Homicide: The Hidden Victims: A Guide for Professionals
... Unfortunately, there exists little literature to shed light on the dynamics or emotional tolls of these relationships. What scholarship does exist suggests a high degree of angst experienced among all involved and a lack of policy aimed at improving the situation (Cushing and Sheffer 2002;Henry 2004;Sewell 1994;Spungen 1998). This paper places center stage the tense dialectic exchange that unfolds in the wake of a murder. ...
... Best practices for death notifications have been developed to minimize the trauma for both notifiers and co-victims (see Spungen 1998). Some jurisdictions prefer to let social workers or police chaplains handle this sensitive aspect of a murder's aftermath. ...
... For many co-victims, the social milieu surrounding the death notification sets the stage for how covictims will be dealt with throughout the remainder of the criminal justice processing of the case (Hendricks 1984;Spungen 1998;Stewart, Lord, and Mercer 2001). This can lead to further difficulties as the case progresses. ...
In the aftermath of a murder, homicide detectives and the loved ones of slain victims have no choice but to interact with one another over a lengthy period of time. These relationships are among the most mutually unwelcome and emotionally challenging that beset the criminal justice system. Drawing upon interviews with homicide detectives and homicide co-victims, the purpose of this study is to examine the patterned aspects of these relationships as they unfold across three predictable phases of the postmortem process: at the crime scene, during the death notification, and throughout the follow up investigation. We document distinct themes to how both groups perceive the stress and trauma that they experience across each phase of the relationship. In doing so, we seek to theorize a largely underappreciated aspect of the criminal justice process and provide direction for policy makers.
... Neste estudo, a instituição não contribuiu para amenizar o sofrimento dos parentes e dos amigos das vítimas; pelo contrário, mostrou-se um poderoso fator de frustração e desapontamento, corroborando, assim, os dados da literatura (Bussinger, 2010;Malone, 2007;Mastrocinque et al., 2014;Sharpe, 2015;Spungen, 1998). Conforme salientam Salloum e Rynearson (2006), as mortes violentas demandam uma série de medidas judiciais e criminais que não incluem a famí- lia em suas instâncias e os sobreviventes se tornam expectadores da situação, não recebendo apoio ou satisfação do Estado. ...
... Conforme salientam Salloum e Rynearson (2006), as mortes violentas demandam uma série de medidas judiciais e criminais que não incluem a famí- lia em suas instâncias e os sobreviventes se tornam expectadores da situação, não recebendo apoio ou satisfação do Estado. Além disso, poucos recursos e atendimentos são disponibilizados às famílias para minimizar os efeitos adversos dos episódios (Bussinger, 2010;Spungen, 1998). ...
... Entretanto, este mesmo conforto não era oferecido a eles. A situação é agra- vada, também, pela impossibilidade de resguardo da família frente ao ato violento, devido ao assédio da mídia e dos procedimentos legais decorrentes da situ- ação de homicídio ( Soares et al., 2006;Spungen, 1998). A interferência judicial, policial e dos meios de comunicação em atos criminosos aumenta o risco de comprometer a saúde dos familiares pelo excesso de exposição e repetição desenfreada do assunto (Salloum & Rynearson, 2006). ...
Diferentemente das perdas naturais, os óbitos decorrentes de homicídios envolvem instâncias
jurídicas, cuja função é elucidar os episódios e punir o(s) culpado(s). Este estudo apresenta a
percepção sobre o papel da polícia/justiça de mães e irmãos de jovens vítimas de homicídio por arma
de fogo. Participaram da pesquisa oito famílias que responderam a um questionário de caracterização
do sistema familiar e a um roteiro de entrevista semiestruturada. Os relatos foram submetidos à análise
qualitativa. Os dados enfatizam a frustração dos participantes quanto ao desempenho do Estado na
apuração dos delitos e na prisão dos perpetradores, com a falta de punição gerando uma profunda
insatisfação nos familiares. Os resultados sugerem a necessidade de mudanças no sistema judiciário
brasileiro.
... Homicide survivors often experience traumatic grief, commonly present following violent, sudden deaths (Armour, 2002;Feldman Hertz et al., 2005;Malone, 2007;Masters et al., 1988;Murphy et al., 2003;Vessier-Batchen and Douglas, 2006). Traumatic grief results in a shattered world view, emotional manifestations, and physical responses to grief (Spungen, 1998) and is intensified when the murder is considered to be preventable, sudden, and/or involves a child (Rando, 1993). Additionally, if there is an absence of social and family support and/or the survivor had a strained relationship with the murder victim prior to death, there is an increased risk of traumatic grief. ...
