Unrelenting: Haitian Feminism on the Front Lines

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21/11/2022 11:01
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Unrelenting: Haitian Feminism on
the Front Lines
“Olmene listened to her attentively while trying to reconcile the
mother with the market vendor, with the woman she was
discovering. Ermancia realized this and, just before she closed
her eyes, she told Olmene that not everything should be
revealed. Especially not to men. “Even if he offers to shelter you
and care for your children.” Silence is the safest companion. The
only one that would never betray you. “Never, you hear me?”
she repeated. Olmene huddled against her mother and laid her
head on her stomach. To travel with her across these silent
lands where no man had ever penetrated except with the
conqueror’s ignorance. Where, despite his vanquishing, he
would never know to venture.”Lahens, Yanick. Bain de lune.
Sabine Wespieser éditeur, 2014.
Haitian literature is an invaluable resource for analyzing gender
relations, women’s struggles – often not self-defined as feminist
– or discourses on Haitian feminism. Whether it be the US.
occupation (1915-1934) or the Duvalier dictatorship: these
historical moments called for clandestine practices and a
reigning in of the imaginationHartmann, Saidiya. “Venus in Two
Acts.” Small Axe 26 (2008): 3. (as Saidiya Hartman theorized) as
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a methodological tool seems essential, especially when
silenceAlexis, Yveline. “Mwen Pas Connait as Resistance:
Haitians’ Silence against a Violent State.” Journal of Haitian
Studies 21, no. 2 (2016): 269-288. is used as a weapon of
resistance. For feminist struggles, on the other hand, the task at
hand is foiling silence (“Dejouer le silence,”LAMOUR, Sabine.
“Déjouer le silence: Contre discours sur les femmes en Haitii.”
(2019). Sabine Lamour). A century of existence, struggle and
resistance for Haitian feminism, which reinvents itself in
response to challenges raised by internal and external
wars.Putnam, Aric Evan. “Black belt millennium”: Rhetorical
moments inblack anti-colonialism during the Great Depression.
University of Minnesota, 2006.
October 2018. Nice Simon, the mayor of Tabarre (a suburb of
Port-au-Prince) files a complaint and organizes a press
conference where she states, armed with photographic proof,
that she was beaten and kidnapped by her partner,
businessman Yves Leonard. An arrest warrant is issued against
him. He is not arrested, and although photos of him in public
locations across the capital make the rounds, he doesn’t seem
all too worried. January 2019. The arrest warrant against Yves
Leonard is recalled and the assault is reclassified as a simple
infraction. Following a Nice Simon interview with online media
outlet Ayibopost, Mr Leonard announces that he’ll be holding a
press conference to “shed light on Nice Simon.” But one won’t
understand Leonard’s confidence in his complete impunity
without one key bit of information: the latter is a close friend of
current President of the Republic Jovenel Moise as well as Prime
Minister Jean Henry Ceant. As a matter of fact, he owns the villa
the President rents as his official residency. The subject of
constant and lively rumors of illegal activities, the origins of
Yves Leonard’s wealth is shrouded in mystery.
Cases of domestic violence are a high-stakes obstacle course in
a country where litigants’ chances of getting justice are near
zero. Feminist activist Pascale Solages, speaking on the local
podcast Medam Yo Ranse!,Podcast on Haitian feminist issues
hosted by Fania Noel and produced by AyiboPost. noted that a
case’s evolution depends on “who complains against whom”. In
other words, in a context of widespread corruption a trial isn’t
played out in the courtroom, but among your connections. To
this must one must add the social, family and religious pressure
that deters women from bringing these cases to justice. A sadly
commonplace situation in many countries, but one that is
tenfold in Haiti where you have to pay clerks out of pocket or
else they don’t take charge of proceedings, or where your
lawyer can be bought off by the opposing party to sabotage
your case. Moreover, according to Ms. Simon, Yves Leonard
boasts quite publicly of driving in a government vehicle with
3,000 US cash on hand to grease the palms of police officers
who would be compelled by a sense of duty.
