported they were significantly more likely than men to receive resources such as
jewelry, money, dinners and clothing from short-term mates. At the same time,
though, women who are seeking a short-term relationship, or engaging in an extra-
pair copulation, place higher demands for a physically attractive mate, given that
there is a decreased likelihood of receiving any future resources or commitment
(see Kenrick et al. 1993; Scheib, 2001; for a discussion of trade-offs see Gangestad
& Simpson, 2000).
Personal Advertisements and Preferences for Wealth
While there has been empirical work on men’s preference for attractive
mates (e.g., waist-to-hip ratio, Singh, 1993; hair colour, Lynn, 2009), the majority of
evidence in support of women’s preference for wealthy mates is survey-based and
reliant on self-reported interest (but see Guéguen & Lamy, 2012). For example,
Buss’ (1989) well-known results are based on women’s preference for men with
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resources through self-reported surveys about ideal mates, an issue that is found
elsewhere (e.g., chapter 3, Townsend, 1998).
A different approach researchers have used to examine mate preferences is
to study personal advertisements. Wiederman (1993; see also Waynforth & Dunbar,
1995) reported that men were more likely to offer financial resources and seek
attractiveness, whereas women were more likely to offer attractiveness and seek
financial resources or qualities linked to acquiring resources. Pawlowski and Koziel
(2002) investigated how particular traits influenced responses to personal
advertisements. For men, the traits that influenced response rates were, in order,
education level, age, height, and offered resources, while for women, weight, height,
education and age negatively correlated with responses. The authors conclude that
men’s resources had only a small positive influence on response rates, but the fact
that education was important to women suggests they are relying on objective rather
than more subjective traits. Similarly, Baize and Schroeder (1995) found that men’s
income and education was positively correlated with the number of responses.
The problem with this approach, however, is that it is not possible to control
for issues such as physical attractiveness or considerable variation in the writing of
the advertisements. Therefore, we designed experiments to directly manipulate
men’s wealth in the context of personal advertisements for dating partners. We
manipulated the financial status men display to potential partners and examined the
result on women’s receptivity to varying levels of dating (e.g., meet for a coffee
versus one-night stand).
Hypotheses for Current Studies
Based on the previous findings that women are both choosier when selecting
mates due to costs of parental investment, and prefer mates who can provide
financially for both them and their children (e.g., Walters & Crawford, 1994;
Andersson, 1994; Trivers, 1972), our hypothesis is that women will prefer wealthy
mates. In Study 1, we predict women will be more likely to engage in dating
behaviors when men possess high bank account balances, as compared to when
the same men have low bank account balances. Specifically, we predict women will
be more likely to engage in online conversation, accept a date, go for a casual
coffee and have a one-night stand when men are shown with higher (as compared
to lower) financial status. Likewise, in Study 2, we predict women will engage in
more activities with wealthier men, as displayed through indirect, implied wealth, as
compared to poorer men.
We note that this hypothesis is coupled with women’s willingness to respond
to the documentation of immediately available resources. While research by
Bereczkei, Voros, Gal, and Bernath (1997) suggests that women in both short-term
and long-term relationships prioritize resource accrual when selecting a mate, other
researchers have found that women in short-term relationships are more likely to
pursue mates who can provide immediate resources and to avoid those who display
initial signs of stinginess (e.g., Buss, 1991; Smuts 1992; Buss & Schmitt, 1993). To
investigate these findings, we explore women’s willingness to engage in both short-
term and long-term relationships with only the wealthy men (for completeness we
also examine the same relationship differences in the less wealthy men). Due to the
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inconsistency in the literature as to whether resources are most preferred in short-
term relationships, or both short and long-term relationships, we did not have a
prediction, and therefore these comparisons are performed solely for interest.
A secondary aim was to explore the interaction of wealth and evaluations of
physical attractiveness. Research by Webster and Driskell (1983) suggests that
status influences attractiveness in different ways. Firstly, individuals overlook
ugliness in dating partners if they possess financial resources. Status also
influences attractiveness through setting contemporary beauty standards; this
includes the funds to afford fashion accessories, clothing, and hairstyles (Webster &
Driskell, 1983). Congruent with findings that suggest women consider perspective
mates with the ability to accrue high levels of resources more desirable (e.g., Buss
1988; Buss 1989; Trivers, 1972; Webster & Driskell, 1983), we hypothesize for
Study 1 and Study 2 that women will view men as more physically attractive when
they are perceived as being wealthy.