... Previous studies have explored the perception of media coverage and related media interactions among survivors of large-scale violent crimes such as school shootings, terrorist acts, and other mass killings. While some survivors experience compassionate and genuine interactions with the media (Walsh-Childers et al., 2011), the majority of literature details survivors' negative relationships, lack of satisfaction, and increased trauma (Armour, 2003;Doka, 2002;Fahmy and Roedl, 2010;Haravuori et al., 2011;Rando, 1993;Rynearson, 1988Rynearson, , 1994Spungen, 1998). ...
... Media intrusion can distort the meaning of the tragedy for the surviving family (Miller, 2009;Peelo, 2006). When the murder victim has a criminal or deviant past, the media often reports this information, thus causing disenfranchised grief (Doka, 2002;Spungen, 1998). Such coverage is likely to cause survivors to feel revictimized by the negative media coverage, judgement, and isolation (Rando, 1993;Rynearson, 1988Rynearson, , 1994, potentially prolonging the healing process (Armour, 2003). ...
After a homicide, survivors are thrust into relationships with a myriad of professionals. For cold case homicide survivors, these relationships are likely to develop into long-term, persistent interactions. Interviews from 24 cold case homicide survivors in the United States reveal that media professionals are often the source of additional trauma, and yet, most survivors expressed a need for continued communication and continued coverage of their case. Utilizing social constructivist grounded theory for data collection and analysis, common themes emerging from the survivors’ stories include inadequate coverage of the case, inaccurate portrayal of victim or information, negative reactions to the media, and positive experiences and desire for long-term coverage. Implications and recommendations for survivors and media professionals are detailed within.
... Studies have found differential psychological consequences among the bereaved when death is sudden as opposed to expected (Barry, Kasl, & Prigerson, 2002), and violent as opposed to nonviolent (Spungen, 1998). These conditions-violence and the unexpectedness of the loss-create a unique blend of trauma and grief in which bereaved persons often need to defend themselves from intrusive stimuli that hamper their ability to mourn (Rynearson & McCreery, 1993;Spungen, 1998). ...
... Studies have found differential psychological consequences among the bereaved when death is sudden as opposed to expected (Barry, Kasl, & Prigerson, 2002), and violent as opposed to nonviolent (Spungen, 1998). These conditions-violence and the unexpectedness of the loss-create a unique blend of trauma and grief in which bereaved persons often need to defend themselves from intrusive stimuli that hamper their ability to mourn (Rynearson & McCreery, 1993;Spungen, 1998). Furthermore, traumatic grief is frequently described as evoking rage, fear, horror, guilt, and shame, which are associated with the horrific imaginings of the death (Spungen, 1998). ...
... These conditions-violence and the unexpectedness of the loss-create a unique blend of trauma and grief in which bereaved persons often need to defend themselves from intrusive stimuli that hamper their ability to mourn (Rynearson & McCreery, 1993;Spungen, 1998). Furthermore, traumatic grief is frequently described as evoking rage, fear, horror, guilt, and shame, which are associated with the horrific imaginings of the death (Spungen, 1998). These dynamics have been described as "being pulled by loving and pushed by dying memories" (Rynearson, 1996, p. 47). ...
This study is the first to our knowledge to provide an in-depth account of the meanings reconstructed by bereaved Israeli mothers of homicide victims. Homicide survivors tend to receive little or no support from society; this is especially true in Israel, where homicide victims are a neglected population whose voice is socially muted. Constructivist theories have informed understanding of grief, emphasizing the role of meaning reconstruction in adaptation to bereavement, as well as the role of social support in the process of meaning reconstruction. We derived 3 prototypes of meaning from interviews of 12 bereaved mothers: the existential paradox; a bifurcated worldview; and oppression, mortification, and humiliation. Most informants used all 3 prototypes in the process of reconstructing meaning, describing changes in the perception of themselves, the world, and society. However, change was also accompanied by continuity, because participants did not abandon their former worldview while adopting a new one. The findings suggest that meaning reconstruction in the aftermath of homicide is a unique, multifaceted, and contradictory process. Implications for practice are outlined. (PsycINFO Database Record
... A morte de jovens, vítimas de homicídio, é um problema grave e complexo que afeta milhares de famílias todos os anos, conforme vem sendo relatado pela literatura nacional (Cano & Ribeiro, 2007) e estrangeira (Salloum & Rynearson, 2006;Spungen, 1998;Temple, 1997). Diversos fatores contribuem para os elevados índices de homicídios no Brasil. ...
