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Framing/Unframing Space: But Where Is the Frame? “Border Art” as a Vehicle to Think InclusionCadrer/Décadrer l’espace : mais où donc se situe le cadre ? L’« art de la frontière » comme outil pour penser l’inclusion
Attraverso un’analisi interdisciplinare, il testo affronta il caso studio Prototypes, consistente nella proposta dell’artista C. Büchel di considerare i prototipi di muro di confine tra USA e Messico dei monumenti nazionali. Tramite gli strumenti teorici garantiti dai border studies, dalla filosofia analitica e dalla storia dell’arte contemporanea, lo studio avanza un’interpretazione dell’oggetto d’analisi in termini di difficult heritage (MacDonald 2008) contemporaneo e apporta alcune inedite e significative note a margine, riportando l’attenzione sui diversi livelli di lettura della vicenda.
The present geopolitical situation has made the debate on borders and their functions, significance, and symbolism more prominent than at any time since the end of the Cold War. While the various processes of globalisation have challenged the traditional border concept, the scalar model of identity and society remains primarily anchored in national space. The understanding of the state as a multiscalar construction, constantly negotiated and reconfigured by its actors at different levels, allows us to broaden the scope of our analysis and rethink and transform the spatial formations previously taken for granted in assessing the impacts of globalisation more regionally. State borders continue to have considerable relevance today, yet as the articles brought together in this special section will demonstrate, borders must be understood as complex, multiscalar, multidimensional, yet dynamic entities that have different symbolic and material forms, functions, and locations. With examples from Europe, Southeast Asia and the global south, this section aims to advance our knowledge of the multiscalar dynamics of border politics. The articles investigate how borders are negotiated vis-à-vis questions of identity, belonging, political conflict, and societal transformation, and how they are re- and deconstructed through various institutional and discursive practices at different levels and by different actors.
Analyzing graffiti—the image, the act, and the space in which it unfolds—reveals the institutional structures that shape urban spaces, and this is particularly evident in the context of Wall-era West Berlin. Through an investigation of two Berlin Wall graffiti-based artworks, Gordon Matta-Clark’s Made in America from 1976 and Keith Haring’s 1986 Berlin Wall mural, this article considers how these artists used graffiti practice to reveal the economic, social, and political processes with which West Berlin was connected and which it signified. In analyzing Matta-Clark’s and Haring’s artworks, these works’ specific political and historical contexts, and the specific institutions that sponsored their creation, the author considers the relationship of specific examples of graffiti to the larger processes from which they emerged. The author furthermore argues that considering individual examples of graffiti, on their own terms, is crucial to understanding the relationships between their creation and the power structures that govern urban spaces in which they are created.
Bolivia, its lost sea and national construction
In Bolivia, the year 2011 was characterized by the return of a combative approach to a maritime territorial claim. The country lost its Pacific coastline during War of the Pacific (1878-1879) which set Bolivia and Peru against Chile. In 1904, a treaty legally ratified this territorial loss. Bolivia became the only Andean country without a Pacific coastline, a country literally Mediterranean in the sense that it is surrounded by land. Although this territorial loss dates quite far back, it has continued to have a "strong emotional impact that influenced Bolivia until today." (Mesa, Gisbert and Mesa Gisbert 2001:529). The maritime claim, the request for recovery of a coastline, structures Bolivian national imagination and provides support to national construction. This article provides an analysis of this return of the maritime claim, at a time when Bolivia, as a Plurinational State, should have changed his nationalist posture. In a second step, the examination focuses on the function the lost sea has in shaping the territorial memory of Bolivia and the means set up to build the memorial device common to all Bolivians.
‘Borders’ will be in the twenty-first century what ‘frontiers’ where in the nineteenth. Frontiers were conceived as the line indicating the last point in the relentless march of civilization. On the one side of the frontiers was civilization; on the other, nothing; just barbarism or emptiness. The march of civilization and the idea of the frontiers created a geographic and bodygraphic divide. Certain areas of the planet were designated as the location of the barbarians, and since the eighteenth century, of the primitives. In one stroke, bodies were classified and assigned a given place on the planet. But who had the authority to enact such a classification, and what was the logic of that classification? Furthermore, the classification of the world by region, and the link established between regions and people inhabiting them, was parallel to the march of civilization and companions of it: on the other side of the epistemic frontiers, people do not think or theorize; hence, one of the reasons they were considered barbarians.