STUDY 1
Methods
Participants
Eighty-three heterosexual women between the ages of 18 and 31 (M =
20.39, SD = 2.78 years) were recruited through a university’s research participant
pool. The university is a mid-sized public university in Eastern Canada. Participants
were granted a small course credit in exchange for their participation. The
experiments were approved by the university research ethics board. We asked
about romantic relationship status given that it may impact on one’s willingness to
date; no participant was currently or ever married, engaged, common-law, widowed,
divorced, or separated.
Measures and Procedure
Participants completed demographic information and were then presented
with a series of men’s online dating profiles advertising a standardized photograph
of a potential mate, his demographics (i.e., name, age, hometown) and a “Fun Fact
About Me” section. Information about the potential mate’s financial status (via a high
versus low bank account balance) was stated in this section. For example, in the
high account balance condition, Brett, 25, from Halifax wrote a fun fact stating:
“What would you like for dinner tonight? Thai, Italian, Mexican? I have $14,126.25 to
spend on the date of your dreams.” The same image and demographic details
appeared for the low account balance condition, except the fun fact stated: “My
cooking skills are A+. The $43.09 in my bank account won’t cover fine dining, but I
can whip up a dinner that will be sure to please!
The six photographs used in this study were gathered from various online
sources. The models all were Caucasian (reflecting the majority of participants’
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ethnicity based on prior samples from this population), approximated to be around
22 to 24 years of age, and portrayed slightly positive facial expressions. Only full
face and head images were used, such that the model was facing the camera
directly. No model had jewelry, and backgrounds were of dark grey tones.
Dating profiles were separated into high account balances and low account
balances. In the high account condition, the bank account averaged $14,000, while
in the low account condition, the bank account averaged $100. The amounts used in
the profiles were generated from over 300 actual ATM receipts gathered by the
researchers. (We note that these receipts were collected from garbage bins located
near ATMs around our university and city; no other information was provided to
indicate whose bank account balance is being reported.) The lowest values (but
above zero; some receipts showed a deficit and were omitted) and highest values
were used in the study. The account balances, therefore, represented real account
balances of those living in, or at least visiting, the participants’ geographic area.
Each profile was shown individually and participants rated each man using
Likert-type scales for physical attractiveness (i.e., 1 = very unattractive, 7 = very
attractive). Participants also reported their likeliness to engage in a series of dating
behaviors with each man (i.e., 1 = unlikely to engage, 7 = very likely to engage); the
behaviors included: (a) engage in online conversation (b) accept a date (c) go for a
casual coffee (d) have a one-night stand (e) have a short-term relationship, or (f)
have a long-term relationship with this man.
To minimize confounding factors, the photographs of six men were used in
both the high account balance condition and the low account balance condition.
Altogether, 12 different dating profiles were created. Thus, two versions of the study
were administered. The two dating profiles (high and low condition) for each man
were identical in content, photograph, and format, differing only in the “Fun Fact
About Me” blurb, which was where account balance was integrated. Each of the six
men differed in terms of the “Fun Fact About Me” section, as well as the other
information, to make it appear as close as possible to an actual online dating
advertisement.
Participants were randomly selected to complete one of the two versions of
the profiles. Each participant ultimately received, in a random presentation, three
dating profiles of men who had mention of a high account balance incorporated into
their profile, and three dating profiles of men who had a low account balance
mentioned in their profile.
Data analysis was performed with the Statistical Package for the Social
Sciences (SPSS) version 23.
Results
The data were collapsed across the faces, such that the average rating for
the two bank account conditions (herein labeled as “wealthy” for the high balance
and “poor” for the low balance) were calculated for each of the seven dependent
variables (six dating behaviors and physical attractiveness). We performed two-
tailed paired-samples t-tests to examine differences due to the bank account
balance, with an a priori significance criterion of p .05.
