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The Discourse-Historical Approach
... the discourse historical approach (dha) involves a series of steps and principles for analyzing discourse. to provide a comprehensive understanding of these principles, steps, and discursive strategies employed in the present study, it is essential to examine the insights put forth by Forchtner (2010), who draws upon the works of Wodak (2001) and reisigl and Wodak (2001) to offer new perspectives on dha. By considering these scholarly contributions, researchers can make informed choices regarding their analytical approach. ...
... the discourse historical approach (dha) involves a series of steps and principles for analyzing discourse. to provide a comprehensive understanding of these principles, steps, and discursive strategies employed in the present study, it is essential to examine the insights put forth by Forchtner (2010), who draws upon the works of Wodak (2001) and reisigl and Wodak (2001) to offer new perspectives on dha. By considering these scholarly contributions, researchers can make informed choices regarding their analytical approach. ...
... in addition, the research incorporated the contributions of reisigl and Wodak (2001Wodak ( , 2009, sengul (2019) and Boukala (2023) to establish a classification of five discursive strategies utilizing the discourse historical approach (dha) framework. these strategies encompass: ...
This article examines how Ethiopian political parties promoting citizenship-based federalism position multiculturalism in their discourse, as reflected in their participation in talk shows aired on Walta TV. Building on Habermas’s theory of public sphere, it analyzed political talk shows discussing federalism among purposively selected political party leaders through the lens of Discourse Historical Approach. The analysis has indicated that the discursive practices in the talk shows were intended to center around central themes that include ensuring fair and free elections, promoting unity, creating inclusive policies, and decentralizing power. However, the party leaders employed discursive strategies of nominations, predications, and rhetorical questions to portray their nemeses as troublemakers. Alternatively, they employed a strategy of positive self-portrayal, positioning themselves as the saviors of Ethiopia from potential disintegration. This approach entailed effectively addressing any criticisms directed towards them to uphold a positive perception. As a result, the shows focused more on the personalities and political behaviors of party leaders. Therefore, the talk shows exhibit a notable dearth of substantive elements pertaining to multicultural values, with the discourses demonstrating limited engagement with the subject of multiculturalism. In so doing, the discussions raised concerns that giving priority to identity-based diversity politics might have adverse effects on the cohesion of the nation.
... Mkakati wa diskosi ulijadili jinsi mtu hupewa sifa na jina, na jinsi wanajamii na vikundi mbalimbali hutumia lugha katika mahusiano. Njia mojawapo ya jinsi makundi ya kijamii hushindana kupitia mkakati wa nguvu ya usemi kati ya mnenaji na mlengwa wake kupitia matumizi ya lugha katika muktadha (Wodak, 2001). ...
... Kila mojawapo ya kundi lilishikia msimamo wake hali iliyozua mtafaruku wa ushindani katika matumizi ya lugha (Jackson, 2016). Wodak (2001) anaeleza kuwa diskosi ya usemi iliweza kuchanganuliwa kupitia mihimili mitano mahsusi ambayo ni: Urejelezi, unominishaji, ubishi, mkabala, uzidishaji na ufifizaji. Mkakati wa unominishaji ulitumiwa kujadili jinsi makundi ya kijamii katika mapambano ya kisiasa yalivyoashiriwa. ...
... Kwa mfano kundi la kijamii lilipewa majina yaliyorejelea sifa nzuri zilizobashiri matendo yao kama vile:wapiganiaji utu na ubinadamu, wazalendo watukufu, raia wapenda haki, raia wenye utu ilihali maneno yaliyoelekezewa magaidi yaliashiria kudidimiza matendo yao kwa mfano wabinafsi, watu wasio huruma, wasiopenda haki, wakatili, wamwagaji damu isiyo kuwa na hatia, wauaji, wasaliti, wadhalimu/wakatili. Mkakati wa urejelezi (Wodak, 2001) ulitumiwa kubashiri matokeo ya mahusiano kati ya makundi ya kigaidi ya Al-Shabaab na serikali ya Kenya kupitia mielekeo, mitazamo na itikadi. Mkakati wa ubishi (Wodak, 2001) ulikuwa muhimu katika kuchanganulia maneno yaliyolenga kukuza hoja za kutetea mjadala. ...
Utafiti huu ulinuiwa kuchanganulia mikakati ya lugha katika diskosi ya kigaidi kama ilivyotumiwa katika mashambulizi ya kigaidi kati ya kundi la Al-Shabaab dhidi ya serikali ya Kenya na kuripotiwa na wanahabari. Sababu kuu ya kuteua kipindi hiki ni kwamba Serikali ya Kenya na raia wake wameendelea kushuhudia mashambulizi mengi ya ugaidi ambayo yamesababisha kuzuke diskosi ya ugaidi iliyojikita katika ubishi wa kundi la ugaidi dhidi ya serikali ya Kenya. Ili kupata data ya uchanganuzi, utafiti huu ulihusu uteuzi wa diskosi ya kigaidi kupitia mashambulizi mawili makuu yaliyofanyika nchini Kenya katika duka la kibiashara la West Gate Mall mjini Nairobi na shambulio la kigaidi katika Chuo Kikuu cha Garissa mwezi wa Aprili, 2015. Kikundi lengwa kiliteuliwa kutokana na magazeti ya Daily Nation na The Standard yaliyohusu kipindi hicho cha kihistoria. Gazeti la NewYork Times liliteuliwa kutokana na upana wa mkabala wake wa mtazamo wa kimataifa. Jumla ya magazeti 145 yalikusanywa na nakala 102 zikateuliwa za mwanzoni mwa kipindi cha miezi miwili kabla na baada ya mwaka 2013-2015. Utafiti huu uliongozwa na nadharia mbili, ambazo ni nadharia msingi wa Diskosi Mkabala wa Historia ya Wodak iliyotumiwa kuchanganulia mkakati wa lugha katika vitengo vya unominishaji, urejelezi, ubishi, mkabala, uzidishaji na ufifizaji. Uchanganuzi wa mikakati ya lugha ulihusu matumizi ya kijazanda, semi, virai, vishazi na sentensi. Matokeo ya utafiti huu yalibainisha kuwa kulikuwako na tofauti za kimkabala zilizozua diskosi ya ubishi kati ya kundi la kigaidi dhidi ya serikali ya Kenya. Tofauti hizi zilibainishwa kupitia mikakati ya lugha na itikadi kutokana na mashambulizi ya ugaidi yaliyotekelezwa nchini Kenya
... The analytical tools offered by CDA can be used to trace ideologies in text via describing and analysing their linguistic manifestation. Analysis of discourse, based on DHA, allows researchers to disclose the social reality represented in discourse and the discursive strategies employed to achieve them by taking the context of discourse into account (Wodak 2009;Wodak and Meyer 2001). DHA offers five main strategies, namely nomination, predication, argumentation, perspectivization, and intensification, of which the first two form its core (Wodak 2009). ...