The four major political parties in contemporary (1994–1995) Italy—Forza Italia, the Northern League, the Democratic Party of the Left, and the National Alliance—are brand new in name and ideology. Each of these parties has been constructing in its rhetoric and organization differing conceptions of the geographical scales—international, national, regional, local—in terms of how they understand ‘Italy’. The collapse of the old system of parties during 1992–1994 created an opening for a reorganization of parties more in line with recent trends towards a fragmented Italian political economy and society. The Italian case illustrates a more general point, that political parties must organize themselves and their ideologies through the ways they divide, order and organize space. There is an intrinsically geographical basis to the drama of organized politics even when all parties structure space in the same ways. This is only more obvious at times of dramatic political change when there are competing conceptions of how to organize potential constituencies and interests. Geography, therefore, is not ‘external’ to the operations of political parties, a Euclidean surface or stage upon which the drama of politics is played out. The drama of party politics is scripted in terms of the geographical horizons—national or otherwise—parties set for themselves.
Why is today's world map filled with uniform states separated by linear boundaries? The answer to this question is central to our understanding of international politics, but the question is at the same time much more complex - and more revealing - than we might first think. This book examines the important but overlooked role played by cartography itself in the development of modern states. Drawing upon evidence from the history of cartography, peace treaties and political practices, the book reveals that early modern mapping dramatically altered key ideas and practices among both rulers and subjects, leading to the implementation of linear boundaries between states and centralized territorial rule within them. In his analysis of early modern innovations in the creation, distribution and use of maps, Branch explains how the relationship between mapping and the development of modern territories shapes our understanding of international politics today.
30 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, we live in a time of globalization and free trade. Nevertheless, 70 new border walls have been built in this period - put together, they would cover the total circumference of the Earth. While governments offer manifold justifications for building these separation barriers, they invariably attract the attention of artists. Is it merely the lure of transgression, however, that attracts them - or is there a deeper significance in the artistic encounter with border walls? And which artistic strategies do these artists employ to approach them? In order to address these questions, Élisa Ganivet revisits the history of border wall aesthetics and compares more recent border-related works by 100 artists, including Joseph Beuys (Berlin), Banksy (Israel-Palestine), and Frida Kahlo (Mexico-US). Through art and thus beyond art, we understand the flaws and shortcomings of supposedly well-oiled systems. With a preface by Élisabeth Vallet.
In 2011 and 2012, two mountain climbers, John Harlin and Lionel Daudet, undertook individual journeys to follow the entire political border of an alpine country, respectively Switzerland and France, each unaware of the approximate concomitance of their projects. Harlin and Daudet decided to use the imaginary line drawn on a map by political administrations as the pretext and backdrop for a totally new adventure. Their aim was to follow a border along its entire linear route, the abstract nature of which is generally only experienced when one crosses it from one country to another. The self-imposed constraints thus provided them with the basis for a new type of mountaineering, one which involved not only confronting the complex mountainous terrain followed by the borders in Switzerland and France but also practicing a variety of outdoor sporting activities: we suggest referring to this challenge as 'experimental mountaineering'. These projects undoubtedly mark an important change in the practice of mountain sports, where the mountain tour, or circular route, is in the process of earning its place alongside the more traditional summit climbs and mountain crossings. In putting their bodies to the test in following the border, these two men have shown how the idea of the "mobile" border is able to express itself in the form of a constantly renegotiated juxtaposition of spatial characteristics generated by the presence of a limit. The exploits of Harlin and Daudet encourage us not only to go further in our analyses of the affective and physical processes of the body that contribute to the complexity of our relationship with space, but also to refrain from making the body the last "natural border".