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The comparisons showed no significant difference between the wealthy
versus poor advertisements except for one-night stand item, where the men with the
lower versus higher bank account were more preferred. Likewise, contrary to our
prediction, the men with the lower versus higher bank account were considered
more attractive. See Table 1 for the complete listing of descriptive findings, t-test
results, and Cohen’s d effect sizes.
To explore whether women express a preference to engage in short-term
relationships versus long-term relationships with the wealthier men, we again
performed paired-samples t-tests but for only the items of: have a one-night stand,
have a short-term relationship, or have a long-term relationship with this man. For
the wealthy condition, there was no significant difference between ratings for one-
night stand and short-term relationship, t(82) = .68, p = .50, Cohen’s d = .005, one-
night stand and long-term relationship, t(82) = .75, p = .46, d = .009, or short-term
and long-term relationship, t(82) = .45, p = .66, d = .004. For the poor condition,
there was no significant difference between ratings for one-night stand and short-
term relationship, t(82) = 1.68, p = .10, d = .151, or short-term and long-term
relationship, t(82) = 1.25, p = .22, d =.102. However, women expressed a
significantly higher likelihood to engage with the poor men for a one-night stand than
for a long-term relationship, t(82) = 1.99, p = .050, d = .248.
Discussion
In the present study, women were hypothesized to express an interest in
dating men and rate them as more attractive when they were perceived to be
wealthy, as compared to men who were perceived to have little or no money. Our
findings do not support our hypotheses.
Recall that the same faces were used in the two conditions, meaning that the
only factor that differed was the listed bank account balance in the personal
advertisement. We found, contrary to our prediction, that men with a lower bank
account balance were considered more attractive, and women rated themselves as
more likely to consider them for a one-night stand, relative to the same man when
he had a higher bank account balance.
The fact that there is a trend toward finding someone attractive and then
considering them as a candidate for a one-night stand is not surprising. For
example, Kenrick, Groth, Trost, and Sadalla (1993) report that women’s criteria for
attractiveness are highest for one-night stands. What is surprising, though, is that
men with the lower bank accounts were considered more attractive than the same
men with the higher bank accounts. It could be that men providing a high bank
account balance in their advertisements were seen as bragging, which may have
led to negative first impressions (e.g., Scott & Ravenscroft, 2017) and led them to
be seen as less attractive due to a halo effect.
However, it must be noted that women showed no difference in their desire
to engage in short-term versus long-term relationships with wealthy men. This
observation contradicts Buss and Schmitt’s (1993) finding that women in short-term
relationships displayed greater preference for the wealth of perspective mates than
did women in long-term relationships. Our finding that women were more likely to
consider a poorer man for a one-night stand than the same man when he was
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described as having a higher bank account balance does partially indirectly support
the conclusion of Schwartz and Hassebrauck (2012), who documented that women
prioritized wealth in their long-term partner.
We recognize a potential limitation of the study is that one rarely sees actual
bank account information in personal advertisements. Anecdotal evidence from
online dating websites suggests men are aware of the importance of wealth within a
dating context, given the high prevalence of men who feature material resources in
their profile photographs or report on their employment. In Study 1, we attempted to
remove any ambiguity from merely showing wealth and instead state it directly, but
such statements may have been negatively perceived. Thus, we created Study 2
where indirect proxies for wealth were used, rather than an explicit statement of
one’s bank account balance.
Another limitation is that we collected data from undergraduate students. It
remains unknown how women outside of the university climate will respond to men’s
wealth, and the importance it has in terms of their mate choice. We address this
issue in Study 2 by relying on a sample from Reddit which is self-defined as a social
news aggregating, web content rating, and discussion website. Reddit is the third
most visited website in the United States (Nguyen, 2018).
STUDY 2
The goal of Study 2 was to expand on the findings of Study 1 using a more
general (i.e., less student-biased) sample of women, and to see if the finding
replicated when personal advertisements indirectly contained information pertaining
to wealth (rather than bank account balances).