... A unidade familiar, por sua vez, sofre uma transformação ampla e geral que abrange desde a sua dinâmica e funcionamento até os modos de organização e estilos de comunicação (Domingues, Villas Boas, & Dessen, 2011;Walsh, 2007). A redefinição de papéis é um dos aspectos mais evidentes nesse processo, pois os membros do sistema parental, na tentativa de evitar sofrimento adicional aos outros filhos, costumam assumir uma postura excessivamente protetora para desviar a atenção sobre a perda, negligenciando o próprio desgosto e pesar (Spungen, 1998). Além disso, óbitos por homicídio envolvem instâncias públicas, como órgãos de justiça e polícia, que têm por objetivo investigar, esclarecer e punir os culpados. ...
... As ideias de revidar ou infligir aos outros o mesmo tipo de dano são comuns, embora dificilmente se transformem em ações concretas (Spungen, 1998), sendo mais encontradas no sistema fraternal (Temple, 1997). Nessas situações, as crenças e a fé têm um papel importante e são costumeiramente reavaliadas e colocadas à prova (Walsh, 2007). ...
The violent death of young people causes changes in the everyday life of families and communities, particularly in the survivors' ways of organization. This study aimed to investigate the alterations in the emotional and relational aspects as well as in the social support network of eight families who lost young relatives, victims of homicide in the Federal District. The victims' mothers and siblings participated in the research answering a questionnaire about the family system and a semi-structured interview. The reports were submitted to qualitative analysis and showed feelings of despair, pain, guilt, anger, and fear. The episode changed the family functioning, causing disruption to marital and parental relationships. The results indicate the necessity of strengthening the social support network and investing in public policies.
... According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2007), the rate of homicide for African Americans is over 10 times greater than Whites. Family members, left behind to cope with the murder of a loved one, are at increased risk for experiencing chronic or complicated grief and posttraumatic stress reactions (Doka, 2002;Goldsmith, Morrison, Vanderwerker, & Prigerson, 2008;Laurie & Neimeyer, 2008;Spungen, 1998). Although research documents the potential risks for trauma reactions and complicated grief among surviving family members of homicide victims, research relevant to the ability to cope with grief and specific coping methods used by African American survivors of homicide victims is limited (Sharpe, 2008). ...
... The initial response among family members of homicide victims is often exacerbated because of the violent nature and senselessness of the death (Spungen, 1998). Rynearson (1995) suggested that "homicide differs from other forms of violence because it is characterized by horror, brutality, and calamity-abhorrent acts that are psychosocially dissonant and to some degree unacceptable" (p. ...
... Theories of homicide-related grief suggest that because of the continued and prolonged involvement with the criminal justice system and media, coupled with the stigma that coincides with homicide, surviving family members often feel deprived as they grieve (Allen, 1996;Doka, 1996Doka, , 2002Rando, 1996;Spungen, 1998;Zinzow, Rheingold, Hawkins, Saunders, & Kilpatrick, 2009). Grief researchers explain this phenomenon through the use of two important constructs: disenfranchised and complicated grief (Attig, 2004;Doka, 1996;Holland, Neimeyer, Boelen, & Prigerson, 2009;Prigerson & Jacobs, 2001). ...
Research relevant to coping with grief for African American family members of homicide victims is limited. This retrospective study was conducted to determine the effects of gender, length of time since death, the traumatic impact of experiencing the homicide of a loved one, and the use of coping strategies to current grief reactions of African American family members of homicide victims (N = 44). Multiple regression analysis results suggest that gender and level of traumatic stress, related to posttraumatic stress symptomatology, predict current symptoms of grief. Women reported higher levels of current grief symptoms than men. Family members of homicide victims who reported higher levels of posttraumatic stress symptomology reported higher levels of current grief. Implications for research and recommendations for practitioners are discussed.