The border, once conceived of as a line on a map, is changing spatially into a form more akin to an archipelago: it is transnational, fragmented, biometric, intimate, and contracted out with proliferating spaces of confinement. The border is reconstituted and sovereign power reconfigured through the blurring of on- and offshore sites and migrations. Amid security “crises,” states use geography creatively to undermine access to legal representation, human rights, and avenues to asylum. Enforcement operations reach offshore, moving the border to the locations of asylum seekers and carrying out detention in places between states. These geographic shifts of border enforcement are tied to the securitization of migration and require a degree of complicity with violence in peripheral zones. The shifting of resources offshore serves, in part, to call public attention away from other sites and social relations, rendering hypervisible enforcement practices and homogenizing discourse while “invisibilizing” the violence incurred by offshore enforcement. With intensified enforcement and detention on islands through securitization and militarization, public attention is diverted from quieter daily practices of exclusion. This essay explores paradoxical framings endemic to contemporary governance of migration: to make visible and invisible, to show some things while hiding others.
The conceptual evolution of borders has been characterised by important changes in the last twenty years. After the processual shift of the 1990s (from border to bordering), in recent years there has been increasing concern about the need to critically question the current state of the debate on the concept of borders. Within this framework, this article explores the critical potential of the borderscapes concept for the development of alternative approaches to borders along three main axes of reflection that, though interrelated, can be analytically distinguished as: epistemological, ontological and methodological. Such approaches show the significant potential of borderscapes for future advances of critical border studies in the era of globalisation and transnational flows, thereby contributing to the liberation of (geo)political imagination from the burden of the ‘territorialist imperative’ and to the understanding of new forms of belonging and becoming that are worth being investigated.
Maribel Alvarez is assistant research social scientist and public folklorist, with a joint appointment in the Southwest Center and Department of English, University of Arizona.
1. Carlos Vélez-Ibáñez, Border Visions: Mexican Cultures of the Southwest United States (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1996).
2. Carlos Fuentes, The Old Gringo, edited by Margaret Sayers Paden (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2007).
3. See Miguel Salas Tinker, In the Shadow of the Eagles: Sonora and the Transformation of the Border during the Porfiriato. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).
4. See Davison,
5. Bruce Campbell, Mexican Murals in Times of Crisis (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2003).
This article considers the political impact of a series of billboards that appeared at the Windsor–Detroit border and the Tijuana–San Ysidro border between 1991 and 2007. While there is a significant asymmetry between the political tensions on the northern and southern borders of the United States, there are remarkable parallels and relays between events that have taken place in major cities on these borders that indicate that generalized border anxiety has spread far beyond the localized territory of the southern borderlands. In this heightened climate of border insecurity, artists and community groups have seized on the geopolitical confusion that has emerged in mainstream American media where issues such as terrorism and illegal migration have often been folded into the same discourse. While border regions are tightly controlled spaces, these projects have served to highlight contradictory narratives of globalization and security, unmasking national insecurities that have been submerged through the bureaucratic discourses of the North American Free Trade Agreement and the more recent Smart Border agreements.
First published in 1967, Writing and Difference, a collection of Jacques Derrida's essays written between 1959 and 1966, has become a landmark of contemporary French thought. In it we find Derrida at work on his systematic deconstruction of Western metaphysics. The book's first half, which includes the celebrated essay on Descartes and Foucault, shows the development of Derrida's method of deconstruction. In these essays, Derrida demonstrates the traditional nature of some purportedly nontraditional currents of modern thoughtâone of his main targets being the way in which "structuralism" unwittingly repeats metaphysical concepts in its use of linguistic models. The second half of the book contains some of Derrida's most compelling analyses of why and how metaphysical thinking must exclude writing from its conception of language, finally showing metaphysics to be constituted by this exclusion. These essays on Artaud, Freud, Bataille, Hegel, and Lévi-Strauss have served as introductions to Derrida's notions of writing and différenceâthe untranslatable formulation of a nonmetaphysical "concept" that does not exclude writingâfor almost a generation of students of literature, philosophy, and psychoanalysis. Writing and Difference reveals the unacknowledged program that makes thought itself possible. In analyzing the contradictions inherent in this program, Derrida foes on to develop new ways of thinking, reading, and writing,ânew ways based on the most complete and rigorous understanding of the old ways. Scholars and students from all disciplines will find Writing and Difference an excellent introduction to perhaps the most challenging of contemporary French thinkersâchallenging because Derrida questions thought as we know it.