Methods
Participants
A total of 188 self-identifying heterosexual women (age in years, M = 25.06,
SD = 6.60, Md = 24) were recruited from Reddit (using subreddits of research,
psychology, women). The study was advertised as being about mate preferences
and heterosexual women over 18 were asked to volunteer by clicking on the
provided Qualtrics link. The participants reported various romantic relationship
statuses: 65 (34.6%) were dating one person in a committed relationship; 46
(24.4%) were single and not looking, 34 (18.0%) were married or common-law, 28
(14.9%) were single and seeking, 20 (13.9%) were dating casually, and the
remainder selected other or prefer not to say.
Measures and Procedure
The same dating profile format, images, names, and hometowns were used
as in Study 1. However, the “Fun Fact About Me” section contained information that
indirectly suggested one’s level of wealth (see Appendix A). The same study design
was employed, with the exception that we used four faces, rather than six, given
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that we wanted to create a shorter survey to maximize the efforts of the sample of
volunteers from Reddit who were participating.
All items and rating scales remained the same as Study 1. However, we
removed the item related to meeting for a casual coffee; in retrospect this item was
ambiguous because it could signal friendship and not necessarily romantic interest.
Results
We repeated the statistical approach of Study 1. The data were collapsed
across the faces, yielding a wealthy condition and poor condition for each of the six
dependent variables (physical attractiveness, likelihood to: engage in online
conversation, accept a date, have a one-night stand, have a short-term relationship,
or have a long-term relationship with this man). We performed two-tailed paired-
samples t-tests to examine differences due to the level of implied wealth, with an a
priori significance criterion of p .05.
There were significant differences for each dependent variable. Contrary to
our hypothesis, the poorer men were selected as more attractive, and participants
were significantly more interested in engaging in an online conversation, accepting
an invitation for a date, having a short-term relationship, and having a long-term
relationship with them. They were significantly more likely to consider the wealthy
men for a one-night stand, in contrast to the findings of Study 1 (see Table 2 for
descriptives and analyses).
We also examined within each condition whether women express a
preference to engage in short-term relationships versus long-term relationships with
wealthier men, we performed paired-samples t-tests but for only the items of: have a
one-night stand, have a short-term relationship, or have a long-term relationship
with this man. For the wealthy condition, women expressed significantly more
interest in a one-night stand than short-term relationship, t(187) = 3.23, p = .001, d =
.23, and as compared to a long-term relationship, t(187) = 4.29, p = .000, d = .27.
There was no significant difference for short versus long-term relationship, t(187) =
.620, p = .54, d = .035. For the poor condition, there was a significant difference with
favoring short-term relationship over one-night stand, t(187) = 2.54, p = .012, d = .18
but no difference between one-night stand and long-term relationship, t(187) = 1.22,
p = .22, d = .10. There was also no significant difference between short and long-
term relationship, t(187) = 1.89, p = .06, d = .087.
Discussion
Our findings cast a shadow on the literature that points to women’s interest
in men with resources. We failed to support our hypothesis that women would favor
men when they were described in a way that implied wealth; instead, women
preferred men when they described themselves as less wealthy. It is entirely
possible that the advertisements of for the poor men contained desirable traits; for
example, the men stated that they took public transit (as opposed to owning a luxury
vehicle), or cooked meals at home (rather than eating at a posh restaurant). Thus,
these men may be indicating that they are interested in sustainability, which may
signal altruism (Griskevicius, Tybur, & Van den Bergh, 2010), or that they care
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enough about their dates that they will cook a home-based meal (DeBacker &
Fisher, 2012).
An alternative, but not mutually exclusive possibility is that men who directly
state their wealth via material goods are considered to be boasting or bragging
about themselves. While people may self-promote to fulfill the goal of creating a
positive image, excessive self-promotion runs the risk of being seen as a braggart.
Braggarts are generally viewed negatively and are less likeable (Scopelliti,
Loewenstein, & Vosgerau, 2015). Women’s views of men who state their resources
(whether it be via a bank account balance or in terms of what they own) needs to be
further researched. Perhaps there is a balancing point: women prefer men with
resources unless they are seen as bragging about them.
