Content uploaded by Vincent Mabillard
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Vincent Mabillard on Dec 08, 2022
Content may be subject to copyright.
LOCAL GOVERNMENTS’ COMMUNICATION IN BELGIUM: A FOCUS ON
SOCIAL MEDIA ADOPTION
Vincent Mabillard, Raphaël Zumofen
Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | « CEVIPOL Working Papers »
2022/1 N° 1 | pages 2 à 43
Article disponible en ligne à l'adresse :
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
https://www.cairn.info/revue-cevipol-working-papers-2022-1-page-2.htm
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL).
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL). Tous droits réservés pour tous pays.
La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les
limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la
licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie,
sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de
l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage
dans une base de données est également interdit.
Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
2
LOCAL GOVERNMENTS’ COMMUNICATION IN BELGIUM: A
FOCUS ON SOCIAL MEDIA ADOPTION
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
3
Centre d’étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL)
Université libre de Bruxelles
Campus du Solbosch
Avenue Jeanne 44 – CP 124
1050 Bruxelles
T. +32(0)2 650 4039
Editrice/Editor: Nathalie Brack, Nathalie.Brack@ulb.be
Archives et consignes pour soumission/Archives and instructions:
http://cevipol.ulb.ac.be/fr/cahiers-et-notes/les-cahiers-du-cevipol-brussels-working-
papers
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
4
Authors
Vincent Mabillard holds a PhD from the Swiss Graduate School of Public Administration (IDHEAP)
at the University of Lausanne, Switzerland, and is currently an Assistant Professor at the Solvay
Brussels School of Economics and Management at the Université libre de Bruxelles. His research
interests include public sector transparency, accountability, and place branding. His articles were
published in international, peer-reviewed journals such as Journal of Public Administration Research
and Theory, Public Policy and Administration, and the International Review of Administrative
Sciences.
Raphaël Zumofen holds a PhD from the Swiss Graduate School of Public Administration (IDHEAP)
at the University of Lausanne, Switzerland, and is currently a Research fellow at the HES-SO Valais-
Wallis, Sion, Switzerland, and at the University of Lausanne. He is the author of several articles on
public sector accountability and communication, focusing especially on social media. His articles
have been published in academic journals such as Public Policy and Administration, Information
Polity, the International Review of Administrative Sciences, and Transforming Government: People,
Process and Policy.
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
5
Abstract
This article relies on the literature on public sector communication to analyse the activity of local
governments on social media. We aim to describe the adoption patterns of Facebook, Twitter and
Instagram in Belgian municipalities over 10,000 inhabitants. To achieve this objective, we gathered
information manually and through a data retrieving software specialised on social media adoption
and usage. Our findings point to a large heterogeneity of practices depending on location, size, and
existing presence on social media accounts. While almost all Belgian municipalities are registered on
Facebook, only a few are present on Twitter, and Instagram generally attracts more populous
municipalities. In addition, patterns of social media adoption differ from province to province. We
also note that while most municipalities post content quite regularly on Facebook, many are less
active or publish very few posts on Twitter and Instagram.
Résumé
Inspiré par la littérature sur la communication publique, cet article étudie l’activité des municipalités
sur les médias sociaux. L’analyse porte sur l’adoption de Facebook, Twitter et Instagram dans les
communes belges de plus de 10 000 habitants. Les données ont été collectées manuellement et à
l’aide d’un logiciel, ce qui nous a permis d’étudier l’usage et les modalités d’adoption de ces médias.
Les résultats indiquent une forte hétérogénéité des pratiques, en fonction de facteurs géographiques,
démographiques et propres à l’usage des médias sociaux, l’adoption d’une plateforme semblant
influencer l’adoption d’autres. Tandis que la quasi-totalité des communes belges sont inscrites sur
Facebook, Twitter attire moins, alors qu’Instagram est plus populaire dans les communes les plus
peuplées. Les données relatives à l’adoption des médias sociaux diffèrent également par province.
Nous notons encore que la plupart des communes sont peu actives sur Twitter et Instagram, alors
qu’elles publient régulièrement du contenu sur Facebook.
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
6
INTRODUCTION
Recently, there has been a growing interest in social media platforms in all sectors. Although more
frequently addressed in the private sector, social media communication is also regarded in the public
sector as driving technological innovation and providing new avenues for government interactions
with the population (Mergel, 2013). The enthusiasm for these channels can be explained by the
opportunities offered, including the immediate diffusion and redistribution by users among their
own networks, the establishment of a more open dialogue allowing citizens to communicate their
point of view on material shared by public organisations (Bonsón et al., 2012). Social media can also
reinforce transparency and accountability processes within public bodies through a more “dynamic”
kind of transparency (Permadi and Putri, 2022). Moreover, they can be a driving force and a central
tool for social movements and political participation, as observed in the cases of the Arab Spring in
the early 2010s and the Sunflower social movement in Taiwan for example (Chen et al., 2015).
The increased uptake of social media in the public sector has led researchers to investigate the aims,
effects and use of social networks as a communication tool. Many contributions emphasise the
interactive potential of the new communication technologies (DePaula et al., 2018), the creation of
collective action between citizens and the state and, more generally, the “re-emergence of citizen co-
production” in the implementation of public policies (Linders, 2012). More than simply making one’s
voice heard (Mossberger et al., 2013), or relaying information or disseminating content to users,
social media provide the possibility for governments to better interact with the population (Feeney
and Porumbescu, 2021). These platforms also enable quick and direct communication, for instance
in the event of a natural disaster or an epidemic, while also providing more sustained monitoring
through feedback (Kavanaugh et al., 2012). Therefore, governments have tried to encourage other
behavioural changes in the population through these platforms, especially in the cases of urban
cleanliness and public health (Picazo-Vela et al., 2016).
Local governments tend to use social media because of their potential to create a real “public space”
by gathering contents on the same channel, providing opportunities for citizens to raise their own
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
7
topics of interest, and by better interacting to posts published by users (Krzatala-Jaworska, 2013).
Moreover, social media are an essential tool to promote cities by reinforcing their attractiveness and
thus improving their image and reputation. In this regard, social media communication for touristic
places and destinations has been well documented in both cities and regions’ reports and the
academic literature (e.g., Sevin, 2016; Pasquinelli et al., 2021). In addition, Mabillard et al. (2021)
demonstrate that, in the Swiss case, the local governments are using these platforms for several
purposes mainly to put up awareness campaigns, to inform about government decisions or to diffuse
information about crises. The local governments also tend to use different platforms for these diverse
types of communication. Other authors have emphasized the potential of social media to foster
collaborative planning, through a more active and sustained engagement of citizens in urban
governance (Lin, 2022).
As a result, many local governments, partially driven by technological determinism and the increase
of exchanges on social media in citizens’ daily life (Kavanaugh et al., 2012), are now using social
media for their external communication. However, we argue that adoption differs from simple
registration, as it is sometimes implicitly assumed in the literature. In this paper, we will present
existing approaches and propose a more accurate way of measuring social media adoption and use,
applied to local governments in Belgium. The Belgium case is compelling as it is characterised by a
great diversity of profiles, including significant size, language, economic and socio-political
differences. Moreover, this case has gone largely unexplored in the current literature, which focuses
mostly on the U.S., Canadian, French, Swiss, Portuguese, and Spanish local governments.