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Unrelenting: Haitian Feminism on the Front Lines - Gender and Sexualities Studies InstituteGender and Sexualities Studies Institute
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On January 17 the turnout is quite a surprise: about twenty
Solidarite Fanm Ayisyen (SOFA) and Neges Mawon activists
have showed up, banners at hand, to Yves Leonard’s press
conference. In a conference room at the Plaza Hotel in Port-au-
Prince, the women are greeted with threats and slurs. The small
group of feminists from Neges Mawon, led by Pascale Solages,
arrived first. Wearing yellow t-shirts, Yves Leonard’s supporters,
mostly young men but also three women, try to intimidate
them. But for the Neges Mawon activists, this isn’t their first
rodeo. When the usual insults hurled at feminists are shouted at
her, artivist and actress Gaelle Ben-Aimé remains stoic. Slurs
and other excuses for domestic violence came raining down:
“bouzen” (whore) “madivin” (dyke) “rayi neg” (man hater)…
When SOFA activists turn up in their purple T-shirts, the ring
leader among Leonard’s supporters let loose an “O, non !
Medam SOFA yo.” (“Oh, no! It’s those SOFA chicks.”) and
signaled his troops to quiet down.
A Century of Haitian Feminism
While Neges Mawon is a new feminist organization using
diverse methods such as demonstrations, art or one-on-one
support for victims of gendered violence, SOFA is among the
veteran feminist organizations. Founded on February 22, 1986,
a few days after the fall of the Duvalier dictatorship and the
departure into exile of Jean-Claude Duvalier and his family,
SOFA is the most important feminist organization in the
country. Its members’ reputation is based on 33 years of work
and activism, as well as an important network, notably thanks
to the drop-in centers throughout the country that provide legal
support to women victims of sexual, domestic or economic
violence. This crucial facet allows them to develop an analysis
that integrates class and rural issues based on women’s
experiences within their communities, all while leading large-
scale legal and political struggles.
Attacks against feminist movements and their representatives
in Haiti never question the legitimacy of their existence, but
challenge instead their politics, unlike France where, for
example, self-identified anti-colonial/decolonial movements
sometimes imply that feminism is an issue for white people
alone.
The legitimacy of the Haitian feminist movement lies in its
century-long rootedness but also in the heart of its politics. As
early as 1915 many women were active in the Union
patriotique contre l’occupation americaine (Patriotic Union
against the US. Occupation) (1915-1934). In 1934 the first
officially feminist Haitian organization was founded, the Ligue
feminine d’action sociale (Women’s League for Social Action).
This league focuses its actions on the working class: “evening
courses for working women, a people’s credit union, talks across
the country, opening of libraries, a worker’s home, lobbying
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Unrelenting: Haitian Feminism on the Front Lines - Gender and Sexualities Studies InstituteGender and Sexualities Studies Institute
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authorities to open girls’ schools, demands for equal pay for
equal work.”Côté, Denyse. “Luttes féministes en Haïti: aléas
d’une conjoncture mouvante.” (2016). The Duvalier dictatorship
did what totalitarian regimes do best: oppress movements for
freedom and against the patriarchal order, and push them to
the margins and underground. Among these figures was Yvonne
Hakim Rimpel, founding member of the Ligue feminine d’action
sociale, who was also a journalist devoted to exposing abuse
committed by the Tonton Makout.Duvarlier’s milice. She was
the target of brutal state repression on the night of January 4 to
5, 1958. After abusing her two daughters, she was kidnapped,
beaten, tortured, and left for dead on a street in Petion-
Ville.Suburb of Port-au-Prince.
NGO-ization and Depoliticization of Feminist Issues
The fall of the dictatorship led to the re-emergence of feminists
on the political scene. As a result of General Raoul Cedras’
military regime (1991-1994), rape as a weapon of political
repression takes center space in their struggles. The year 1994
marks the lasting presence of “peacekeeping” military troops
following the arrival of tens of thousands of US Marines. This
new context brings its own conundrums, as while these are
forces of foreign interference, they at the same time allow for
wider political space, an openness of discourse and invitation to
democratic practice, emphasizing the need for a plurality of
actors and a strong civil society, notably through capacity
building programs. Namely, in 1994 the women’s movement
secures a ministry: that of the status of women and women’s
rights (Ministere à la Condition Feminine et aux Droits des
Femmes – MCFDF). The first woman to lead this ministry was a
feminist and founding member of SOFA, Lise Marie Dejean.