How shall cosmopolitanism be conceived in relation to globalization, capitalism, and modernity? The geopolitical imaginary nourished by the term and processes of globalization lays claim to the homogeneity of the planet from above--economically, politically, and culturally. The term cosmopolitanism is, instead, used as a counter to globalization, although not necessarily in the sense of globalization from below. Globalization from below invokes, rather, the reactions to globalization from those populations and geohistorical areas of the planet that suffer the consequences of the global economy. There are, then, local histories that plan and project global designs and others that have to live with them. Cosmopolitanism is not easily aligned to either side of globalization, although the term implies a global project. How shall we understand cosmopolitanism in relation to these alternatives? Let's assume then that globalization is a set of designs to manage the world while cosmopolitanism is a set of projects toward planetary conviviality. The first global design of the modern world was Christianity, a cause and a consequence of the incorporation of the Americas into the global vision of an orbis christianus. It preceded the civilizing mission, the intent to civilize the world under the model of the modern European nation-states. The global design of Christianity was part (End Page 721) of the European Renaissance and was constitutive of modernity and of its darker side, coloniality. The global design of the civilizing mission was part of the European Enlightenment and of a new configuration of modernity/coloniality. The cosmopolitan project corresponding to Christianity's global design was mainly articulated by Francisco de Vitoria at the University of Salamanca while the civilizing global design was mainly articulated by Immanuel Kant at the University of Königsberg. In other words, cosmopolitan projects, albeit with significant differences, have been at work during both moments of modernity. The first was a religious project; the second was secular. Both, however, were linked to coloniality and to the emergence of the modern/colonial world. Coloniality, in other words, is the hidden face of modernity and its very condition of possibility. The colonization of the Americas in the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries, and of Africa and Asia in the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries, consolidated an idea of the West: a geopolitical image that exhibits chronological movement. Three overlapping macronarratives emerge from this image. In the first narrative, the West originates temporally in Greece and moves northwest of the Mediterranean to the North Atlantic. In the second narrative, the West is defined by the modern world that originated with the Renaissance and with the expansion of capitalism through the Atlantic commercial circuit. In the third narrative, Western modernity is located in Northern Europe, where it bears the distinctive trademark of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution. While the first narrative emphasizes the geographical marker West as the keyword of its ideological formation, the second and third link the West more strongly with modernity. Coloniality as the constitutive side of modernity emerges from these latter two narratives, which, in consequence, link cosmopolitanism intrinsically to coloniality. By this I do not mean that it is improper to conceive and analyze cosmopolitan projects beyond these parameters, as Sheldon Pollock does in this issue of Public Culture. I am stating simply that I will look at cosmopolitan projects within the scope of the modern/colonial world--that is, located chronologically in the 1500s and spatially in the northwest Mediterranean and the North Atlantic. While it is possible to imagine a history that, like Hegel's, begins with the origin of humanity, it is also possible to tell stories with different beginnings, which is no less arbitrary than to proclaim the beginning with the origin of humanity or of Western civilization. The crucial point is not when
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NOTES
est une géographe politique qui analyse les frontières
- Agrégée Fontenay
- De Géographie
- Iuf
Fontenay, agrégée de Géographie et membre honoraire de l'IUF, c'est une géographe politique
qui analyse les frontières. Elle développe des recherches concernent les interrelations entre
espace et art dans les lieux contestés et construit un musée imaginaire du border art. Cofondatrice du collectif antiAtlas des frontières (http://www.antiatlas.net/), elle anime des projets
de Recherche-Création. Elle est l'auteure de : Après les frontières, avec la frontière (2006, avec M.-