... Posthomicide research indicates that when a homicide occurs, family members and friends are faced with the challenge of managing their grief and the grief of other family members. Moreover, due to the unexpected nature and violent violation of homicide, surviving family members of homicide victims are often at greater risk for experiencing posttraumatic stress (Amick-Mcmullan, Kilpatrick, & Resnick, 1991;Baliko & Tuck, 2008;Freeman, Shaffer, & Smith, 1996;Rheingold, Zinzow, Hawkins, Saunders, & Kilpatrick, 2012;Spungen, 1998;Stevens-Guille, 1999; Thompson, Norris, & Ruback, 1998) more so than survivors of other victims of violence (e.g., physical assault, robbery, burglary, and sexual assault; Freedy, Resnick, Kilpatrick, Dansky, & Tidwell, 1994;Zinzow, Rheingold, Byczkiewicz, Saunders, & Kilpatrick, 2011). ...
... Holland, Neimeyer, Boelen, and Prigerson (2009) refer to the prolonged grieving process of survivors of homicide victims, which results in greater than anticipated distress and impairment as complicated grief. Research suggests that this increased risk for experiencing symptoms of complicated grief and PTSD among survivors of homicide victims may be due to; the violent nature and suddenness of homicide (Amick-McMullan, Kilpatrick, Veronen, & Smith, 1989); the extensive involvement with the criminal justice system and media (Allen, 1996;Asaro, 2001;Doka, 1996Doka, , 2002Rando, 1996;Spungen, 1998, Zinzow, Rheingold, Hawkins, Saunders, & Kilpatrick, 2009; and emotional upheaval brought about by emotions of anger, a desire for revenge and the management of injured relationships with friends and family members who are suspected of being involved in the crime (Asaro, 2001). In a study examining complicated grief among African Americans who experienced the sudden or unanticipated death of a loved one, Goldsmith, Morrison, Vanderwerker, and Prigerson (2008) found that African Americans have a 2.5 times greater risk of experiencing symptoms of complicated grief than their White bereaved counterparts. ...
... While theorists have examined the relevance of making meaning for survivors of homicide victims (Armour, 2002;Neimeyer, 2000;Peterson, 2000), an examination of populations (e.g., African Americans) of survivors having already experienced a dissolution of their belief system brought on by race-based structured inequality has not been examined. Doka (2002), Redmond (1996), and Spungen (1998) purport that social stigma, blame, and shame for the manner in which the victim lived and died often coincide with murder. Homicide often carries with it stigma based upon the assumption that illegal activity (e.g., drug trafficking, gang activity, etc.) was the root cause of the violent death. ...
The disproportionate representation of African American survivors of homicide victims places them at greater risk for compromised mental health. However, an examination of factors that influence how this population copes with this traumatic event is absent from the literature. This article elucidates the importance of sociocultural factors that influence coping resources and strategies for African Americans surviving the homicide of a loved one. A socioculturally responsive model of coping is presented that can be utilized in furthering the development of research and practice that is culturally responsive to the needs of African American survivors of homicide victims.
... The impact of the loss of a loved one through homicide can be far reaching to family, friends, or others close to them, amplifying the spectrum of victimization that this type of violence generates (Spungen, 1998). That is why these individuals are considered indirect victims or co-victims, for whom their main affliction is expressed in the grieving process. ...
... This is also extended to families of direct victims, especially when they are fatal victims, as happens in murder cases. The impact of the loss of a loved one through homicide can be far-reaching to family, friends, or others close to them, amplifying the spectrum of victimization that this type of violence generates (Spungen, 1998). That is why these individuals are considered indirect victims or co-victims, for whom their main affliction is expressed in the grieving process. ...
Few studies have examined victim participation in parole processes, particularly in countries that have specific procedures for hearing victims' statements in post‐conviction proceedings. This study, through in‐depth interviews, explores the experiences of seven indirect victims of child sexual homicide, identifying their needs and expectations in a justice system lacking formal mechanisms for their involvement. Results emphasize the necessity for official information for families and the consequent frustration from the absence of formal participation. Parole application becomes a new challenge to the ongoing grieving process, leading to distress responses that may require specialized care. Recommendations about formal mechanisms for victim notification, participation and support during the parole process are noted to acknowledge their experience and emotional impact.
... Interestingly, Zisook, Chentsova-Dutton, & Shuchter, (1998) found that a rate of 10% for PTSD in spouses of those who died from an expected, chronic illness. Studies have found differential psychological consequences among the bereaved when death is sudden as opposed to expected (Barry et al., 2002), and violent as opposed to nonviolent loss (Spungen, 1998). These conditions-violence and the unexpectedness of the loss-create a unique blend of trauma and grief in which bereaved persons often need to defend themselves from intrusive stimuli that hamper their ability to mourn (Keyes et al., 2014;Nakajima et al., 2012;Rynearson and McCreery, 1993;Spungen, 1998). ...