The extreme NGO-izationMoallic, Benjamin. “Sur «l’ONGisation
des mouvements sociaux»: dépolitisation de l’engagement ou
évitement du social?.” Revue internationale des etudes du
developpement 2 (2017): 57-78. of Haiti after the 2010
earthquake led to a mutation of feminist issues: NGO funding
on gender issues mirrors Western imagination and
femonationalist imperialist policy.Farris, Sara R. In the name of
women s rights: The rise of femonationalism. Duke University
Press, 2017. Three processes took place simultaneously: the
depoliticization of poverty through the focus on micro-
enterprise projects, the decontextualization of gender-based
violence despite it being tied to poverty in Haiti, and the
development of a discourse of Haitian women’s passivity that
obscured the history and accomplishments of the
feministLAMOUR, Sabine. “Déjouer le silence: Contre discours
sur les femmes en Haitii.” (2019). movement, in favor of
marketing poverty to donors and a Western public eager to
“save” Haitian women. During this period, part of the feminist
movement was unwavering it its denunciation of rapes
committed by soldiers in the Mission des Nations Unies pour la
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Stabilisation en Haiti (MINUSTAH – United Nations Mission for
Stabilization in Haiti). This mission was moreover labeled an
occupying force by the Coordination Nationale de Plaidoyer
pour les Droits des Femmes (CONAP – National Coalition for
Advocacy for Women’s Rights).
Nine years later, donors cut the taps and the vast majority of
NGOs have left Haiti. As expected, their actions left no
significant impact. Haitian director and producer Raoul Peck’s
film, Assistance mortelle (Lethal Aid) does a good job of
illustrating how the bulk of funds return to the “helping”
countries, whether through purchasing materials, agricultural
products, very generous salaries, risk premiums, and consulting
fees.
Enemies Without, Enemies Within: Fighting against
Corruption and Interference
Hunger riots, electoral crises, mass exodus of young people to
Brazil and Chile, corruption, Hurricane Matthew… far from the
spotlight, crises follow back to back, fatigue and resignation in
their wake. And just when you think fatalism has settled in for
good – surprises happen. In 2018 of one of the greatest
mobilizations of the last thirty years emerged: the
PetroChallengers movement.
In a video for AJ+ in French, journalist Ralph Thomassaint
Joseph explains how this movement, which started with a
picture taken by filmmaker Gilbert Mirambeau Jr. asking “Kot
kòb PetroCaribe a?”,”Where’s the PetroCaribe money?”
PetroCaribe is an alliance between Venezuela and Caribbean
countries whereby Venezuela sells oil to the latter with
preferential payment terms, with profits derived by countries
like Haiti to then be reinvested in social and economic
development projects. The PetroCaribe fund in Haiti is
estimated at US $3.8 billion. has rallied an entire generation.
It’s young people born after 1986 who make up the heart of the
movement. Among them many young feminists. Like the fight
against poverty, the fight against corruption is led with equal
fervor by the flagship feminist organizations. Endemic
corruption is made possible by successive governments in
broad daylight, on an alarming scale and with total impunity.
The PetroCaribe case is the (giant) straw that broke the camel’s
back, for a generation that sees no viable future but does not
want to emigrate. The Haitian feminist movement showed true
political savvy by never falling in thrall to the siren song of the
depoliticization of poverty nor those of the disempowerment of
the state in favor of a simplistic anti-imperialist discourse.
Haitian youth organizing articulates claims against interference
among its battle, condemning the US support of Parti Haitien
Tet Kale (PHTK), the political party of former President Michel
Martelly, also that of current President Jovenel Moise. On
January 31, when the first court-audited report on the
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Unrelenting: Haitian Feminism on the Front Lines - Gender and Sexualities Studies InstituteGender and Sexualities Studies Institute
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PetroCaribe funds was to be made public, the American
ambassador Michelle J. Sisson and the French Ambassador Jose
Gomez dropped by the Haitian Parliament for a “courtesy visit”
in the midst of political maneuvering around Venezuela. The
timing of this meeting raised many questions in Haitian press.
The New Generation of Feminists
Neges Mawon (founded in 2015) is probably the feminist
organization most invested in challenging the misuse of
PetroCaribe funds, whether through demonstrations or
organizational alliances. Its social media-savvy members were
mostly born after 1986, which creates a generational affinity
between the organization and the movement. Pascale Solages,
organizational spokesperson, is one of the important figures of
the PetroChallengers movement. Gaelle Bien-Aime, also a
member, uses her creative works whether it be her live shows or
her AnrivanSatirical humor series on political and social issues
produced by AyiboPost. series to engage and organize.