... Analysis of discourse, based on DHA, allows researchers to disclose the social reality represented in discourse and the discursive strategies employed to achieve them by taking the context of discourse into account (Wodak 2009;Wodak and Meyer 2001). DHA offers five main strategies, namely nomination, predication, argumentation, perspectivization, and intensification, of which the first two form its core (Wodak 2009). The affordability of strategies is determined by the data in hand. ...
Translation can be understood as a phenomenon that occupies a role in communicating values and ideologies transnationally. Scrutinized through tools borrowed from the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA)—an approach within Critical Discourse Studies—this study seeks to investigate the discourses disseminated to China via translated news concerning education, juxtaposed with those communicated via domestically produced new articles. The findings reveal that the translated news on education tends to reflect neoliberal ideologies, as found within three distinct themes: human capital development, branding, and deregulation. Conversely, domestic news within China espouses socialist ideals found within three main themes: holistic development, collectivism, and regulation alongside social welfare. As such, translation functions as a system communicating a different discourse of education into China. This study has implications in raising journalists’ and target readers’ critical awareness of the messages surrounding the topic of education as conveyed via translated news versus domestic news.
... Celem badania jest analiza strategii dyskursywnych dotyczących kwestii zmian klimatycznych reprezentowanych przez "Gazetę Wyborczą" i "Rzeczpospolitą". Analiza ogranicza się do dwóch strategii: nominalizacji (referencji) i predykacji (orzekania) stosowanych w podejściu dyskursywno-historycznym; DHA) (Wodak 2001). Strategie nominalizacji są wykorzystywane do konstruowania i reprezentowania aktorów społecznych, obiektów, zjawisk, wydarzeń, procesów oraz działań. ...
... W dalszej analizie uwzględniono kolokacje o częstotliwości co najmniej 3 i wyniku LogDice co najmniej 8 (Brezina 2018). Następnie, by zbadać wzorce kolokacji wraz z ich szerszym kontekstem, zastosowano jakościową analizę konkordancji, koncentrując się w szczególności na strategiach nominalizacji i predykacji (Wodak 2001). Wzorem międzynarodowych badań (Song, Huang i in. ...
W artykule omówiono wybrane elementy dyskursywnych strategii nominalizacji i predykacji w „Gazecie Wyborczej” i „Rzeczpospolitej”. Korpus 645 tekstów tworzą publikacje z lat 2015–2022 o tematyce związanej z międzynarodowymi szczytami klimatycznymi ONZ. Ramę badawczą stanowi krytyczna analiza dyskursu w jej ujęciu dyskursywno-historycznym, zaś jako narzędzie umożliwiające przeprowadzenie analiz ilościowych i jakościowych wykorzystano metody lingwistyki korpusowej (Sketch Engine). Wyniki badań wskazują na istotne różnice w zakresie reprezentacji kwestii klimatycznych w obu gazetach. Mimo że oba dzienniki operowały pejoratywnie nacechowaną leksyką (m.in. walka, walczyć, zagrożenie), to jakościowa analiza konkordancji wykazała jednak, że o ile „Gazeta Wyborcza” używała ich niemal wyłącznie w celu podkreślenia, że zmiany klimatu są globalnym problemem wymagającym natychmiastowych działań, o tyle „Rzeczpospolita” posługiwała się nimi również w celu zaakcentowania możliwych strat finansowych.
... 1. lAs pAsiones movilizAdorAs del discurso fAscistA en el periodo de entreguerrAs La importancia del lenguaje y de la comunicación de mensajes implícitos en el discurso público fascista para involucrar a las masas en los proyectos totalitarios europeos de los años treinta del pasado siglo es un hecho incuestionable. Convencer de la necesidad de un proyecto de supuesta salvación nacional, que otorgaba plenos poderes a un líder suspendiendo libertades y mediante el ejercicio de la violencia, requirió del manejo de recursos retóricos, verbales y no verbales, que han sido destacados por figuras contemporáneas de ese periodo histórico (Polanyi, 1940;Zweig, 1942;Trotksy, 1944;Klemperer, 1946;Arendt, 1951;Adorno, 1967;Levi, 1986), así como por la bibliografía especializada (Griffin, 1998;Wodak, 2001;Reisigl, 2006;Engel y Wodak, 2013;Wodak y Richardson, 2013;Paxton, 2019). La neolengua nazi-fascista fue, en efecto, una de las principales creaciones del totalitarismo del periodo de entreguerras, necesaria para garantizar el éxito y mantenimiento de su proyecto. ...
... Yo quiero ser español y solo español; yo quiero hablar el idioma de Cervantes; quiero recitar los versos de Calderón; […] quiero considerar como mis pergaminos de nobleza nacional la historia de Viriato y el Cid; quiero llevar en el escudo de mi Patria las naves de los catalanes que conquistaron Oriente…; 25 Los topoi son tópicos o lugares comunes en la argumentación que se presentan como aparentemente incuestionables (Anscrombe y Ducrot 1983). En el Enfoque Histórico Discursivo, los topoi resultan fundamentales para desentrañar el sentido de presuposiciones que se presentan como ciertas y que son reconocibles por su repetición y esencialidad en el relato de acontecimientos históricos relacionados con el fascismo y el antifascismo en Europa (Wodak, 2001;Reisigl, 2006;Camargo y Urbán, 2022). quiero ser de toda esta tierra, aunque me parece estrecha…; de toda esta tierra ungida, sacrificada por las lágrimas que le costara a mi madre mi existencia; yo amo con exaltación a mi Patria, y antes que a la libertad, antes que a la República, antes que a la federación, antes que a la democracia, pertenezco a mi idolatrada España (apud Fernández Riquelme, 2022: 34-35). ...
Este libro ofrece un análisis profundo y crítico del discurso de la extrema derecha, examinando sus orígenes, expansión y efectos en la política global contemporánea. Desde la caracterización del discurso fascista en la primera mitad de siglo XX, con el análisis del discurso nacionalista totalitario de entreguerras, hasta la evolución de las estrategias comunicativas en la era postdigital, Laura Camargo Fernández disecciona cómo las narrativas reaccionarias están moldeando una ideología y un sentido común de época excluyentes.
En los primeros capítulos, la autora explora desde el Análisis Crítico del Discurso la construcción de los imaginarios sociodiscursivos por parte de la extrema derecha, con la utilización del populismo y de una enunciación 'antiestablishment' como herramientas retóricas para movilizar a las masas y consolidar su base. Camargo conecta estos elementos con las estrategias del discurso fascista europeo del siglo XX, reflejadas en los lenguajes totalitarios, tal como fueron descritos por Victor Klemperer, León Trotsky, Hannah Arendt, Theodor Adorno, George Steiner, Primo Levi o Umberto Eco, así como en el discurso del nacionalcatolicismo español.