Therefore, this paper enriches the current literature on public sector digital communication through
the assessment of adoption patterns of social media platforms in Belgian municipalities. To do so,
we prefer a descriptive analysis of all Facebook, Twitter and Instagram accounts of all municipalities
over 10,000 inhabitants. While Facebook allows people to connect with friends, family members,
and acquaintances and gives people the opportunity to post and share content such as photos and
status updates (Stec, 2015), Twitter has been categorized as a microblogging site, where users
interact in “real time” using 280 characters tweets to their followers. Users can converse using
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
8
mentions, replies, and hashtags (Alhabash and Ma, 2017). Instagram is a photo-sharing mobile
application that allows users to take pictures, apply filters to them, and share them on the platform
itself. From a theoretical point of view, we distinguish between registration and “active adoption”
since the creation of a social media account does not automatically lead to its adoption in certain
cases (Mabillard et al., 2022). Active adoption will be presented in more detail in the method section.
From an empirical perspective, we rely on a unique dataset of social media metrics to better analyse
the adoption of the three abovementioned platforms in the period 2020-2022.
The remainder of the paper is structured as follows. Section 2 covers the most recent and relevant
contributions related to social media adoption in municipalities. Section 3 describes the most
essential features of the Belgian context regarding government communication on social media.
Section 4 focuses on the method used, and more specifically the development of a new framework
to assess social media active adoption. Section 5 builds on this framework to provide data about the
current situation in Belgium. Finally, section 6 discusses the results and the limitations of the study
and presents ideas for future research.
1. SELECTED CONTRIBUTIONS ON SOCIAL MEDIA COMMUNICATION IN THE
PUBLIC SECTOR
From a citizen standpoint, social media have enabled individuals to have a greater voice in public
affairs, and they have sometimes served as catalysts for social change (see Bennett & Manoharan,
2017). The possibility for citizens to get involved in decision-making more actively may also
encourage local governments to use social media, as it can lead to an increased level of proximity
with citizens. In this sense, public authorities could then provide users with timely information,
thereby contributing to the creation of a more responsive administration. In view of the increased
presence of citizens on social media, it is even regarded by certain consulting companies and
government experts as a necessity. Indeed, recent figures show that many people are now using
social media to get information, especially on Facebook (41% in Belgium) but much less on Twitter
(Newman et al., 2020).
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
9
Regarding the benefits presented above, one could easily think that social media would be embraced
by almost all municipalities around the world. However, empirical evidence shows a wide
heterogeneity of practices, depending on various factors. Governments have tried, incrementally, to
disseminate information on online platforms. The adoption process has not always been successful
and has not systematically led to the transformations needed to develop a structured and optimal
communication (Picazo-Vela et al., 2016; Zumofen and Mabillard, 2021). The acquisition of new
skills, and the risk of losing control over the information disseminated, particularly in the case of
inappropriate content (e.g., reactions, comments, reposting of messages) have refrained certain
municipalities from registering on social media. This relates to the difficulty of ensuring a continuous
and consistent flow of information, regular updates, and balancing this with information objectivity,
which is a rule of public sector communication (see Pasquier and Mabillard, 2017). Moreover, the
potential lack of control over information flows still represents one of the most significant factors
that inhibit the desire to uptake social media.
Organisational issues have also prevented local governments to subscribe on social media in certain
instances, based on concerns regarding privacy, security, and increased openness in the public sector
(Fyfe and Crookall, 2010). The often very hierarchical structure in public organisations is not
conducive to active communication on social media (Bughin et al., 2012), as these channels require
a certain degree of freedom to take initiatives (Picazo-Vela et al., 2012). Other concerns refer to the
lack of resources, especially to implement and evaluate a strategy regarding social media training
and communication. These organisational issues have deterred certain governments from adopting
social media, as highlighted by Criado et al. (2013): “the traditional culture of bureaucratic agencies
does not fit well with the flatness and collaborative nature of social media technologies” (p. 23).
Certain public authorities have thus postponed their decision to uptake these new channels or took
more time to design relevant policies (Sharif et al., 2015).
In municipalities that have adopted social media, such issues are typically addressed in practice
through training sessions, culture-building and charters/guidelines, etc. This includes the capacity
to make an appropriate usage of social media and to respond to requests in real time. As a result,
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
10
public sector organisations have generally introduced innovations reactively and have waited for
available evidence to justify their decisions (Sharif et al., 2015). Indeed, social media adoption tends
to be impacted by institutional and organisational mechanisms that influence the degree and extent
of adoption (Mergel, 2016). Thus, social media tools face problems of adaptation to the existing
organisational culture and institutional structure of public sector administrations (Criado et al.,
2013).
Faced with the various points presented above and the multitude of approaches, Medaglia and Zheng
(2017) propose a roadmap that highlights the various themes to be investigated. The categories that
emerge from their study include management, context, effects on citizens, user characteristics and
behaviour, effects on behaviour, and platform properties. In this contribution, we are particularly
interested in the issue of presence and adoption on social media. This first step is essential as most
approaches to city adoption of social media rely either on incomplete assessments of the situation or
on subjective criteria (Zumofen et al., 2022). In this regard, website reviews and interviews with
public officials involved in communication do not allow for a comprehensive evaluation of social
media adoption within public sector organisations. Moreover, surveys have led to the subjective
appreciation of such adoption, and variations that depend on the response rate (Reddick and Norris,
2013; Ellison and Hardey 2014). Similar limitations apply to the identification of social media
logos/icons and partial web searches (Jukić and Merlak, 2017; Torres et al., 2020).
From a methodological perspective, social media adoption in the public sector has never been
formally defined, and its measurement has never been accurately and quantitatively assessed. Social
media are often regarded as adopted when municipalities add logos to their website and/or when
they have created an account on a platform. Therefore, adoption, registration, presence, and activity
on these platforms are often used as interchangeable terms. However, conceptual clarity is needed
as some public bodies maintain a presence without being active on social media. Here, in addition to
the abovementioned issues, Mabillard et al. (2021) have shown that tasks achieved by interns during
their time spent in a public body, the completion of a “tick the box” exercise in certain cases, or the
lack of interest expressed by a municipality can explain the heterogeneous situation observed in
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
11
different jurisdictions. For this reason, and as we will detail in the method section, we provide in
this paper a quantitative assessment of active adoption of social media platforms. This assessment
is essential to better understand social media activity and usage.
In Belgium, research is scarce, and almost no contributions have tackled the issue of social media
communication at the local level. In the next part, we present the most recent articles addressing
social media use in Belgium. They focus mostly on individual use and political considerations, and
they are based on international publications, press articles and reports from consulting companies.
More detailed figures about the Belgian municipalities will be provided in section 5.
2. CONTEXT: THE BELGIAN CASE
As mentioned above, few contributions have addressed social media communication in the public
sector in Belgium. While the topic gets coverage in the media, it is limited in terms of content, and
revolves mostly around the registration of certain municipalities on the most popular social media,
highlighting the political motivations behind such registration (Anneet, 2019; Sinte, 2019). In the
case of Instagram, the promotion of tourism seems to drive the uptake of that platform (Chapelle,
2021). The Dutch-speaking media have also given some visibility to a study published by the
Socialemediaburo.be and the Association of Flemish Cities and Municipalities (Vereniging van
Vlaamse Steden en Gemeenten – VVSG). The study includes 142 large and small municipalities in
Flanders (Dutch-speaking region of Belgium, located in the northern part of the country). It focuses
on the following aspects: are social media used as a communication, service provision and
participation channel? What barriers do local authorities face? And what are the next steps towards
a conversational government? (Desmet and De Clercq, 2019). It relies on a survey composed of 44
questions, including open questions. We can establish a direct link with the gaps identified in the
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
12
literature mentioned above. Indeed, the study does not cover the entire country, it is based on
perceptions, and the survey does not target all types of municipalities.
The main results show that social media are mostly managed by a team working in the
communication department of the municipality, with 0.92 full-time equivalent positions freed up for
social media (mean for the 142 municipalities). There is a structural budget for tool, training and
projects in 29% of all municipalities, and only 23% of them have enough budget and time for a pilot
project. 67% have internal guidelines for employees and/or councillors, and 44% have a proper
social media strategy. In this regard, Belgium belongs to the 64% of European Union member states
that invest in training for civil servants regarding social media and website design (OECD, 2019).