Within organizations like SOFA or Kay Fanm we also find
leading Haitian sociologists, economists and researchers – such
as sociologist Sabine Lamour, SOFA coordinator. It
complements the network of community activists and
organizers in rural areas who develop the feminist practices of
organization and struggle.
Neges Mawon’s membership is mostly young artists, students
and professionals often based in Port-au-Prince. This newer
generation of feminists have made strategic choices: instead of
replicating the know-how of older organizations, they have
chosen to be more complementary. They can’t provide legal
support to women victims of violence, but offer a support
system. Neges Mawon has set up a peer support network for
women victims of violence who are starting legal proceedings
whereby activists make sure to be in daily contact for support.
In organizations such as SOFA or Kay Fanm, there are leading
Haitian sociologists, economists and researchers, who’s work
complements that of a network of activists and community
organizers in rural areas, rooted in feminist practices of
organization and struggle. Neges Mawon, founded in 2015, is
probably the feminist organization most invested in challenging
the misuse of the PetroCaribe funds. Its members, mostly born
after 1986, are very present on the internet and at
demonstrations. Pascale Solages is one of the important figures
of the PetroChallengers movement and the artist Gaelle Bien-
Aime, also a member of Neges Mawon, uses her creative works
and shows to engage and organize. The membership is
composed mainly of young women artists, students and
professionals often based in Port-au-Prince. This newer
generation of feminists have made strategic choices: instead of
replicating the know-how of older organizations, they have
chosen to be more complementary. They can’t provide legal aid
to women victims of violence but develop a support system;
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thus, a peer support program for women victims of violence
who launch legal proceedings has been set up and activists
ensure daily contact.
There are several artists among these young feminists. Anyes
Noel is an actress, director and poet from Guadeloupe who has
been living in Haiti for 4 years. That famous morning of January
17, she squeezed in a stop at Plaza Hotel to stand up to Yves
Leonard before running off to rehearsal. That same evening was
the second performance of a play that she was directing,
“Gouyad Senpye”, (Saint Peter the Gyrator), by playwright
Darline Gilles. A play on the living conditions of women in
Haitian prisons but also on the judicial system. The troupe is
made up in part of professional actresses, but also amateur
actresses who are former detainees. The work was funded by
the Bureau des Droits Humains en Haiti (BDHH – Office of
Human Rights in Haiti) and the performance took place at the
Fondasyon Konesans ak Libète (FOKAL), the Haitian branch of
the Open Society Foundation. The almost non-existent state
budget for organizations makes them dependent on private
sector sponsorship, which means censoring all political content.
Funding by foundations, embassies and international
organizations comes with separate issues how how actions are
“framed”, even when the grants are at the most minimal.
In countries like France, even radical feminist organizations that
aren’t state funded can rely on other means like crowdfunding,
since there’s a critical mass that can contribute. In Haiti the
middle class is more a mirage than a reality. Therefore up and
coming feminist organizations can’t rely on those rare
representatives of the bourgeoisie.
What We Can Learn From Haitian Feminists
The third edition of the Neges Mawon feminist festival took
place in September 2018. The theme that year was “Rev
boukannen” (“Scorched Dreams”). One of the highlights was the
staging of the play written by Joeanne Joseph, a member of the
organization but also an actress, playwright and shop owner.
The play, which was performed in theater but also in the open,
draws a subtle and forceful portrait of the physical, sexual and
social violence suffered by women street vendors in markets
which, left in a state of disrepair, are at the mercy of extortionist
gangs. The work also discusses how these women vendors
produce the wealth drained by the bourgeoisie which controls
all commodity imports, such as consumer goods, and finally the
violence in their own homes.
Late 2018, in La Saline, the largest market in the capital, the
continuous violence reached its peak when 24 bodies were
found on a pile of rubbish just a stone’s throw from the
Parliament. As I sit writing this, no information has been
released on the identity of the victims, the motives and means
of the crime, or even when they died.