... Studies have found differential psychological consequences among the bereaved when death is sudden as opposed to expected (Barry et al., 2002), and violent as opposed to nonviolent loss (Spungen, 1998). These conditions-violence and the unexpectedness of the loss-create a unique blend of trauma and grief in which bereaved persons often need to defend themselves from intrusive stimuli that hamper their ability to mourn (Keyes et al., 2014;Nakajima et al., 2012;Rynearson and McCreery, 1993;Spungen, 1998). ...
Background: Prolonged grief disorder (PGD) is a new disorder included in the WHO International Classification
of Diseases 11th version (ICD-11). This study is the first to use these new ICD-11 PGD guidelines to examine
prevalence rates, predictors of PGD and disorder co-occurrence with other stress-related disorders in a survey of
544 bereaved Israelis.
Methods: Descriptive statistics, correlation, linear regression and mediation analysis examined the validity of the
ICD-11 diagnostic algorithm.
Results: Prevalence of PGD in the Israeli population sample is low (2%). The prevalence rate of post-traumatic
stress disorder (PTSD) was 7.2% and for adjustment disorder (AjD) was 17.8%. A significant positive correlation
found between scores on these measures indicates concurrent validity. Mediation analysis found that symptoms
of PGD were predicted by serious life events, and significantly mediated by symptoms of PTSD and AjD. A
regression analysis found significant predictors of PGD symptom severity, including socio-demographic and
person-specific predictors.
Limitations: This study did not assess the index-death of the grief questionnaire. No conclusions could be made
regarding the relationship between the type of loss and grief severity. Furthermore, the time since loss (time
criterion) was not assessed.
Conclusions: This study is the first to examine prevalence rates of ICD-11 PGD in a population-based survey. The
mediation relationship between serious life events, AjD, PTSD and PGD supports a vulnerability model of stress
related disorders whereby the number of stressful life events may predict symptoms of stress related disorders.
... Offenders' family members also experience trauma and hardship following a homicide but have not been the focus of these movements. Victims' and offenders' family members experience intense trauma in capital cases (Freeman, Shaffer, & Smith, 1996), and these families receive little social service outreach or resources from formal organizations (Moriarty, Jerin, & Pelfry, 1998;Spungen, 1998). ...
... 67). Secondary victimization initially described the treatment of rape victims in court cases (Madigan & Gamble, 1991), but recently it has been expanded to include responses from the criminal justice system and media to families of homicide victims (Mawby & Walklate, 1995;Rock, 1998;Spungen, 1998). Police and court personnel commonly keep personal property of the victims as evidence, withhold information about case status, and suggest that the victim contributed to his or her own death (Pasternack, 1995;Tomz & McGillis, 1997). ...
Little is known about the effects of having a loved one on death row, and alternative visions of punishment that offer the possibility for forgiveness and recovery are also underrepresented in our system of justice and within the academic literature. In the Shadow of Death- uses narrative accounts of individuals affected by the death penalty and crime to explore what it means to have a loved one on death row. The in-depth examination of this under-studied population adds to the literature on loss, trauma, grief, and recovery. In addition to theory on trauma and loss, the book also uses restorative justice theory, which holds offenders accountable while searching for ways to mend communities and lives torn apart by crimes, and explores options for the offenders' family members to be brought into the justice equation and the process of healing and recovery. The book uses myriad interviews with offenders' and victims' families, legal teams, and leaders in the abolition and restorative justice movement, as well as court documents that include in-depth psychosocial histories of offenders, in order to help ground a vision of justice rooted in the social fabric of community.
... Of course, state statutes and legal scholarship clearly define the prosecutor as a representative of the state in murder cases in the United States, not as an attorney for the victim (American Bar Association 1993). In her research on people who have lost a loved one to murder, however, Spungen (1998) reports that bereaved victims often feel surprised to learn that the prosecutor does not represent them or their personal interests (see also Reed and Blackwell 2006;Hirsch 2008): "[T]he adversarial system of justice [in the United States] accords victims no formal standing in the prosecution of their offenders" (Erez and Roberts 2007, 279). ...