El libro aborda, a continuación, los discursos de la nueva ola reaccionaria a partir de los shocks globales del neoliberalismo en el siglo XXI: desde el 11 de septiembre, la “guerra contra el terror”, el 11 de marzo o la Gran Recesión de 2008, hasta la pandemia de Covid-19, el auge conspiranoico que culmina con el asalto al Capitolio y los nuevos consensos de guerra, analizando cómo todos estos eventos han reconfigurado el discurso hacia el actual repliegue reaccionario.
Trump destaca en el primer cuarto de siglo como un catalizador clave, reactivando la desconfianza en la democracia con la normalización del uso de la mentira como parte de la propaganda política y alimentando un nacionalismo racista y misógino. Por su parte, los medios de la era postdigital han diseminado sus discursos a través de las redes sociales y la manipulación algorítmica, con efectos de copia propios era de la imitación iliberal.
En el capítulo central de la obra, dedicado al trumpismo discursivo, la autora desentraña cómo se ha redefinido la comunicación política contemporánea con un estilo agresivo, simplista y provocador para escandalizar y distraer la atención de los que deberían ser los aspectos relevantes de la política. Se exploran las tácticas de desinformación, propaganda autoritaria y manipulación discursiva, así como el papel de los 'spin doctors' y la influencia de figuras como Steve Bannon, clave para la expansión internacional del estilo comunicativo trumpista. Camargo analiza las características lingüísticas del trumpismo discursivo y sus efectos en la desafección de la política, prestando también atención a su influencia en ámbito político español, en donde se observa una rápida transición de la descortesía parlamentaria a la proliferación de insultos y mentiras.
Finalmente, el libro cierra con un capítulo de reflexiones finales que señalan tendencias preocupantes en la comunicación política actual y que ofrece advertencias sobre los peligros de los discursos de odio y la pseudopolítica en el capitalismo digital. Con una propuesta para contrarrestar estos fenómenos, 'Trumpismo discursivo' es una lectura de enorme actualidad, bien documentada y dirigida a un público diverso, que resulta esencial para entender el papel del discurso en la normalización y ascenso de la extrema derecha en el panorama político global.
... To this effect, an original conceptual framework that captures the discursive logic of self-legitimation is proposed which is then applied to the empirical case of soft law and the process of Brexit. In order to do so, the article adopts the general orientation of the Discourse Historical Approach in Critical Discourse Analysis (Fairclough and Wodak 1997;Reisigl and Wodak 2001;Wodak 2001) and works with a dataset of all EP resolutions on Brexit in the 2016-2023 period, surveying the discursive treatment of EP's self-legitimation during: (1) the withdrawal process (2016-2019), (2) the transition period (2020), and (3) the post-transition period (since 2021), thereby covering all the transformative periods of the Brexit process. As such, the study provides critical insights into how the EP has used soft law to make senseand shape the realityof Brexit, applied it to (re)produce shared meaning(s), and legitimised, through language, not only itself but also its perspectives on the United Kingdom (UK) as a (non)member state. ...
... In an attempt to detect and interpret the key self-legitimating discourse practices of the EP in Brexit, the study adopts the general orientation of the discourse historical approach (DHA) to critical discourse studies (Krzyżanowski and Wodak 2008;Reisigl and Wodak 2001;Wodak 2001), understanding discourse analysis both as "a theory and a method" (Larsen 2018, 62). The article is concerned with soft law and from the perspective of critical discourse, the law, like any form of language, "carries ideas and values (…) classifies the world and represents identities and human agency (…) shapes, legitimizes and naturalizes social practices" (Cheng and Machin 2023, 244-245;cf. ...
The article proposes an original conceptual framework that captures the discursive logic of self-legitimation and applies it to the empirical case of European Union soft law and the process of Brexit. Adopting the general orientation of Discourse Historical Approach in Critical Discourse Analysis and working with a dataset of all European Parliament (EP) resolutions on Brexit in the 2016–2023 period, the article investigates how, and interprets the particular ways in which, the EP legitimised itself as an actor vis-à-vis Brexit, through different linguistic and discursive devices in its resolutions. The analysis illustrates that the EP’s use of soft law for self-legitimation purposes is an intriguing case of how legal instruments can be leveraged in multifaceted ways beyond their traditional function for broader communicative and political purposes. As such, the article extends the traditional understanding of the purposes of EP resolutions by explicitly acknowledging them as powerful discursive resources for self-legitimation.
... Este enfoque coincide con la idea de Searle (1984) según la cual la pragmática supone introducir la intencionalidad en el estudio del lenguaje; de ahí que, como veremos, la ilocutividad de las emisiones sea uno de los elementos más importantes del análisis. Aunque el concepto de estrategia comunicativa es utilizado por diversos autores (Sal & Maldonado 2009) -por ejemplo en algunos autores de la escuela de análisis crítico del discurso (Reisigl & Wodak 2001;Wodak 2001)-, la perspectiva teórica adoptada nos lleva a un concepto de estrategia más centrado en esa intención comunicativa. Estas son las nueve estrategias: ...
El objetivo del presente artículo es constatar las posibles diferencias de estilo discursivo entre dos líderes del espacio político progresista español (Yolanda Díaz, de Sumar, y Pedro Sánchez, del Partido Socialista Obrero Español), a partir de un modelo de encuadre discursivo de base cognitivista, en el que se contemplan nueve variables (nueve estrategias) pragmáticas. La hipótesis de partida asume dos premisas. En primer lugar se propone que, pese al borrado de diferencias entre géneros y registros propiciado por la eclosión populista del cambio de siglo (“democratización del discurso” según Fairclough) y comprobado en la última década, el ecosistema comunicativo público actual permite mantener las diferencias entre géneros; con esta premisa, se analizan datos de ambos líderes procedentes de tres contextos distintos. En segundo lugar, puesto que el análisis del discurso político populista focaliza especialmente líderes y partidos ultraconservadores, asumiendo que son quienes más recurren a estos rasgos (baja referencialidad, personalismo/hiperliderazgo, frivolización, énfasis expresivo-emocional), se pretende comprobar hasta qué punto el discurso de dos gobernantes pertenecientes a partidos progresistas utiliza tales recursos y, de hacerlo, en qué medida es posible constatar diferencias entre los dos. Con este planteamiento general como punto de partida se seleccionaron datos pertenecientes a los dos líderes, y procedentes de tres ámbitos de uso: discurso parlamentario emitido en el Congreso de los diputados (corpus P), mítines preelectorales (corpus M) y mensajes publicados en los perfiles de la red social Twitter (corpus T). La metodología utilizada es la propia del análisis del discurso, centrando la investigación en las diferentes estrategias discursivas de encuadre y sus correspondientes categorías gramaticales o discursivas; se recurre además a dos tipos de software (Lingmotif para el análisis de la expresividad, y Sketch Engine para el análisis más gramatical). En las estrategias enunciativas encontramos, para ambos líderes, un predominio de la expresividad neutra o positiva y una referencialidad de notable densidad (mayor en Sánchez que en Díaz), cuyas mayores frecuencias léxicas corresponden a país y España. Las estrategias de encuadre textual confirman la prioridad de los temas políticos y una presencia notable de esquemas argumentativos (en ocasiones falaces). Las estrategias interactivas muestran la mayor diferencia entre ambos líderes, pues Sánchez da más presencia discursiva a los oponentes políticos que Díaz, mientras esta recurre mucho más a los usos de primera persona. Los resultados confirman que el discurso parlamentario muestra un ámbito referencial estrictamente político (predominio del logos), frente a los mítines y las redes sociales (más importancia de pathos y ethos). Por lo que se refiere a las diferencias de encuadre en los discursos de ambos líderes, es posible identificar discursivamente dos tipos distintos de liderazgo, cuya mayor diferencia es de intensidad.