However, in only 26% of the municipalities is participation regarded as part of the designed strategy.
This result matches the survey findings presented by Simonofski et al. (2019), which show that while
30% of citizens would prefer to participate in the development of e-government services via social
media, only 7% of civil servants would prefer to use this channel (compared to 50% for group
discussion and 44% for workshops). Here, we can make the assumption that social media adoption
also depends on individual characteristics of the people in charge of the municipality’s
communication. Risks are assessed differently from one case to the other (Mabillard et al., 2021;
Picazo-Vela et al., 2012).
97% of the survey respondents said they were active on social media, with 44% of the respondents
indicating that their municipality had at least 5 accounts. Facebook is still the most used platform
(by 99% of the municipalities included in the survey). Instagram experiences an increasing success,
with 66% of all municipalities registered on this platform, as young people are targeted via this
channel. In terms of content, 93% of the respondents said that factual information was shared on
their accounts, a proportion that also applies to crisis communication and links with other
communication tools such as websites, newsletters, etc. Municipalities also like to share posts around
events and messages regarding the organisation and structure of the municipality, the departments,
and the projects. Advertising on social media is not often done by municipalities (18%). Finally,
respondents indicated that 18% of the population (mean) is a fan on Facebook, scoring much better
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
13
than Twitter and Instagram (both around 5%). Linked to this assessment, 48% of the respondents
said that they rarely / never use social media to connect with citizens, to raise discussions between
residents, or to attract stakeholders.
There is also interest for social media communication in local governments in Wallonia, as shown
by a question asked at the regional Parliament in January 2021. The response from the Minister for
Housing, Local Government and Urban Affairs (Ministre du Logement, des Pouvoirs locaux et de la
Ville) was quite vague, as he referred to the complementarity of the diverse communication tools,
and said that emerging regulations applied in certain municipalities, but did not provide a complete
answer on what was (and should be) done to avoid social media usage for the publicity purposes (for
members of the municipal executive).
More recently, a webinar was organised by the Union of Cities and Municipalities in Wallonia (Union
des Villes et Communes de Wallonie – UVCW) and the Region of Wallonia on June 23, 2021. It shed
light on the risks inherent to social media platforms, the bad buzz phenomenon, and other
managerial and communication issues. The invited speakers provided advice on how to anticipate
these risks, how to react to negative or offensive comments, and on the existing legislation. Finally,
good practices regarding charters and training were shared by the invited experts (UVCW and
Region of Wallonia, 2021).
To the extent of our knowledge, the most recent study on social media communication in local
governments in Wallonia dates back to 2017, when a survey was sent to all municipalities
(FuturoCité, 2017). The survey addresses multiple issues, ranging from communication types to the
existence of a strategy and the people managing the social media accounts. In total, 53% of all
municipalities responded (n=138), the largest municipalities being overrepresented in the final
sample. However, all types of municipalities responded to the survey, including very small ones (less
than 5,000 inhabitants). Respondents included a large variety of profiles, as communication
managers, municipal directors, IT managers and members of the executive were all targeted. The
first result presented in the report shows that 92 municipalities (67%) were active on social media
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
14
in 2017. In comparison with Flemish municipalities, there is less activity in Wallonia, but this can be
partly explained by the inclusion of small municipalities in the sample. Indeed, large municipalities
are more active on social media platforms, a finding that echoes several results presented in the
scientific literature (e.g., Guillamón et al., 2016; Reddick and Norris, 2013).
In terms of platforms, Facebook is the most widely used channel, as already observed in Flanders
and many other regions/countries (Larsson, 2013; Zumofen et al., 2022). Among the active
municipalities, 99% has registered on Facebook, compared to 26% on Twitter and 9% only on
Instagram, although we should add that the latter platform was launched after the two others. The
study also indicates that municipalities in Wallonia communicate in the same way as Flemish
municipalities do, giving much importance to factual information, projects, and crisis
communication, while social media posts to trigger citizen participation are limited. Indeed, only
18% of the respondents indicated that they used such posts to invite users to participate in
policymaking. And although social media belong to a more global communication strategy,
interactions between local authorities and the population remain limited according to most
respondents. Finally, the respondents highlight the lack of competence, budget constraints, and the
absence of clear guidelines as the main barriers to social media adoption and active use. As a result,
the main requests expressed by the respondents revolve around specific training sessions, awareness
of the members of the executive and their teams, and more sustained exchanges around best
practices and opportunities for improvement.
Although these two studies provide many compelling elements, they do not solve the issues
mentioned above: they are incomplete (all municipalities did not respond to the surveys, and these
surveys do not cover the whole country), outdated, subjective sometimes, and not precise enough on
adoption patterns. For these reasons, we will present a new approach to social media adoption in
the next section. In doing so, we both fill a gap in the literature and provide detailed figures for
Belgium, which has not received much attention in the existing contributions on social media
communication at the local level.
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
15
3. METHOD
In this section, we propose a new model to assess social media adoption by municipalities,
distinguishing between such adoption and registration. Then, we propose a set of metrics that enable
readers and interested researchers to use both the model and the metrics in different contexts. We
also explain how we built the dataset, how we collected the data, and what kind of analysis we
perform with the data at our disposal.
As underlined above, approaches to social media adoption in local governments rely mostly on
incomplete information or focus on the organisational dynamics of social media adoption. For
instance, Mergel and Bretschneider (2013) have presented a 3-stage model that ranges from high
levels of experimentation to the full institutionalisation of social media use in public organisations.
This model concentrates on organisational dynamics, while many contributions on technology
adoption focus specifically on the many factors that influence such adoption or explain the situations
that have led to failures. However, to the extent of our knowledge, no precise definition / assessment
of social media adoption exists in the public sector. We add to the literature through the provision
of a more accurate approach that includes the recurrence of social media use, the use of the
platforms’ potentialities, and communication outreach.
Therefore, we propose a model that includes the following indicators: 1) recurrence, 2) use of
potentiality, and 3) diffusion. Recurrence of use refers to the activity of an account on social media.
Given the interactive nature of these platforms, and their capacity to increase the speed of
information flows, organisations must be ready to communicate more proactively, more frequently,
and to react more quickly to comments posted on their accounts. However, while certain
municipalities have registered on a platform, they are not using these channels to communicate with
citizens (e.g., for the Swiss and Austrian cases, see Bhatia and Mabillard, 2022). Taking advantage
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
16
of the platforms’ potentialities relates to the use of the various technical features provided by a
technology, i.e., social media platforms in this case. Finally, our model includes diffusion, as
conveying information to the population is central to the efficiency of the communication efforts
deployed by municipalities. Consequently, we use the metrics presented in Table 1 to develop a
quantitative assessment of what we call “active adoption” (see also Mabillard et al., 2022). The
theoretical basis of “active adoption” lies in dimensions developed in the Technology-organization-
environment framework (TOE) (Tornatzky et al., 1990) and adapted in a research model developed
by Lin and Lin (2008).
Table 1 | Quantitative assessment of active adoption of social media platforms
Social media
Recurrence of use
Use of potentialities
Diffusion (ratio)
Facebook
Posts per month
Picture-posts
Video-posts
Number of fans to the
municipal population
Twitter
Tweets per month
Picture-tweets
Video-tweets
Number of followers to the
municipal population
Instagram
Posts per month
Video-posts
Number of followers to the
municipal population
In early 2020, we started collecting data on Statbel, the Belgian statistical office, to establish the list
of all municipalities with more than 10,000 inhabitants. The decision to focus on large municipalities
was made based on the literature. Previous research has indeed shown the prevalence of informal
communication channels in small entities (Keuffer and Mabillard, 2020), and the more intense
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
17
activity of large municipalities on social media (Haro-de-Rosario et al., 2018). Regarding social
media, we searched for logos on all municipalities’ websites. When such logos were absent, we
conducted further research on Google, and if we could still not find any social media, we looked for
potential accounts on the platforms directly. This 3-step process follows prior similar approaches
preferred by Ellison and Hardey (2014). In certain countries, studies have shown that a few cities do
not have a logo on their website, yet they have registered on social media platforms. In Belgium, a
logo was clearly visible on the website of 265 municipalities of over 10,000 inhabitants that had at
least one account on social media (out of 364; 72.8%) in early 2020.