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In 2018, 80% of SOFA’s cases dealt with child support. Sharma
Aurelien, a SOFA activist whose research focuses on these
issues, said on the Medam Yo Ranse! podcast “women come for
help securing child support when they really can no longer
support the kids by themselves. But when you dig deeper you
see that they’ve suffered violence of all kinds: domestic, sexual,
psychological”. In order for women to go through the whole
process, organization sometimes has to take on relocation costs
to cities outside of the capital, but also manage the basic daily
needs for the victim’s family. Scorched Dreams, “Rev
boukannen”: title of the third edition of the Neges Mawon
feminist festival held in September 2018. The event included a
staging of a play written by Joeanne Joseph, member of the
organization, actress, playwright and shop owner. The play
draws a subtle and forceful portrait of the physical, sexual and
social violence suffered by women market vendors in markets
which, left in a state of disrepair, puts these women at the
mercy of extortionist gangs. It also states quite forcefully: these
women vendors create riches for the bourgeois who manage
the import of commodities. Finally, it recounts the violence they
experience in their very own homes. Late 2018, in La Saline, the
largest market in the capital, the continuous violence reached
its peak when 24 bodies were found on a pile of rubbish just a
stone’s throw from the Parliament. As I sit writing this, no
information has been released on the identity of the victims, the
motives and means of the crime, or even when they died. In
2018, 80% of SOFA’s cases dealt with child support. Sharma
Aurelien, a SOFA activist whose research focuses on these
issues, said on the Medam Yo Ranse! podcast : “women come
for help in securing child support when they really can no longer
support the kids by themselves, but when you dig deeper you
see that they’ve suffered violence of all kinds: domestic, sexual,
psychological”. In order for women to go through the whole
process, the organization sometimes has to take on relocation
costs to cities outside of the capital, but also manage the basic
daily needs for the victim’s family.
One would be tempted to include Haiti in Clenora Hudson-
Weems’ concept of Africana WomanismHudson-Weems,
Clenora. Africana womanism: Reclaiming ourselves. Routledge,
2019., which seeks to frame Afro-descendant feminism in an
afrocentric perspective, but this would be to ignore the Haitian
context and its relationship to race. Haiti is part of a pioneering
historicity on thinking of blackness and its antagonism with
whiteness.Kaisary, Philip. “‘To break our chains and form a free
people’: Race, nation, and Haiti’s imperial constitution of 1805.”
(2018). By tying blackness to its national identity from the
moment of its foundation, Haiti is the first afrodescendant
nation-state. Notwithstanding a shared history of deportation
and slavery with Black Americans, the fact that the Haitian
nation is attached to a state, which moreover has interests
antagonistic to the United States, poses limits and challenges in
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aligning the political objectives of feminist movements in Haiti
and those in the United States but also those in other countries
in the region with afrodescendant communities.
What if the Haitian context could serve as a point of
decentralization for black feminist movements in countries
where they are a racial minority? The identity and political
project of the Haitian nation are intrinsically linked to
blackness. Can the Haitian feminist movement, as well as the
stories of enslaved women during the French colonization of
Saint Domingue, enlighten us on how to think about liberation
from patriarchal oppression in a context where imperialist (or
racist) domination weighs heavily? How does it expand the call
for a feminism for the 99%,Fraser, Nancy, Cinzia Arruzza, and
Tithi Bhattacharya. Feminism for the 99%. London, England:
Verso, 2019. that seeks to use struggles from the margins as a
springboard?
“[F]eminism must become a mass based political movement if it
is to have a revolutionary, transformative impact on
society,”hooks, bell. Feminist theory: From margin to center.
Pluto Press, 2000. these words from bell hooks are more than
relevant. While the apolitical and liberal peril increasingly
threatens black feminist movements in the United States,
Canada and Europe, through the obsession with issues of
individual representation and transformation, looking towards
the feminist struggles of the Global South helps both re-
prioritize and avoid underhanded debates around legitimacy.
Although quoting Lenin is always a perilous exercise, his words
here are perfectly suited: “[P]olitics begin where millions of men
and women are; where there are not thousands, but millions,
that is where serious politics begin”. Poverty, prisons, sexual
violence, work, fight against corruption… Haitian feminists take
up issues that affect millions and seek women where they
gather: in the working classes, outside of feminist
organizations.
Published in Ballast, a critical Marxist journal in March 2019.
Fania Noel is a doctoral candidate in Sociology, NSSR. She is a
Franco-Haitian author and afrofeminist activist-organizer,
working on the frontlines to fight Anti-Blackness , misogynoir
and to highlight Black internationalism/Panafricanism. She is the
co-founder and publication director of AssiégéEs (Besieged) a
political publishing project led by women, queer and trans people
of color. She published an afro-revolutionary manifesto in 2019
entitled “Afro-Communautaire: Appartenir a Nous Memes,”
which aims to inspire a wider political project in France.
Translation by Nadine Mondestin.
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