... Through its linguistic forms, language can also be used to challenge power, subvert it and alter distributions of power both in the short and long term (Wodak, 2001a(Wodak, , 2002 ). Songs, for instance, can be used by women to negotiate their space through the use of elements of satire in songs to fight for social justice and change in society (Sisana, 2007). ...
Whereas marriage songs endorse and enforce patriarchal discourses and norms, they can be used as a strategy to subvert, challenge, and question the very patriarchal discourses and norms they support. Some of the marriage songs sung among the Bakiga contain gender-based expressions, which undermine the feminine gender by advising women to be submissive. This paper explores the adoption of the Runyankore-Rukiga marriage songs as a literary genre, that is often used as an avenue wherein the resistance to the patriarchal construction of gender among the Bakiga is channelled. It examines how gender-related messages in marriage song lyrics can be invoked to challenge the existing gender power relations. Marriage songs analysed in this paper were purposively collected through recording marriage songs that were performed on marriage ceremonies among the Bakiga. Critical discourse analysis (CDA) was adopted as a methodological and theoretical framework to interrogate whether Runyankore-Rukiga marriage songs can act as an avenue through which gender inequalities, masculine domination, and feminine subordination among the Bakiga can be demystified and resisted. The findings reveal that while traditional marriage songs tend to sustain patriarchy, contemporary marriage songs do provide singers with an opportunity to publicly criticise those unacceptable cultural practices that undermine the feminine gender. The study recommends the use of marriage songs as an ideological platform for the contestation and redefining of gender construction among the Bakiga; as well as challenging the traditional Bakiga gender inequalities
... In the Twitter corpus, Chinese people are depicted and associated with risk through metaphors, such as catastrophes, natural disasters, and dangers, which are consistent with previous findings on racist and xenophobic discourse (Baldwin, 2013;Baker, 2006;van Dijk, 1988van Dijk, , 1991van Dijk, , 1993van Dijk, , 1996Wodak 2001Wodak , 2008. In numerous cases, they are merged by way of cumulative associations with natural calamities of great magnitude and in need of urgent control and management by the nation. ...
During the pandemic period, xenophobic and racist hate speech against migrant communities seeped in everyday online and offline conversations, yet its connection to the wider communicative context of crisis communication has been scarcely investigated so far. Hence, while the morbidity and mortality rates of the COVID-19 virus seem to have subsided, the ways in which COVID-19 risks and measures were communicated and appraised still call for our attention as they illuminate how alternative discursive paths contributed to social division and/or solidarity (see e.g., Muñoz Martínez, 2021; Nguyet Erni & Striphas, 2022; Wodak, 2022). Keeping in mind that the COVID-19 pandemic was and remains so overwhelming because it refers to a series of superimposed social, cultural, political crises, the article attempts to investigate whether it is possible to conceptualize hate speech as a predictable maladaptive reaction to linguistic and discursive discrimination and inequality in the communication of risk (Russo, 2020; Russo & Grasso, 2022). It provides findings on the appraisal of COVID-19 news-based risk communication discourse by Twitter users based in the United Kingdom during the period 1 March 2020-15 March 2020. More specifically, it focuses on maladaptive responses such as hate speech towards migrant communities and individuals with some specific findings on sinophobia. In order to investigate the affect and discrimination nexus which lies at the basis of racist and xenophobic hate speech, it adopts a combined Corpusbased Critical Discourse Studies and Appraisal Linguistics Approach to Social Media (Baker, 2006; KhosraviNik, 2014, 2017; Martin & White, 2005; Partington, 1998; Thomson & White, 2008; Zappavigna, 2012, 2018). The analysis is therefore narrowed from bulk data retrieval to identify the lexical and grammatical resources used to express attitude oriented to affect and associates the findings on affect with the analysis of the representation of social actors from a Critical Discourse point of view (Reisigl & Wodak, 2001; van Leeuwen, 1996; Wodak et al., 1999).
... Using responsibility as blame has been widely applied in politics-related discourses to construct and normalize the negative. Wodak, 2001) echoes the third element of the ideological square where accountable actors are seen to possess a developed moral sense and a fair idea of social conventions and moral principles. According to van Dijk (1998a), the concept of ideology is "one of the most elusive notions in the social sciences" (1998: 23). ...
Electoral campaigns the world over are captured in persuasive communicative strategies to woo the electorate. The intention is to convince the electorate to vote in a particular direction. Since the enthronement of democracy in Nigeria in 1999 till date, politicians have devised various means of winning elections by touching at the core of perceived social problems. There seems to be a paradigm shift in the mode of campaigning in the build-up to the 2023 presidential election in Nigeria. Before this time, there were two dominant political parties in the country: the Peoples' Democratic Party, PDP, and the All-Progressive Congress, APC. However, the entry of the Labour Party LP presidential candidate into the race has changed the dynamics of the game. The LP candidate has deployed linguistic resources in such a manner that he has endeared himself to the youth who constitute most of the population that cuts across all ethnic groups in the country. The support for the LP candidate keeps growing daily. Therefore, the focus of this paper is to examine the ideological representation of the campaign speeches of the LP candidate and explicate how he has effectively managed the resources of language to get himself endeared to the teeming youthful voting population. Data for the study were elicited from newspaper reports of the speeches and YouTube.
... DHA, unlike other methods of language analysis, focuses on how language use is affected by historical and social context (Wodak, 2001b). Its main objective is to decipher the ideologies that establish, perpetuate or fight dominance in discourses in order to demystify their hegemony (Reisigl & Wodak, 2009). ...
Numerous studies have been conducted on Turkish children’s magazines during the late Ottoman period, covering a wide range of disciplines such as history, language, literature, sociology, and education. However, a majority of these studies have focused on magazines written in Arabic script, with limited attention paid to those written in other scripts. Despite their significance in Turkish children’s literature and culture, periodicals written in non-Arabic scripts have received relatively little scholarly attention to date. This study aims to address this gap by focusing on Angeliaforos Çocuklar İçün (AÇİ), a children’s magazine published in Istanbul in 1872 in Turkish using the Greek alphabet by the American Board Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM). Using a discourse-historical approach, the study employs critical discourse analysis to reveal the qualities of the idealized child presented in AÇİ. The results indicate that AÇİ, which was published as a part of the missionaries’ inculturation efforts, portrays an ideal child as virtuous, well-educated, white, European, and devoutly Christian to its readers. The article contends that AÇİ can be regarded as a unique and historical instance of “inculturation” that instructs the Karamanli children, who are Turkish-speaking Orthodox Christians, on what constitutes an ideal child.