Then, we transferred the information gathered to FanPage Karma, an online software already used
in prior research (e.g., Mori et al., 2021). This enabled us to retrieve all data related to the adoption
of Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram by all Belgian municipalities. Such data were used to address
the three dimensions of active adoption, in line with the metrics listed in Table 1. As FanPage Karma
allows for time selection, we selected a two-year period (31.01.2020-31.01.2022), in which all
municipalities were affected by the Covid-19 pandemic. Only municipalities that registered on
Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram before January 31, 2020, were taken into account.
These data will be mostly presented in a descriptive way. As presented in Table 1 above, the
recurrence of use is addressed through the mean number of posts per month on each platform; the
use of potentialities refers to the publication of posts using the features proposed by each platform
(mainly videos and pictures); and the metrics used to assess outreach (diffusion) rely on the ratio of
fans / followers to the total population of the municipality. Since we want to capture the different
dimensions of active adoption, and not gather them into an aggregated index that would have led to
losses of information and lack of coherence, these dimensions are presented separately. Table 6
provides all details regarding measurement of these variables in the next section.
To refine these descriptive statistics, we add data related to other communication channels and
population characteristics to the analysis. These data include apps, newsletters, municipal journals,
and municipality size (see Table 7). Authors have shown a frequent usage of these channels (Rivas,
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
18
2017), and positive associations between some of them (more particularly newsletters) and social
media platforms (Bhatia and Mabillard, 2022). Certain contributions have shown that social media
use and population size are positively associated (e.g., Bonsón et al., 2012). Age is also associated
with social media use (Faber et al., 2020), as older people seem less likely in general to be involved
digitally. As municipalities still use other communication channels, and may integrate them in a
global communication strategy, it makes sense to investigate how these channels relate to each other.
We also add the period of existence variable in our study since we assume that municipalities that
have registered on a platform for a long time may have adopted this platform more actively. In this
regard, Faber et al. (2020) have shown an intensive use toward interaction when municipalities had
adopted Twitter for a long time.
4. FINDINGS
In this section, we start with a presentation of the activity of Belgian municipalities on each platform.
The findings provided here contribute to our better understanding of social media presence, activity
and usage in European cities, as we do not have precise figures in most countries. Notable exceptions
are Austria and Switzerland, for which we have detailed data (as of January 2020). For this reason,
we include in this section a comparison with Austria and Switzerland, two other small federal states
located in Europe (5.1). Then, we provide an overview of the situation in Belgium based on the
distribution of cities in the different provinces and the Brussels-Capital Region (5.2). We continue
with the descriptive statistics for the metrics included in our model (5.3). We also provide all details
related to the other variables used here in Table 7, and further commented in the sub-section 5.4.
Finally, we conduct an analysis of the relations between these variables and the social media
variables mobilised in our study (5.5).
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
19
Presence on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram
We note that 92.3% of Belgian municipalities over 10,000 inhabitants had a registered account on
Facebook as of January 2020 (336 out of 364). This is fairly high compared to other countries,
especially among less populous municipalities (Table 2). As of January 2022, the number of
municipalities on Facebook had increased, reaching a total of 355 (out of 364: 97.5%). During the
data collection process, we have observed that except for one municipality, the 354 remaining ones
had at least posted one message in the month prior to the starting date of data collection (i.e., the
month of January 2020).
Table 2 | Registered accounts on Facebook (in %), by population size (as of 31 January 2020)
Population
Belgium
Austria
Switzerland
> 100.000 inh.
100%
100%
83%
50.000-99.999 inh.
100%
100%
50%
30.000-49.999 inh.
92%
75%
87%
20.000-39.999 inh.
91%
62%
58%
10.000-19.999 inh.
90%
67%
47%
Belgian municipalities seem to be less familiar with Twitter as only 80% of municipalities over
100,000 inhabitants had a registered account on this platform as of 31 January 2020, less than what
is observed in other countries such as Austria and Switzerland. However, the use of Twitter is higher
in Belgian municipalities under 50,000 inhabitants than elsewhere. As of January 31, 2022, the
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
20
number of Belgian cities with a registered account on Twitter had slightly increased (from 222 to
226 cities). The activity on Twitter is low as 42.8% of the city with a registered account (95 out of
222) had not published any post in January 2020. The proportion is even higher in January 2022
with 61.1% of inactivity (138 out of 226 cities). These data show a significant difference with the
situation described just above regarding Facebook. As a result, we see that many more accounts are
inactive on Twitter compared to Facebook.
Table 3 | Registered accounts on Twitter (in %), by population size (as of 31 January 2020)
Population
Belgium
Austria
Switzerland
> 100.000 inh.
80%
100%
100%
50.000-99.999 inh.
85%
67%
100%
30.000-49.999 inh.
75%
25%
53%
20.000-39.999 inh.
67%
23%
42%
10.000-19.999 inh.
58%
18%
23%
On Instagram, we note that Belgium has the lowest percentage (60%) of cities above 100,000
inhabitants with a registered account in 2020. Under 100,000 inhabitants, the percentages are quite
similar to Switzerland and Austria. The total number of registered accounts has sharply increased
between 2020 and 2022 (172 to 223 municipalities). This increase from 47.2% to 61.3% is quite
impressive since a vast majority of these municipalities had posted at least one message in the last
month prior to data collection (80.2% in January 2020 and 82.1% in January 2022). In this regard,
Instagram stands between Facebook and Twitter, with still around 20% of inactive accounts. We can
therefore conclude that while activity is sustained on Facebook and quite high on Instagram, the
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
21
situation looks completely different on Twitter, where lots of municipalities do not use their account
or left out this channel from their communication toolbox. All figures related to “active accounts” (at
least one post in January 2020 and 2022) are presented in Table 5 below.
Nevertheless, a closer look at the numbers illustrates that municipalities under 30,000 inhabitants
struggle to integrate Instagram in their external communication compared to Facebook and Twitter.
Indeed, only 44% of all municipalities between 20,000 and 39,999 inhabitants and 25% between
10,000 and 19,999 inhabitants had a registered account in 2020, much less than Facebook (91% and
90%) and Twitter (67% and 58%). However, the figures presented in Table 4 show that the number
of registered accounts on Instagram is quite high in Belgium in international comparison.
Table 4 | Registered accounts on Instagram (in %), by population size (as of 31 January 2020)
Population
Belgium
Austria
Switzerland
> 100.000 inh.
60%
100%
100%
50.000-99.999 inh.
50%
100%
50%
30.000-49.999 inh.
57%
50%
60%
20.000-39.999 inh.
44%
38%
46%
10.000-19.999 inh.