GENERAL DISCUSSION
We failed to support our hypothesis that women would prefer men with
advertised resources, or find wealthy men most attractive. Our results must be
interpreted with caution, as they do not allow us to entirely rule out the possibility
that a mate’s resource acquisition ability is important to women. It is possible that
the way wealth is advertised is key; men who wear expensive clothing or
accessories (see Guéguen & Lamy, 2012) may be more successful in advertising
their financial standing than men simply listing their bank account balances or that
they visit posh restaurants and receive VIP treatment, for example.
More investigation into the relationship between attractiveness and wealth is
also needed. Women may cognitively connect wealth and resources with the overall
attractiveness of a mate. If women prefer mates who have an ability to accrue
wealth, acquire resources, and contribute support for her and her children, it would
suggest that resources serve as a cue to certain personality traits. Specifically,
men’s resources and financial security may indicate an underlying responsible and
intelligent disposition, signaling he is able to provide paternal care. According to
Buss (1989), intelligence not only serves as a genetic benefit for any resulting
children but is also linked to resource acquisition and positive parenting skills.
Research by Fielder and Huber (2007) links education and intelligence to income,
which in turn, increases reproductive success for men. Indeed, as reviewed earlier,
wealthy men have a greater number of mates and are more likely to be successful
in producing children than poor men (Betzig, 1983). Our results, especially those
from Study 2, contradict this research by showing that women consider poorer men
as viable mates over wealthier men.
Many avenues for future research exist. For example, it would be interesting
to see how women distinguish between social resources and financial resources.
Although social resources and economic status are connected (Campbell, Marsden,
& Hurlbert, 1986), they are distinct and it may be advantageous to explore each
aspect individually.
In addition, the role of women’s access to their own resources remains to be
studied. Fielder and Huber (2012) report a curvilinear relationship for women for the
variables of income and number of children in US census data. They propose this
relationship indicates that women may strive for access to resources commonly
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2019, NEEPS XII, pp. 88-105. -98-
associated with advancement, rather than status. If accurate, then women could be
attempting to maximize access to acquiring their own resources, potentially freeing
them from relying on men.
Further, the desirability of women possessing resources is also not well
studied. Arua (2017) reports on sex differences in the content of newspaper
personal advertisements in Nigeria. Results indicated that more women than men
offer and seek financial security. Likewise, Strassberg and Holty (2003) created four
personal advertisements that varied in content, and found the most popular female-
seeking-male advertisement was a woman who described herself as financially
independent, successful and ambitious. This advertisement led to 50% more
responses than the next most popular advertisement where the woman described
herself as very attractive and slim (but see also Strassberg & English, 2015).
It may also be the case that preferences for wealth vary dramatically across
cultures. Nettle and Pollet (2008) report that positive selection has occurred (and
continues to occur) for men’s income and reproductive success, mostly due to low-
income men being childless. They further report that the selection gradient appears
to be weakest in industrial cultures and strongest in subsistence societies with high
levels of polygyny. Our results address women in Western societies, and further
research is needed to examine how generalizable our findings are in relation to
other cultures.
Last, as mentioned, the influence of men’s bragging needs to be more
closely studied in terms of its impact on mate attraction. Women may immediately
dismiss potential mates simply because they are seen as less likable, due to
boasting about their resources (Scopelliti, Loewenstein, & Vosgerau, 2015).
While we cannot rule out the possibility that women have a preference for
men possessing resources, our results indicate the preference is not as clear-cut as
past researchers have claimed. Future directions for research were presented, with
an emphasis on the need for empirical and cross-cultural studies.
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APPENDIX A
Stimuli Statements Indicating Wealth for Study 2
Pair 1
Wealthy: I'm a very outdoorsy guy who is happy to do almost anything! I love to
spend my weekends in the sun relaxing at my beach house. It also has an
awesome wrap-around deck for star-gazing. I'm a bit of a minimalist and like to live
simply, but my cashflow is good and allows me to have fun. I like to go to events
and travel.
Poor: I'm a very outdoorsy guy who is happy to do almost anything! I admit that I
have to keep costs low right now because of cash flow, so I've become more of a
minimalist and like to do free events and live simply. I love to spend my weekends
tenting under the stars and having campfires.
Pair 2
Wealthy: I like luxury and that I have a salary that lets me splurge on cool
things. Because I'm able to eat out a lot, I've become a major foodie. I will never
say no to an evening of fine dining and a bottle of good French wine, or a good road
trip to a luxury place.