... Metaphors, which are the focus of this analysis, represent just one way of using linguistic features to convey certain messages that in turn reflect the concept of power operating through language, and CDA allows us to investigate such relationships (Baker et al. 2008: 280). Therefore, metaphors, as just one of the devices used under the umbrella of referential/nomination strategies of positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation (Wodak 2001), allow us to investigate the mental representations in the discourse on migration. Further more, metaphors as "specific phenomena recognized in CDA" can also be A mela urkovi , Ð elalu dina Z ukali Analysis of Metaphors Based on the Example of Two Refugee Crises Taking this into consideration, this paper focuses on the media coverage of o Eastern refugee crisis and the Ukrainian refugee crisis during their pinnacles, with the 2015-2017 period for the Middle Eastern crisis, and N2, for the Ukrainian one. ...
This paper investigates the way that British, German and Bosnian and Herzegovinian (B&H) media sources used metaphors to report on the Middle Eastern refugee crisis compared to the Ukrainian one. As media has been said to have the power to perpetuate stereotypes and racist beliefs, especially towards groups classified as ‘others’ and differing from the norm, such as refugees and immigrants (van Dijk 2000), we aimed to investigate how these claims correlate with the reports on both the Middle Eastern and Ukrainian crisis. The focus was on the analysis of the employed metaphors to note any similarities and differences between the two examined subcorpora in the three focus languages, English, German, Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (B/C/S). The analysis focuses on a number of articles published online in Britain (The Guardian), Germany (Deutsche Welle), and B&H (ba.N1info) and the paper relies on the theoretical background of critical discourse analysis, linguistic strategies of public communication, and the corpus linguistics approach. Frequency analysis of the terms refugee, asylum seeker, and (im)migrant was also undertaken. The analysis of discourse related to the Middle Eastern and Ukrainian refugee crises highlights several similarities and distinctions in terms of metaphor use.
Key words: public communication, migrant, metaphor, discourse, refugee crisis, media.
... Example 2 On its part, example (3) embodies an invective rife with abusive language of an explicit sexual nature via the epithets sperm-belching gutter slut employed as part of a predication strategy within the 'discourse-historical' approach developed by Wodak (2001a;2001b) and Reisigl and Wodak (2001). On their part, direct insults are an on-record positive impoliteness strategy aimed at disparaging the interlocutor's public image and revealing powerful emotional arousal on the issuer's part. ...
This paper looks into how aggression against Meghan Markle is deployed in a sample of X replies that address her directly through the lens of Appraisal Theory coupled with impoliteness. A sample of tweets containing the seed word “Meghan Markle” was retrieved with Export Comments (December 2022–April 2023). Replies were run through the Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count-22 to assess the tone and prevalence of emotions in the corpus. Results indicated high values for negative emotions, interpersonal conflict, and moralization words. Then, a random sample was manually codified to identify the use frequencies for the Attitude system’s affect, judgment, and appreciation categories when employed to convey hostility against the public figure. Tweets were overwhelmingly negative and explicitly conveyed through the negative judgment of Meghan Markle’s previous sexual and professional life. The veracity of her words and actions was also a source of aggression while tapping into the widely accepted stereotype that depicts women as liars or as incompetent and lacking determination, while some tweets also touched upon her mental instability. Findings reveal that aggressive tweets on X rely on appraisal resources and impolite-related language to promote and perpetuate culturally bound and traditional beliefs about women that ultimately reflect an underlying patriarchal system.
... The topos of danger or threat involves the argument that specific dangers and threats should be countered or avoided due to their potentially harmful consequences (Wodak, 2001). The NYT employs the topoi of threat to construct Hamas as a significant security threat, thereby legitimizing Israel's military responses. ...
This research scrutinizes the divergent portrayals of the Israel-Hamas conflict in The New York Times (NYT) and China Daily (CD), utilizing a corpus-based critical discourse analysis approach that blends topic modeling, keyword and collocation analysis, with discourse-historical analysis (DHA) strategies. The analysis reveals how NYT frames the conflict through the lens of democratic values, human rights, and portrays Israel as a defender in the conflict, emphasizing security and terrorism narratives. In contrast, CD offers a narrative that leans towards state sovereignty, national development, and provides a more neutral or sympathetic portrayal of Hamas, reflecting China's stance on non-interference and peace. This comprehensive analysis underscores the significant role media plays in shaping public perception and policy regarding international conflicts, highlighting the entanglement of media narratives with national geopolitical agendas. By offering insights into the ideological and geopolitical underpinnings of media representations, this study contributes to the broader discourse on media's influence in international relations, advocating for enhanced critical media literacy among readers. It opens avenues for future research on media narratives in other geopolitical contexts, emphasizing the importance of understanding media as a tool for both reflecting and constructing political realities.
... This study proposes to examine gender performances of male and female politicians at multilevels of discourse: (1) topics/ themes, (2) discursive strategies, and (3) linguistic means and realizations (Wodak, 2016). In order to identify male and female politicians' preferences at the three levels of discourse, different analytic tools and methods have been employed to perform a Gender performances of politicians 75 ...
... This study proposes to examine gender performances of male and female politicians at multilevels of discourse: (1) topics/ themes, (2) discursive strategies, and (3) linguistic means and realizations (Wodak, 2016). In order to identify male and female politicians' preferences at the three levels of discourse, different analytic tools and methods have been employed to perform a Gender performances of politicians 75 ...
... This means that CDA advocates reciprocal relationships between discourse and the situations, institutions and social contexts in which it takes place. CDA thus focuses on the social analysis of discourse (Wodak 2001;Wodak and Meyer 2001), i.e. «on the ways discourse structures enact, confirm, legitimate, reproduce or challenge relations of power and dominance in society» (Van Dijk 2015, p. 2). ...
In the last decades much research has been carried out on discourse as a form of social practice from the Critical Discourse Analysis perspective. The Vienna school of CDA led by Wodak and her associates has developed a discourse-historical approach to discourse which investigates the linguistic construction of national identities through a method of description and analysis which posits three categories –topics, strategies and linguistic devices– employed in the construction, perpetuation, transformation and dismantling of nations and national identities. Following this approach, the present paper aims to analyse the linguistic construction of Catalonia’s present and political future in a corpus of public discourse fragments produced by Catalan pro-independence leaders and activists during the so-called Catalan crisis. The analysis reveals that the linguistic construction of the Catalan present and political future relies on constructive, justification and dismantling strategies that seek to support self-determination and construe Catalonia as an independent Republic.