25%
17%
20%
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
22
Table 5 | Number of active accounts (at least one post in January 2020 and January 2022)
Platform
Accounts
January
2020
January
2022
Evolution (%),
2020-2022
Number of
municipalities
Facebook
Registered accounts
336 (92.3%)
355 (97.5%)
+5.7%
364
Active accounts
329 (90.4%)
354 (97.3%)
+7.6%
364
Active accounts (% of
registered accounts)
97.6%
99.7%
364
Twitter
Registered accounts
222 (61.0%)
226 (62.1%)
+1.8%
364
Active accounts
127 (34.9%)
88 (24.2%)
-30.7%
364
Active accounts (% of
registered accounts)
57.2%
38.9%
364
Instagram
Registered accounts
172 (47.3%)
223 (61.3%)
+29.7%
364
Active accounts
138 (37.9%)
183 (50.3%)
+32.6%
364
Active accounts (% of
registered accounts)
80.2%
82.1%
364
Overview of the situation (provinces and Brussels-Capital Region)
In terms of geographical distribution, the mean number of accounts per municipality is the highest
in the province of West Flanders, followed by the province of Antwerp in January 2020. This trend
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
23
remains stable over time as the same order can be observed in 2022 (Table 6). In contrast, figures
are lower in the French-speaking part of the country. We do not induce here that social media
adoption is related to cultural factors. Such an assumption would need to be tested empirically, and
a strong focus on these factors always runs the risk of simplifying complex traits of different cultures.
Rather, we will refine our analysis with other variables, especially municipality size. Another
representation of the situation in 2020-2022 is provided on Map 1 and Map 2.
Table 6 | Number of active* social media accounts (total of accounts and means; 2020-2022)
As of January 31, 2020
As of January 31, 2022
Evolution (%)
Provinces (total number of
cities per province)
All accounts
Mean number
of accounts
All accounts
Mean number
of accounts
All accounts
Antwerp (60)
121
2.02
120
2.00
-0.8%
Flemish Brabant (47)
68
1.45
74
1.57
+8.8%
Walloon Brabant (16)
20
1.25
21
1.31
+5%
Brussels-Capital Region (19)
33
1.74
34
1.79
+3%
West Flanders (44)
103
2.34
97
2.21
-5.8%
East Flanders (49)
83
1.70
90
1.84
+8.4%
Hainaut (42)
45
1.07
55
1.31
+22.2%
Liège (33)
34
1.03
46
1.39
+35.3%
Limburg (31)
60
1.94
59
1.90
-1.7%
Luxembourg (7)
9
1.29
8
1.14
-11%
Namur (16)
19
1.19
22
1.38
+15.8%
Note. N = 364 Belgian cities over 10,000 inhabitants as of January 31, 2019; * Accounts that have published at
least one message in the month prior to data collection.
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
24
Map 1. Number of active social media accounts (as of Jan. 31, 2020)
1 1,2 1,4 1,6 1,8 2 2,2 2,4
Min.
Max.
Mean
N
1.07
2.34
1.63
364
East Flanders
Limburg
Hainaut
Namur
Liège
Luxembourg
Antwerp
West Flanders
Fl. Brabant
Brussels-Capital
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
25
Map 2. Number of active social media accounts (as of Jan. 31, 2022)
1 1,2 1,4 1,6 1,8 2 2,2 2,4
Min.
Max.
Mean
N
1.14
2.21
1.72
364
East Flanders
Limburg
Hainaut
Namur
Liège
Luxembourg
Antwerp
West Flanders
Fl. Brabant
Brussels-Capital
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
26
Descriptive statistics regarding social media adoption
The quantitative assessment of social media adoption in Belgian municipalities shows the large
heterogeneity of practices. Among municipalities that have at least published one post in the given
period, the minimum and maximum values range from very low to high figures, and standard
deviation is often quite high. However, this remark applies less to Facebook, the most used platform
in Belgium (and in many other countries, Belgium is no exception to this phenomenon).
Municipalities are generally less actively tweeting and posting on Instagram, although one city in
particular is using Twitter very extensively. The low number of tweets per month (median value =
3.65) can be partly explained by the overall low use and interest for this platform in Belgium. It can
also be explained by the fact that Twitter is more used among younger and wealthier people, and is
less “universal” in terms of outreach (for the cases of the United Kingdom and the United States, see
Blank, 2017). The more recent character of Instagram may explain that municipalities are still
experimenting with this channel (median value = 4.71), in line with the arguments presented by
Mergel (2013). Therefore, Facebook still dominates in terms of information dissemination, with a
median value of 33.08 posts per month, or around one post per day.
Regarding the use of potentialities, almost all municipalities (99% of them) have posted both
pictures and videos on Facebook, taking full advantage of these two possibilities offered by the
platform. In a similar way, a large majority of municipalities have posted pictures and videos on
Twitter, and videos on Instagram as of January 2022. However, potentialities are more used on
Facebook; we assume here that the better knowledge of this network, resulting from both intensive
use and longevity of the platform, may explain this finding. The lower figures on Instagram,
especially compared to Twitter, may result from the restricted approach preferred here, since we
included videos only as a possibility offered by Instagram (in addition to the picture-posts). The
ephemeral character of other features, such as stories, makes it extremely difficult to retrieve them.
We will give more detailed explanations about this point in the limitations presented below. Overall,
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
27
municipalities use Facebook more extensively (in terms of potentialities) compared to the other
platforms, as it is already highlighted in case of the recurrence of use.
Regarding outreach, certain municipalities manage to gather many followers, exceeding their own
population, with a maximum of 136.40% on Facebook in one specific case (Table 7). The median
value is quite high for Facebook (22.97%) and much lower for Twitter and Instagram (3.68% and
6.53%, respectively). The minimum fan base is also higher on Facebook. A closer look at the data
shows that out of the 353 municipalities that have published at least one post in the defined period,
the ratio between the number of posts and the population exceeds 20% in almost two-thirds of the
municipalities. In contrast, only 17 municipalities (4.82%) gather less than 10% of followers
compared to their population. The situation differs strongly on Twitter, where the ratio exceeds 20%
in only 3 municipalities (1.68%), and 10% in 10 of them (5.59%). Figures are a bit higher for
Instagram but remain much lower than those observed for Facebook: the ratio exceeds 20% in 6
municipalities (2.83%), and 10% in 31 of them (14.62%). The total number of municipalities
included in Table 7 shows that figures differ from registration, since many accounts remain inactive,
or do not publish any posts, even in a two-year period. This includes accounts that became inactive
before January 2020, probably due to a lack of political willingness, the lack of continuity in
communication practices, or the fact that the person who launched the account(s) left the
municipality’s staff.
Table 7 | Social media active adoption on the three platforms (Jan. 2020 – Jan. 2022)
Variable
Platform
Measurement
Min.
Max.
Median
Mean
St. dev.
N*
Posts per
month
Facebook
Number of Facebook
posts per month
3.29
146.33
33.08
37.83
19.31
353
Use of
potentialities
Facebook
Use of picture-posts
and video-posts (no=0;
yes=1)
0
1
- - -
0.99
0.09
353
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
28
Outreach
(efficacy)
Facebook
Number of fans on the
municipal population
(%)
3.90
136.40
22.97
26.96
13.91
353
Posts per
month
Twitter
Number of Twitter
posts per month
0.04
173.17
3.65
86.60
122.42
179
Use of
potentialities
Twitter
Use of picture-tweets
and video-tweets
(no=0; yes=1)
0
1
- - -
0.80
0.40
179
Outreach
(efficacy)
Twitter
Number of followers on
the municipal
population (%)
0.01
41.62
3.68
4.24
4.42
179
Posts per
month
Instagram
Number of Instagram
posts per month
0.04
69.50
4.71
34.77
49.11
212
Use of
potentialities
Instagram
Use of video-posts
(no=0; yes=1)
0
1
- - -
0.74
0.44
212
Outreach
(efficacy)
Instagram
Number of followers on
the municipal
population (%)
0.26
64.85
6.53
7.51
6.72
212
Notes: St. dev. = standard deviation. Main source: FanPage Karma ; *N excludes municipalities that did not
publish any posts during the whole period of analysis (January 2020 – January 2022).