Poor: I like luxury but lately I've been keeping things on the practical side. I don't
eat out very much because of my salary but I really enjoy good food and consider
myself a foodie. I wouldn't say no to ordering a cheesy pizza or a road trip to
somewhere local for fun!
Pair 3
Wealthy: Hi! I like to hang out and am looking for a special someone to watch
movies with or go to the private beach near my beach house. I also like to work on
cars and have a pretty good collection of luxury sports cars. I've got my feet on the
ground financially and things have really worked out.
Poor: Hi! I like to hang out and am looking for a special someone to watch movies
with, or go to the beach. I also like to work on cars, but I don't have a car right now
because I'm still trying to get on my feet financially but know things will work out.
Pair 4
Wealthy: I enjoy treating a girl right and promise to treat you like a queen. I come
from a big famous family that you've heard of, and know my way around the best
restaurants and clubs (I always get VIP service). I'll pick you up in my Lamborghini
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and we can drive around town, stopping at the best places. Money really does have
its perks.
Poor: I enjoy treating a girl right and promise to treat you like a queen. I come from a
big family so I have lots of connections at restaurants and clubs. I'll pick you up in
my car and we can drive around town, stopping at some of the cool places. Money
can't buy happiness.
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APPENDIX B
Table 1. Study 1 Paired-Samples t-tests for Mean Responses to the Perceived
Wealth of Perspective Mates (n = 83, df = 81).
High Account Balance
Low Account Balance
SD
M
SD
t
p
d
Engage in
online
conversation
1.44
4.74
1.33
1.44
.155
.144
Meet for a
casual coffee
1.50
4.60
1.42
1.63
.107
.178
Accept an
invitation for a
date
1.51
4.56
1.41
1.56
.123
.178
Consider him
for a one-night
stand
1.68
3.73
1.79
2.08
.041*
.213
Consider him
for a short-
term
relationship
1.56
3.48
1.51
1.22
.225
.130
Consider him
for a long-term
relationship
1.50
3.33
1.42
0.63
.528
.075
Physical
attractiveness
1.32
4.81
1.25
2.31
.023*
.342
Note. * indicates p < .05; d refers to the effect size measure of Cohen’s d
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2019, NEEPS XII, pp. 88-105. -105-
APPENDIX C
Table 2. Study 2 Paired-Samples t-tests for Mean Responses to the Perceived
Wealth of Perspective Mates (n = 188, df = 186 or 187).
Wealthy
Poor
SD
M
SD
t
p
d
Engage in
online
conversation
1.74
4.15
1.66
-4.94
.000***
.329
Accept an
invitation for a
date
1.75
3.98
1.75
-3.17
.002**
.170
Consider him
for a one-night
stand
1.80
2.85
1.72
2.28
.024*
.213
Consider him
for a short-
term
relationship
1.66
3.15
1.60
-3.26
.001***
.251
Consider him
for a long-term
relationship
1.57
3.01
1.56
-2.68
.008**
.211
Physical
attractiveness
1.84
4.84
1.16
-9.73
.000***
.982
Note. * indicates p < .05; ** p < .01, *** p . 001; d refers to the effect size measure
of Cohen’s d
... We had two experimental attempts, described next, both of which failed. We then successfully conducted a survey-based investigation which led to greater experimental control (Hunter et al., 2019). Although our ethological approach failed, the lessons we learned are of value to other researchers and may enable ethology to be use more widely and successfully. ...
... Therefore, a desirable mate is one who is capable of providing a woman and her children with sufficient resources. Indeed, there exists a large body of literature that documents women's preference for men with resources, including Buss' (1989) widely cited cross-cultural study, which revealed that women self-reported men's financial status as more important than did men (for a review, see Hunter et al., 2019). ...
... We opted for an online study using simulated dating profiles that ultimately lead to greatly increased control over the confounds we had documented. Those results were then published, showing that women's perceptions of men were not as clear cut as the prior literature had suggested (Hunter et al., 2019). Men with money were considered by some women in a highly negative manner, possibly because they were perceived to be bragging. ...
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