... DHA emphasises the socio-political and historical context of the discourse under scrutiny. Through DHA, we explore various discursive strategies, such as referential (naming), predicational (attribution), argumentative (topoi), perspectivisation, and mitigation/intensification strategies (see Wodak, 2001;Reisigl, 2017). By discursive strategies, we mean (following other proponents of the DHA approach) more or less intentional uses of semiotic devices to achieve specific goals that are set by organisational priorities. ...
This article draws on data from a major public inquiry in the UK to examine how the multinational corporation G4S sought to avoid blame for the mistreatment of immigration detainees in its care. Our analysis is based on a critical discourse analysis of oral and written evidence given by G4S and one of the company’s managing directors to the Brook House Inquiry. We show how discursive strategies of blame avoidance were prominent features of this evidence, including the scapegoating of individual custody officers, the legitimation of the profit-seeking management of immigration detention and the de-legitimation of those who brought the mistreatment of detainees to light. The article contributes to our understanding of the discursive practices employed by powerful actors to limit corporate responsibility for systemic failings.
... The authors and directors of Viking fiction and film in the twentieth century often relied upon or took for granted sources, like those by Rafn and Anderson, so that racist discourse and depictions appeared, often unconsciously and unintentionally, in creative works. Due to centuries of overlapping language and discursive borrowing, Old Norse culture and literature are now so intertwined with ideas of race, extremism and white superiority that it has become a daunting task for scholars to disentangle them (Wodak 2001b). 10 The practice of using the Vikings as a tool against other groups of people has its roots in the nineteenth century. ...
In 1837, Danish philologist Carl Christian Rafn published Antiquitates Americanæ, which introduced Americans to the Vinland sagas—medieval texts that suggest that Norse explorers “discovered” North America around the turn of the first millennium. Rafn, who saw it as his mission to promote Old Norse literature around the globe, presented some of his research in a way that would appeal to Anglo-American prejudices, particularly through the obsession with American Antiquities and the question of a pre-Columbian civilization. His conclusions and the Vinland sagas consequently entered the American racial and religious discourses. Like other discovery myths, the Vinland sagas were used by intellectuals to argue for an early white presence on the continent. Later that century, the Norse discovery was framed in religious terms as some white Americans attempted to replace the figure of Christopher Columbus with that of Leifur Eiriksson as the true discoverer of America. The ramifications of Rafn’s work and its reception can be seen in twentieth- and twenty-first-century representations of Vikings in American popular culture.
... Building upon the social identity perspective discussed earlier, chapter on media discourse analysis delves deeper into the mechanisms through which media may shape public perception and influence voter behaviour. The theories presented by Fairclough (1989) and Wodak (2001), who view discourse as a social practice, align closely with the theories of social identity by illustrating how power dynamics and societal structures are reflected and reinforced in media narratives. Accordingly, discourse encompasses social conditions, which can be categorized as the social conditions of production and the social conditions of interpretation. ...
The study examines why voters in Slovakia's corruption-ridden political landscape continue to support
politicians with criminal ties, despite extensive media exposure of their misconduct. Drawing from Lilian
Manson's 'Uncivil Agreement: How Politics Became Our Identity', it suggests that emotional bonds and
social identities often override rational evaluations, with media representation of political figures playing
a pivotal role. The analysis focuses on the representation of Slovak Prime Ministers Peter Pellegrini
and Igor Matovič during the early COVID-19 pandemic, highlighting how journalistic practices,
intensified by a multiplier effect, shape public perceptions and impact democracy in Central and Eastern
Europe.
... CDA has found expression over the years in several approaches such as Tuen van Djik's socio-cognitive approach, Norman Fairclough's dialectical-relational approach, and Ruth Wodak's discourse-historical approach among others (Fairclough 2016;Flowerdew 2016;Reisgigl 2016;van Dijk 2016;Wodak 2001). These have continued to anchor studies in CDA for at least the past four decades. ...
Within the context of Nigeria’s multiculturalism, the operations of the press revolve around the dynamics of political, economic, and ethno-regional contestations for power which impact the discourse it anchors on national issues. Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Cultural Discourse Studies (CDS) as the research methods, this study underscores how these factors shaped the coverage of #EndSARS in two national dailies from the northern and southern regions: Daily Trust and Punch. Data is coded across five major themes that constituted foci of interest in the protest: calls for police reforms, youth revolution, human rights violations, destruction, and politicisation/regionalisation/ethnicization of #EndSARS. Findings indicate that political and ethno-regional factors significantly impacted the priming and framing of the themes by the newspapers as reflected in their choice of words and other linguistic/journalistic techniques. Daily Trust’s approach exemplifies northern Nigeria’s pro-Buhari administration’s sympathies as reflected in its amplification of violence and destruction in the protest while downplaying the agency and revolutionary strides of the youth towards driving political reforms. On the other hand, Punch projected state repression and youth agency against violence and destruction. This confirms that ethno-regional politicking shaped the Nigerian press approach to #EndSARS coverage. Theoretical and practical implications are highlighted accordingly.
El presente artículo estudia cómo se está construyendo el paradigma normativo de los derechos humanos con base en el discurso de Naciones Unidas sobre el cambio climático, uno de los problemas globales más acuciantes de la actualidad. Se conceptualiza este paradigma como religión y se hace énfasis en dos modos constructivos: la movilización discursiva de mitos, orientados a sacralizar elementos de la religión de derechos; y cómo ésta compite simbólicamente con la religión civil (Rousseau). Para ello, se realizó un análisis narrativo de un corpus de intervenciones orales del secretario general en el primer cuatrimestre de 2023. Como resultado este discurso vehiculiza el mito del Éxodo bíblico, actualizado en un Éxodo climático, lo cual sacraliza a la ONU; y que, pese a una aparente crítica a estructuras de poder estadocéntricas, la religión de derechos se muestra subordinada a la religión civil, cosa que plantea dudas acerca de su construcción.
2023年8月24日，日本福岛核电站开始将核污水排放入海，这一行为对国际公共健康安全及周边国家的利益构成潜在威胁。然而，日本政府试图向国际社会传达核污水排放的合法性与安全性。本研究结合基于语料库的话语历史分析和无监督机器学习法，从评价立场、主题和话语策略三个维度深入探讨日本媒体对核污水排海行为的话语建构。研究发现，媒体在报道中采用积极评价、回避法律主题、借助权威话语、忽视普通民众和渔民声音等手段，有选择性地进行话语建构，淡化核污水排放的严重性。
On 24 February 2022, Russia launched a full-scale military invasion of Ukraine. The beginning of this war marked a significant turning point with far-reaching consequences for the countries involved. Russian political discourse has responded swiftly to the conflict with a marked increase in nationalist rhetoric. This surge underscores a renewed emphasis on national unity and a collective sense of purpose, alongside a growing imperative to safeguard Russian integrity and sovereignty. The discourse has increasingly framed the war as a battle against external threats, positioning Russia as a defender of traditional values and a bulwark against perceived Western encroachments. This nationalist narrative, actively promoted by the government, serves to mobilise public support for its policies. Official speeches by the head of state play a central role in disseminating this ideology. Accordingly, this paper sets out to analyse selected addresses by the Russian President delivered during the conflict’s initial year to uncover the discursive mechanisms shaping Russian national identity. It relies on a discourse-historical approach, which provides effective tools for advancing this endeavour.