Descriptive statistics regarding potential explanatory variables
The other variables that will be used in our study are presented in Table 8. Regarding social media
specifically, we see that while most municipalities registered early on Facebook, mainly due to the
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
29
fact that this platform was created first, longevity is higher on average on Twitter. Most
municipalities also still communicate via a journal (printed with PDF sometimes available online),
pointing to a possible complementarity between online and offline channels. Data stemming from
Austria and Switzerland (see Bhatia and Mabillard, 2022) allow for a refined analysis of the use of
different communication channels. Figure 1 shows that a large number of Belgian municipalities use
a variety of channels compared to the two other countries.
Table 8 | Variables description (min., max., mean, standard deviation)
Variables
Measurement
Min.
Max.
Mean
St. dev.
Source
Municipality size
(ln)
Number of inhabitants
(natural logarithm)
9.21
13.17
9.97
0.63
Statbel
Age
Median age of the
municipal population
33
60
42.88
3.32
Newsletter
Existence of a newsletter
on the municipality website
0
1
0.59
0.49
Own
elaboration
App
Existence of an app on the
municipality website
0
1
0.19
0.39
Municipal journal
Publication of an official
municipal journal
0
1
0.91
0.29
Longevity on
Facebook
Period between
registration and 31 January
2022 (includes only
1
158
92.40
36.68
Longevity on
Twitter
19
154
103.27
31.60
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
30
Longevity on
Instagram
registered accounts), in
months
1
120
47.43
27.40
Notes. St. dev. = standard deviation. Reference date for municipality size and median age: December 31, 2019.
Data about the newsletter, app and municipal journal were obtained on the cities’ websites, on the App Store
/ Google Play platform or through contacts with the municipalities. Data about the longevity of the municipal
accounts on social media were retrieved manually based on the registration date.
Figure 1 | Use of different communication channels in selected countries (as of Jan. 2020)
91%
64%
36%
59%
19%
91%
69%
15%
28%
48%
15%
95%
48%
26%
25%
53%
25%
47%
FACE B O O K TW I T T E R INST A G R A M N E W S L ET T E R APP JOU R N A L
Belgium Austria Switzerland
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
31
Correlation analysis between social media adoption and other variables
As mentioned above, many variables have been used in the literature as determinants of social media
adoption, use, or institutionalisation. Most of these variables relate to municipalities’ characteristics
(e.g., size and age), other communication channels, or social media-related factors (Bhatia and
Mabillard, 2022). Here, these variables will be used to enrich our analysis, i.e., to check whether
there are positive, negative, or no relations between them and the dimensions of social media
adoption. To do so, we prefer a correlation analysis, which results are presented just below. In line
with Table 7 above, such analysis includes only municipalities that have at least posted once on the
three platforms between January, 31 2020 and January 31, 2022 (N=140).
First, the correlation analyses focusing on the number of posts per month shows a significant (p <
0.01) and positive association between municipality size (in terms of population) and the recurrence
of use on all platforms. The coefficient is the highest in the case of Twitter (.467), indicating that
large municipalities tend to use this platform more regularly. In contrast, we do not find any
significant relation between the recurrence of use and median age, newsletters, apps and the
publication of municipal journals. Regarding the time period between registration and January 31,
2022, we find a significant and positive correlation between longevity and the number of posts per
month in the case of Instagram (.261). Finally, we note that recurrence of use on Facebook correlates
positively and significantly with Twitter (.316) and even more so with Instagram (.411). This
observation suggests that municipalities quite active on one platform tend to communicate on the
other platforms more frequently, as confirmed by the significant relation between recurrence of use
on Twitter and Instagram (.268). These results echo the findings presented by Bhatia and Mabillard
(2021).
Second, the analysis of the potentialities is tricky since we could not retrieve, for feasibility reasons,
data about the intensity of the usage of potentialities on each platform. However, a closer look at the
data indicates a strong influence of municipality size, since small cities tend to post less visual and
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
32
video content on Twitter, and even less video content on Instagram. This may be explained by the
recency of the latter platform, and the fact that most Belgian municipalities are still experimenting
with this channel. Another explanation may be related to the resources and skills needed to produce
video content, which are usually less available in small municipalities. It should be reminded here
that our observations apply to Twitter and Instagram exclusively, since almost all Belgian
municipalities are using the features of Facebook. This indicates a high level of digital maturity on
this network, which is less the case on the other two platforms.
Third, population size is also positively and significantly correlated with outreach for Twitter (.272).
However, we do not find any similar evidence for Facebook and Instagram, indicating that small
municipalities also manage to attract a large number of fans or followers. This may also be explained
by the relatively low number of citizens that actively follow official Facebook and Instagram
accounts, which may in turn have an impact on the followers/population ratio in large
municipalities. Moreover, since less municipalities actively communicate on Twitter, these few active
accounts may attract more followers. In addition, the ratio of followers on the population on the
three platforms are positively and significantly correlated with each other, and the coefficient is
especially high for Facebook and Instagram (.680). This result points to a strong relation between
the two, and the mutual reinforcement of each platforms’ attractiveness. While median age and the
other communication channels do not seem to have any influence, the longevity on Twitter and
Instagram are quite strongly associated with the ratio followers / population. The coefficient is quite
high in the case of Twitter (.353) and high in the case of Instagram (.560).
5. DISCUSSION
The fragmented or normative existing research on social media use by local governments in Belgium
led us to adopt a more comprehensive and systematic approach to this issue. As a result, this paper
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
33
presents an innovative way to address social media in local governments, and the creation of a new
assessment model. This conceptual effort is supplemented by an empirical analysis, since we provide
the most recent figures regarding social media adoption and activity in all Belgian municipalities
over 10,000 inhabitants (N=364). It includes the three most popular platforms – Facebook, Twitter
and Instagram – in a two-year period (January 2020 to January 2022). It prefers a quantitative,
descriptive approach, focusing on the main dimensions of social media adoption: the recurrence of
use (number of posts per month), the use of the potentialities (possibilities offered by the platforms),
and outreach (ratio of the number of fans or followers to the municipal population).
Our findings point to a large heterogeneity of practices between municipalities, depending on their
location and size. In accordance with previous research (see Bhatia and Mabillard, 2021), social
media-related variables also influence the dimensions of adoption. Almost all Belgian municipalities
have registered on Facebook, and 100% of the largest cities have an account; the most populous
municipalities are also more present on Twitter, but the platform attracts less cities; and Instagram
gathers municipalities of diverse sizes, except for the smallest ones (under 20,000 inhabitants),
which are much less present on this platform. The difference observed may be explained, for
Instagram, by the potential lack of resources in smaller cities to produce high-quality video content
on a regular basis. Regarding Twitter, the results may be interpreted in the light of the lack of
popularity of the platform, and its slightly different demographics (Blank, 2017).
Moreover, patterns of social media adoption differ according to the provinces: while the uptake of
social media is very high in certain provinces, the situation looks different in others. For instance, in
the provinces of Antwerp and Limburg, municipalities have registered around two accounts on
average. In contrast, in Wallonia, the mean number of accounts used by municipalities does not
exceed 1.5 as of January 2022. While these findings remain difficult to interpret without additional
research, they point to differences that may refer to wider regional trends. Such trends may be
further explored through a qualitative approach, e.g., focusing on how cities in the different regions
address the issue of local government’s social media communication.
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
34
Most municipalities post content quite regularly on Facebook, and less so on Twitter and Instagram,
where certain cities publish very few posts. The median values of the number of posts per month for
Facebook, Twitter and Instagram are 33.08, 3.65, and 4.71, respectively. Regarding the use of the
platforms’ potentialities, the means are high for Twitter (80%) and Instagram (74%), and extremely
high for Facebook (99%). Finally, regarding the ratio of fans or followers to the municipal
population, municipal accounts gather many fans on Facebook (median value = 22.97%), while the
number of followers is much lower on Twitter (3.68%) and Instagram (6.53%). It is important to
note here that these data were collected in a time period strongly impacted by the Covid 19 pandemic.