Starting from the idea of identity coding of these discourses, the research is, on the one hand, aimed at considering the construction of the so-called "Kosovo identity" as a component of "national, state policy", that is, the branding of the so-called Kosovo state/nation. The second analytical focus of the research is the deconstruction of the cultural and historical markers of Serbian identity embodied in the most significant Serbian sacred monuments in Kosovo and Metohija. For the purposes of the analysis, the analytical model of national identity discourse construction, created within the discursive-historical approach to critical discourse analysis, was adopted. The key theoretical concept of strategy is a kind of synthesis of strategy categories from the mentioned model, and some categories of political discourse strategies are operationalized into analytical tools of our research. The used methodology provided the possibility of concrete insights into what kind of global discursive and linguistic strategies and argumentative schemes, and in which relevant contexts, public Albanian discourses about Serbian sacred monuments in Kosovo and Metohija achieve their constructive effects related to the so-called "Kosovo identity", that is, those deconstructive ones, related to the Serbian identity. The paper's main contribution is providing a reference framework for the conceptual and analytical linking of discourses on cultural heritage and identity discourses in the context of a certain political agenda. It is about the context of the Albanian policy of denying the Serbian identity in Kosovo and Metohija, i.e., appropriating the Serbian cultural heritage, with the aim of establishing the identity of the pseudo-state creation of Kosovo. By operationalizing the concept of strategy for the analysis of discourse on cultural heritage, an analytical model is offered, which, starting from textual, linguistic, and argumentative analysis, exposes manipulative mechanisms for the discursive realization of political goals, primarily in the field of identity politics.
With China's rising global presence, translating city promotion materials is crucial for effective international discourse. This study aims to explore how discourse is constructed in these translations, investigate the relationships among participants, and analyze the dissemination of the materials. Utilizing Fairclough's critical discourse analysis framework, 337 English texts from official Chinese sources are examined. The findings highlight how national consciousness influences translation practices and reveal biases in international media reports. This research enhances translation studies by addressing the social factors behind translation, providing valuable insights for improving city promotion materials in China's global narrative.
Many scholars in international relations (IR) share an interest in narratives. With few, notable exceptions, IR scholars seem to lack clear methodological guidelines on how to conceptualize and study narratives in IR. We therefore develop a minimal definition of narratives and introduce a conceptual framework that shows how narrative analysis can be applied to questions and concepts within IR. We introduce narrative analysis as a multi-modal approach, which also draws on methodological insights from visual analysis, discourse analysis, and practice theory. The aim of the article is pedagogical, namely to translate insights from narratology to studies in IR and to show how everyday sources of the political, such as pop culture or social media, can be meaningfully analyzed. We argue that such an interpretive analysis implies adopting a critical and reflective stance to explore how narratives are shaped, how they appeal to specific political audiences, and whose interests are served by dominant political narratives. Such a perspective strongly resonates with current research debates in IR on practices, discourse, visuality, and emotions and puts a strong emphasis on power relations.
The last quarter of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century have
been a period of intensive rethinking and refinement of previously dominant paradigms in linguistic thought. One of the ways in which these processes take place in linguistics is through interdisciplinarity and transdisciplinarity of language research. Thus, since the founding and development of text linguistics, discourse analysis and (linguistic) pragmatics, some researchers have increasingly turned their attention to critical investigations of the relationship between language, society, the individual, subjectivity, power and control, giving rise to critical linguistics, eclectic and diverse in its theoretical and methodological approaches, and later to critical discourse analysis. Although limited in scope, the chapters in this monograph, entitled Studies in language in use: from textual to critical analysis, reflect such a trajectory from (purely) textual to (critical) discourse analysis, including multimodal analysis as well.
The paper examines 54,580 articles published from 12 December 2014 to 15 May 2023 on the right-wing news and current affairs website www.opindia.com through a corpus-assisted discourse-historical approach in three stages. First, it looks at the entire dataset using corpus-based keyword analysis to gauge the relative prominence of four node words Hindu(s) and Muslim(s) in OpIndia’s content. Second, it analyses a down-sampled set of 696 articles and identifies 42 prominent themes shaping the discourse surrounding the nodes. Finally, examining a set of 36 articles further down-sampled and analysing the discursive strategies through the discourse-historical approach demonstrates that OpIndia perpetuates a perniciously polarising discourse demonising Muslims. Also, it reaffirms that the formative rift on which the discourse thrives is – the Hindu nationalist versus secular imaginations of the nation.
Adopting proximization theory as its analytical framework, this article examines the feminist discourse of controversial Chinese talk show performer Yang Li. Yang’s talk show is known for her incisive and sarcastically humorous remarks on men, and her speeches have aroused widespread controversies. Our analysis finds that by positioning herself and other women as the inside deictic-centers (IDCs) within her constructed discourse space, Yang tactically presents the spatial, temporal and axiological proximization from the outside deictic-centers (ODCs) mainly composed of men. Yang’s version of the controversial feminism has revealed gender inequality and conventional patriarchy in contemporary society; but the reliance on male- and class-based gender stereotypes and the imagery projected from past incidents to create gendered or even men-hating discourses has begot controversies and backlashes. This study also discusses how Yang’s controversial feminist discursive patterns are influenced by the platformization of daily life, and the commodification and entertainmentization of gender issues against the backdrop of contemporary Chinese society where neoliberalism, market, capital and convention coexist.
In this article, we examine how eighty-one participants in the Finnish Basic Income Experiment discursively construct and make sense of their own and others’ poverty in face-to-face interviews. Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), we identified three discursive strategies the interviewees use to engage with and challenge culturally dominant poverty discourses. First, poverty was constructed as a tragic experience attributed to external causes beyond individual control, such as precarious labour markets and governmental policies. Second, poverty was managed discursively through explicit and implicit moral judgements about other welfare recipients, which also highlighted the speakers’ own moral values regarding responsibility and self-sufficiency. Third, some interviewees discursively constructed their low-income status as a personal and deliberate choice to live an intentionally modest, sustainable or ‘deviant’ lifestyle. Overall, our results reveal how ideologically controversial sociopolitical experiments create a particular argumentative context in which poverty talk is constructed.
Human rights organizations and media watchdogs have expressed concerns about COVID-19 news coverage in the Global South, particularly by the Indian mainstream media, due to the Islamophobic discourse it generated. This study critically examines the first wave of COVID-19 coverage by four major Indian media outlets and argues that the press perpetuates an ideologically driven discriminatory discourse developed over a century. Drawing on past scholarship in Discourse Historical Analysis (DHA), the study finds that the media employs various discursive strategies – nomination, predication, argumentation, perspectivization, mitigation, and intensification – to construct a malevolent identity for Indian Muslims. This represents them as the ‘enemy within the nation’, attributing blame for the virus’s spread in the country. Conforming to Hindutva, a dominant ideology that has been shaping Indian national politics for decades, these strategies collectively contribute to an invidious news discourse, contradicting the press’s purported fairness and neutrality.
At the time of writing, in the summer of 2024, we are confronted with a ‘polycrisis’ (e.g., Tooze 2022). This term is used to describe a situation in which multiple crises do not simply add up to a somewhat bigger crisis, but rather create a significantly different, amplified crisis in which the sub-crises influence each other in interdependent ways. As numerous studies have demonstrated (e.g., Heitmeyer 2024; Roberts 2022; Nowotny 2016), crises engender feelings of uncertainty, insecurity, and subsequently fear (Bauman 2006). The aim of this paper is to pose the overarching question: How do governments and citizens cope with such uncertainties? Les crises provoquent la peur, la panique, l’incertitude et l’impuissance. L’incertitude et l’insécurité mettent à l’épreuve tous les acteurs concernés ; chacun attend des instructions, une planification, des explications et la sécurité. Cependant, nous affrontons des alarmismes, des simplifications, une série de stratégies de légitimation et d’erreurs. Plus précisément, les erreurs sont souvent placées avant les intérêts communautaires, nationaux ou même locaux. Ces évolutions sont illustrées par une analyse qualitative et quantitative détaillée du discours des débats en Autriche, à l’été 2023. Je soutiens que les appels fallacieux au bon sens et à la normalité dépendent de leur contexte, avec des contenus, des fonctions et des effets différents observables. De tels appels instrumentalisent une « politique des émotions » de différentes manières. Ainsi, une nouvelle logique politique est normalisée, remplaçant le discours rationnel, la délibération et la formulation de politiques dirigées par des experts.
In an age of persistent existential crises, governments and wider society are demanding from academia tangible contributions toward tackling the “big” contemporary issues, including climate change, demographic collapse, social instability, and the risks of escalating global conflict. Since all such problems involve a linguistic dimension, applied linguists are increasingly repurposing their research skills to achieve impact in such domains, far beyond the traditional scope of their core discipline. This paper discusses doing so within the distinctive framework of the Zurich approach to transdisciplinarity. Core features of the Zurich approach are sketched, and a case is made for applied linguists working alongside scientists, engineers, lawyers, and others in transdisciplinary teams focused on wicked problems.
Linguistic, Literary, and Cultural Diversity in a Global Perspective is a captivating collection of research articles. This volume explores the intricate connections between language, culture, and identity across the globe. An agenda-setting introduction by the editors and essays by Liliana Sikorska and Shin-ichi Morimoto establish the scope and stakes of the book as a whole. Chapters by Eri Ohashi, Ruth Karachi Benson Oji, Liliane Hodieb, Zheng Yang, Zhifang Li, and Wanwarang Softic investigate cultural diversity in film. Chapters by Mai Hussein, Wang Chutong, and Darja Zorc Maver offer insights into the linguistic and literary creativity of diasporic and immigrant communities, and a new global context for German literature is developed in chapters by Ekaterina Riabykh, Muharrem Kaplan, and Tomás Espino Barrera. Appealing to scholars, researchers, and students, this interdisciplinary work sheds light on the complexities of our globalized world. Linguistic, Literary, and Cultural Diversity in a Global Perspective is a valuable addition to the field, offering fresh perspectives on language, culture, and identity.
Solar geoengineering (SG) has emerged within scientific research circles as a potential technological solution to address global climate change, with critical contestation arising from different disciplinary fields given concerns for inadequate governance, technical uncertainties, research inequities, and challenges for democracy. The development of SG research is dominated by a homogenous community of Western actors and the proliferation of uneven research raises concerns for critical climate justice given the exclusion of a plurality of interests, values, and norms in the formulation of the research landscape and the construction of SG as a socio-technological imaginary. While commitments to critically investigate the positionalities and subjectivities shaping the knowledge grow more numerous, less explicit investigations exist that expose the ways in which the current discourse normalizes climate imaginaries that belong to a singularly Western tradition of thought. This research seeks to expose the ways in which the current epistemic climate engineering community totalizes a Western imaginary and thus entrenches discursive and material forms of 'climate coloniality'. Using a decolonial analytical frame to construct and interpret a critical discourse analysis, I examine the most prominent (powerful) scientific literature on SG and its governance for the presence of narratives that institute climate coloniality. The findings reveal those dominant discourses within the field that totalize Western conceptions of climate change, earth, the role of science, the future, and humanity. By naming the genealogy of these discourses in Western modernity, the research challenges their universality that currently obscures colonial histories, reduces complexities, enables certain justifications, and reifies power imbalances. The research emphasizes the limitations of this investigation as situated and partial in its subjective and limited application of decolonial theoretical praxis, emphasizing the need for further research on climate coloniality that is critical of this research and its intended contributions.
This research seeks to examine and describe the complex interaction between language and identity in the lives of the women of Kitui West Constituency, Kitui County, Kenya. Grounded in ethnography, this study explores the cultural and social factors that inform language variations and identity construction in diverse women’s collectives. The targeted institutions include church-related organizations, SACCOs, and informal community-based organizations. The combined focus on qualitative and quantitative methodology: in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and sociolinguistic questionnaires fills a gap in knowledge pertaining to language and identity in multilingual African settings and provides impetus for reflections on language policy as well as women’s rights and emancipation reveal the gendered interdependence between the patterns of language choice and societal factors such as education, religion, urbanization, and economic activity. The analysis of the data provided shows that women in Kitui West have diverse linguistic resources that they negotiate every day while juggling between cultural and socially imposed roles and rights. Consequently, it fills a gap in knowledge pertaining to language and identity in multilingual African settings and provides impetus for reflections on language policy as well as women’s rights and emancipation.
The arrival of refugees in large numbers has created heated political and public debates across various arenas. Online spaces, specifically social networking platforms, have become a major site for people to express their opinions, feelings, and beliefs toward refugees. Drawing on the principles of corpus analysis, the Discourse-Historical Approach, and multimodal critical discourse analysis, this mixed-methods study explores how online discourses are utilized to portray Ukrainian refugees in Turkish tweets in the aftermath of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The findings showed that the linguistic and visual elements used to characterize Ukrainian refugees, as well as the characteristics attributed to and presumptions and justifications made about them, constructed a positive portrayal, unlike the portrayals of other major refugee groups reported in the literature. This positive representation of Ukrainian refugees as welcomed guests was reinforced through the negative depiction of other refugee groups in Türkiye, particularly Syrians and Afghans, as threats.
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