It would be interesting to conduct a similar study in a non-crisis situation to check whether we obtain
the same results.
A brief look at the other variables mobilised here indicates that most Belgian municipalities still use
other communication channels to a large extent, with 91% of them publishing an official city journal
and 59% of them using a newsletter to share information with their population. These figures
confirm what has already been observed in other countries (e.g., Switzerland and Austria), where
newsletters are widely used, and municipal journals widely distributed to households. This may
reflect the cities’ attachment to communication tools and channels used before the emergence of
social media, as well as the awareness about the limited outreach of social media. This interpretation
also calls for further research.
Finally, the correlation analyses conducted between the dimensions of social media adoption and the
other variables (size, age, longevity on social media, and other communication channels) show
strong associations between population size and the recurrence of use as well as the use of
potentialities. It is also interesting to note that such use of the possibilities offered by the platforms
seems to have no relation with the longevity of the accounts on all platforms. Finally, recurrence of
use on Facebook correlates with the two other platforms, and a similar result is observed in the case
of outreach. These results indicate that a more frequent use of one platform tends to stimulate the
recurrence of use on the others, and the attractiveness of one platform tends, in turn, to attract more
followers on the two other platforms.
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
35
This paper has certain limitations. The first limitation relates to the approximate measurement of
the potentialities, for feasibility reasons. As the software did not provide data about the number of
picture- and video-posts on all channels, it would have been impossible to manually retrieve all
information related to the intensity of the use of these potentialities during a two-year period.
However, the analysis of the intensity would be useful for further research, using alternative
software or a shorter time span. Moreover, the analysis (if feasible) of other potentialities would
enrich this analysis.
Moreover, our approach does not account in detail for registration that occurred before the 31st of
January 2020. This represents a second limitations since potentialities, for example, may have been
used by high-skilled employees and then abandoned. Here, we did not check whether the use of
potentialities is part of a long-term effort of the municipalities to inform their population, or whether
they have been used in the past. The identification of personal pages, or the personal ownership of
certain accounts tends to show that certain cities have certainly relied on individuals with specific
interest and/or skills in the uptake and initial use of the platforms. In such cases, the choice of some
of these individuals to leave their job may explain the less frequent recurrence of use (in terms of
both posts and potentialities).
A third limitation regards the particular status of certain municipalities, which was not considered
in our analysis. Indeed, touristic cities may attract more followers, many of them being residents of
other municipalities and countries. This is especially the case for large cities such as Paris, which
gathers more followers on Facebook than its population, or holiday destinations such as Santorini in
Greece (the Facebook page has attracted more than 275 000 followers as of August 2022, compared
to a municipal population of around 15 000 as of 2011). The ratio used here does not account for this
problem, and calls for a cautious interpretation. However, it would be quasi-impossible to track the
origin of every single follower; and this ratio also allows for cross-municipality comparisons since
the potential effect of size is eliminated. Nevertheless, we can easily see in the Belgian case that
several coastal cities, such as Nieuwpoort, manage to attract many followers. This calls for a more
detailed analysis of each municipality, based on their respective characteristics, in future research.
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
36
CONCLUSION
The fragmented or normative existing research on social media use by local governments in Belgium
led us to adopt a more comprehensive and systematic approach to this issue. As a result, this paper
presents an innovative way to address social media in local governments, and the creation of a new
assessment model. This conceptual effort is supplemented by an empirical analysis of the Belgian
case, as we provide the most recent figures regarding social media adoption and activity in all
municipalities over 10,000 inhabitants (N=364). It includes the three most popular platforms –
Facebook, Twitter and Instagram – in a two-year period (January 2020 to January 2022). It prefers
a quantitative, descriptive approach, focusing on the main dimensions of social media adoption: the
recurrence of use (number of posts per month), the use of the potentialities (possibilities offered by
the platforms), and outreach (ratio of the number of fans or followers to the municipal population).
The theoretical implication of our study relates to the necessity of addressing social media adoption
through a more accurate and comprehensive approach, since active adoption totally differs from
simple registration. Therefore, we encourage researchers to use and/or refine our model when they
collect descriptive data in other states and when they investigate the determinants and/or the effects
of social media adoption in public sector organisations. Another implication refers to the need to
better articulate the dimensions of social media adoption with the global institutionalisation of their
usage (Picazo-Vela et al., 2012). We have presented evidence that municipality size, and the resources
available to communicate with the public influence the recurrent use of the platforms (in line with
the findings from Mergel, 2013). However, the institutionalisation also includes the development of
normative standards, policies, and the formulation of strategies regarding social media
communication. These standards may develop independently from municipality size, and this would
possibly represent an inspiring path for future research.
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
37
In addition, practitioners could also take advantage of the new model proposed here to better
monitor and evaluate their capacity to use social media accounts. However, efforts should also
concentrate on the better measurement of the audience, since the penetration and success of certain
posts make it possible to guarantee that the targeted audience has been reached. This additional
effort would require a complementary qualitative approach, which could be based on direct contacts
between the municipalities and users, for instance through surveys and feedbacks.
Références/References
Alhabash, S. & Ma, M. (2017) A tale of four platforms: Motivations and uses of Facebook, Twitter,
Instagram, and Snapchat among college students?. Social Media + Society, 3(1), 1-13.
Anneet, I. (2019) Vos communes sont aussi sur Instagram. La Capitale, 15 November 2019.
Bennett, L. V. & Manoharan, A. P. (2017) The use of social media policies by US municipalities.
International Journal of Public Administration, 40(4), 317-328.
Bhatia, I. & Mabillard, V. (2022) How do cities use their communication channels? A study of social
media adoption in two European federal states. Electronic Government, an International Journal,
18(2), 119-136.
Bhatia, I. & Mabillard, V. (2021) How do cities use their communication channels? A study of social
media adoption in two European federal states. Paper presented at the European Group for Public
Administration Conference, Université Libre de Bruxelles, 7-10 September 2021.
Blank, G. (2017) The digital divide among Twitter users and its implications for social research.
Social Science Computer Review, 35(6), 679-697.
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
38
Bonsón, E., Torres, L., Royo, S. & Flores, F. (2012) Local e-government 2.0: social media and
corporate transparency in municipalities. Government Information Quarterly, 29(2), 123-132.
Chapelle, A.-C. (2021) La Commune de Montigny se lance sur Instagram pour mettre en valeur ses
paysages. La Nouvelle Gazette, 2nd June 2021.
Chen, H.-T., Ping, S. & Chen, G. (2015) Far from reach but near at hand: The role of social media for
cross-national mobilization. Computers in Human Behavior, 53, 443-451.
Criado, J. I., Sandoval-Almazán, R. & Gil-Garcia, J. R. (2013) Government innovation through social
media. Government Information Quarterly, 30(4), 319-326.
DePaula, N., Dincelli, E. & Harrison, T. M. (2018) Toward a typology of government social media
communication: democratic goals, symbolic acts and self-presentation. Government Information
Quarterly, 35(1), 98-108.
Desmet, N. & De Clercq, R. (2019) Sociale mediagebruik bij lokale besturen. Socialemediaburo.be
and VVSG.
Ellison, N. & Hardey, M. (2014) Social media and local government: citizenship, consumption and
democracy. Local Government Studies, 40(1), 21-40.
Faber, B., Budding, T. & Gradus, R. (2020) Assessing social media use in Dutch municipalities:
political, institutional, and socio-economic determinants. Government Information Quarterly, 37(3),
101484.
Feeney, M. K. & Porumbescu, G. (2021) The limits of social media for public administration research
and practice. Public Administration Review, 81(4), 787-792.
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
39
FuturoCité (2017) Utilisation des médias sociaux par les villes et communes wallonnes en 2017.
https://www.futurocite.be/app/uploads/2017/09/Rapport-Etude-des-m%C3%A9dias-sociaux-
VFINALE.pdf.
Fyfe, T. & Crookall, P. (2010) Social media and public sector dilemmas. Toronto: Institute of Public
Administration of Canada.
Guillamón, M.-D., Ríos, A-M., Gesuele, B. & Metallo, C. (2016) Factors influencing social media use
in local governments: The case of Italy and Spain. Government Information Quarterly, 33(3), 460-
471.
Haro-de-Rosario, A., Sáez-Martín, A. & Caba-Pérez, M. (2018) Using social media to enhance citizen
engagement with local government: Twitter or Facebook? New Media and Society, 20(1), 29-49.
Jukić, T. & Merlak, M. (2017) The use of social networking sites in public administration: The case of
Slovenia. Electronic Journal of e-Government, 15(1), 2-18.
Kavanaugh, A. L., Fox, E. A., Sheetz, S. D., Yang, S., Li, L. T., Shoemaker, D. J., Natsev, A. & Xie, L.
(2012) Social media use by government: From the routine to the critical. Government Information
Quarterly, 29(4), 480-491.
Keuffer, N. & Mabillard, V. (2020) Administrative openness and diversity in Swiss municipalities:
how does local autonomy influence transparency practices? International Review of Administrative
Sciences, 86(4), 782-798.
Krzatala-Jaworska, E. (2013) Les municipalités à la conquête des réseaux sociaux. Mais pour quoi
faire ? Communication & Organisation, 43(2), 86-104.
Larsson, A. O. (2013) Bringing it all back home? Social media practices by Swedish municipalities.
European Journal of Communication, 28(6), 681-695.
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
40
Lin, Y. (2022) Social media for collaborative planning: A typology of support functions and
challenges. Cities, 125, 103641.
Lin, H. F. & Lin, S. M. (2008) Determinants of e-business diffusion: A test of the technology diffusion
perspective. Technovation, 28(3), 135-145.
Linders, D. (2012) From e-government to we-government: defining a typology for citizen
coproduction in the age of social media. Government Information Quarterly, 29(4), 446-454.
Mabillard, V., Zumofen, R. & Pasquier, M. (2022) From registration to ‘active adoption’: Presenting
and testing a new measurement model to assess local governments’ adoption of social media. EURAM
Conference. Zurich University of Applied Sciences, 15-17 June 2022.
Mabillard, V., Zumofen, R. & Keuffer, N. (2021) Digital communication in Swiss cities: A closer look
at the low adoption and usage of social media platforms in a technologically advanced and innovative
country. Information Polity, 26(4), 341-354.
Mergel, I. (2016) Social media institutionalization in the US federal government. Government
Information Quarterly, 33(1), 142-148.
Mergel, I. (2013) Social media adoption and resulting tactics in the US federal government.
Government Information Quarterly, 30(2), 123-130.
Mergel, I. & Bretschneider, S. I. (2013) A three‐stage adoption process for social media use in
government. Public Administration Review, 73(3), 390-400.
Mori, E., Barabaschi, B., Cantoni, F. & Virtuani, B. (2021) Local governments’ communication
through Facebook. Evidences from COVID-19 pandemic in Italy. Journal of Public Affairs, 21(4),
e2551.
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
41
Mossberger, K., Wu, Y. & Crawford, J. (2013) Connecting citizens and local governments? Social
media and interactivity in major U.S. cities. Government Information Quarterly, 30(4), 351-358.
Newman, N., Fletcher, R., Schulz, A., Andi, S. & Nielsen, R. K. (2020) Reuters Institute Digital News
Report 2020. Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, Oxford, University of Oxford.
OECD (2019) Digital Government Index: 2019 results. OECD Public Governance Policy Papers, 3, 1-
68.
Pasquier, M. & Mabillard, V. (2017) La communication des organisations publiques. In: N. Michaud
(Ed.), Secrets d’Etats ? Les principes qui guident l’administration publique et ses enjeux
contemporains (pp. 841-867). Québec: PUQ.
Pasquinelli, C., Trunfio, M., Bellini, N. & Rossi, S. (2021) Sustainability in overtouristified cities? A
social media insight into Italian branding responses to Covid-19 crisis. Sustainability, 13, 1848.
Permadi, D. & Putri, T. E. (2022) Social media analytics for policy studies. In: S. Nair & N. Varma
(Eds), Emerging pedagogies for policy education (pp. 125-144). Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan.
Picazo-Vela, S., Fernandez-Haddad, M. & Luna-Reyes, L. F. (2016) Opening the black box: developing
strategies to use social media in government. Government Information Quarterly, 33(4), 693-704.
Picazo-Vela, S., Gutiérrez-Martínez, I. & Luna-Reyes, L. F. (2012) Understanding risks, benefits, and
strategic alternatives of social media applications in the public sector. Government Information
Quarterly, 29(4), 504-511.
Reddick, C. G. & Norris, D. F. (2013) Social media adoption at the American grass roots: web 2.0 or
1.5? Government Information Quarterly, 30(4), 498-507.
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
42
Rivas, M. (2017) Communication channels for the city: old formulas revisited and new paths. Urbact,
Paris: https://urbact.eu/communication-channels-city-old-formulas-revisited-and-new-paths
(accessed 7 May 2021).
Sevin, E. (2016) Branding cities in the age of social media: a comparative assessment of local
government performance. In: M. Z. Sobaci (Ed.), Social Media and Local Governments. Theory and
Practice (pp. 301-320). Cham: Springer.
Sharif, H. M., Troshani, I. & Davidson, R. (2015) Public sector adoption of social media. Journal of
Computer Information Systems, 55(4), 53-61.
Simonofski, A., Snoeck, M. & Vanderose, B. (2019) Co-creating e-government services: an empirical
analysis of participation methods in Belgium. In: M. P. R. Bolivar (Ed.), Setting Foundations for the
Creation of Public Value in Smart Cities (pp. 225-245). Cham: Springer.
Sinte, S. (2019) La Commune de Jemeppe-sur-Sambre arrive sur Instagram. L’Avenir, 2nd October
2019.
Stec, C. (2015) Social media definitions: The ultimate glossary of terms you should know. Hubspot.
Retrieved from http://blog.hubspot.com/blog/tabid/6307/bid/6126/The-Ultimate-Glossary-120-
Social-Media-Marketing-Terms-Explained.aspx.
Tornatzky, L. G., Fleischer, M. & Chakrabarti, A. K. (1990) Processes of Technological Innovation.
Lexington, MA: Lexington books.
Torres, L., Royo, S. & García-Rayado, J. (2020) Social media adoption by audit institutions. A
comparative analysis of Europe and the United States. Government Information Quarterly, 37(1),
101433.
UVCW & Region of Wallonia (2021) Bien communiquer sur les réseaux sociaux et éviter les bad buzz.
Webinar, June 23, 2021.
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
43
Zumofen, R., Mabillard, V., & Pasquier, M. (2022) Social media use in Central and Eastern European
cities: Defining government-citizen relationships through phases. NISPAcee Annual Conference.
University of Bucharest, 2-4 June 2022.
Zumofen, R. & Mabillard, V. (2021) L’utilisation des réseaux sociaux au niveau local : panorama de
l’activité et des pratiques en comparaison internationale. IDHEAP Working Paper 05/2021,
University of Lausanne, Switzerland.
Appendix
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)
© Centre d'étude de la vie politique (CEVIPOL) | Téléchargé le 09/12/2022 sur www.cairn.info (IP: 109.134.253.101)