... As other research suggests (Spungen 1998;Hirsch 2008), the fact that victims could not hire or select the prosecutor for their loved one's murder case frustrated some victims. Karen and Wanda explained: I didn't have a choice [in the prosecutor for my son's murder case]. ...
Research on victims' encounters with prosecutors suggests that victims' rights have had a limited effect on victims' satisfaction with the criminal justice system. This study examines the victim‐prosecutor relationship with a focus on people who have lost a loved one to murder. The emotional tone dimension of Carol Heimer's case versus biography analysis proves helpful for explaining the gaps between prosecutors' responsibilities and victims' expectations. The data come from in‐depth interviews with thirty‐five participants, including twenty victims, three crime victims' advocates, and twelve criminal court professionals in Union County (pseudonym). The findings indicate that shared emotions (e.g., sadness, anger) represent a key mechanism for (1) connecting victims to prosecutors (and individuals to organizations) and (2) improving victims' experiences with the criminal justice system. Although victims' rights do not guarantee the opportunity for shared emotions, prosecutors often honored victims' desire for a close relationship and considered their input on case decisions.
... Offenders' family members also experience trauma and hardship following a homicide but have not been the focus of these movements. Victims' and offenders' family members experience intense trauma in capital cases (Freeman, Shaffer, & Smith, 1996), and these families receive little social service outreach or resources from formal organizations (Moriarty, Jerin, & Pelfry, 1998;Spungen, 1998). ...
... 67). Secondary victimization initially described the treatment of rape victims in court cases (Madigan & Gamble, 1991), but recently it has been expanded to include responses from the criminal justice system and media to families of homicide victims (Mawby & Walklate, 1995;Rock, 1998;Spungen, 1998). Police and court personnel commonly keep personal property OFFENDERS & VICTIMS as evidence, withhold information about case status, and suggest that the victim contributed to his or her own death (Pasternack, 1995;Tomz & McGillis, 1997). ...
Discussions of punishment for homicide usually focus on either retributive justice or deterrence. This article attempts to broaden these discussions to include using restorative justice to supplement the traditional judicial process in capital cases. Qualitative interviews with 19 family members of offenders tried in capital cases in the South are used to explore the need for restorative justice in capital cases. Results indicate that offenders' family members often experience trauma; express empathy for victims and their families, as well as a desire to connect with them; and the community plays a critical role in their ability to cope with the homicide and its aftermath. The authors conclude that restorative justice practices should be explored to help victims' and offenders' family members cope with homicide and the trial that follows.
... First, victimization can lead to disruptions in psychological health, including anxiety, depression, PTSD, and generalized anxiety disorder, as well as social alienation and isolation (Armour, 2011;Milman et al., 2024). Additionally, it can lead to internalized feelings of shame and blame from others for not being able to help the primary victim, which can hinder closure for secondary victims (Armour, 2007;Spungen, 1998). The grief process for IPH is further complicated by the fact that the perpetrator is likely someone known to the secondary victim, possibly a biological male relative (see Pitcho-Prelorentzos et al., 2022). ...
The homicide rate of Black Americans continues to soar despite increasing awareness of their overrepresentation. Given this overrepresentation, Black Americans are especially vulnerable to secondary or co-victimization. Following a homicide in the Black community, loved ones are inconsolable with grief; however, it is frequently the victim’s mother, daughter, sister, aunt, female romantic partner, and grandmother who carry the social, cultural, and legal weight. Black women’s invisibility and hypervisibility as secondary victims of homicide adds to their marginalization and puts them at risk for additional harms. In response to this issue, using a Critical Race Feminism and Intersectionality theoretical lens, this paper explores three distinct types of homicide and their impacts on Black women: firearm homicide; police brutality; and intimate partner homicide (IPH). Furthermore, focusing on the often-overlooked racialized and gendered trauma following a violent death in the Black community, research, policy, and practice measures to support Black women are introduced. Overall, this paper presents a cumulative review and a springboard agenda for advancing and elevating knowledge on Black women’s experiences in the aftermath of homicide.
... Modelo patológico em estudos sobre homicídio policial e famílias vitimadas Fonte: elaborado pelos autores.Com as vivências traumáticas, características da fase "impactos na saúde", o modelo patológico na segunda dimensão "sistema familiar no pós-traumático" evidencia situações, estratégias e organização política das famílias vitimadas: ajuda da comunidade, aproximação religiosa, acompanhamento e orientação por parte de políticas públicas especializadas, organização política e busca por reparação e justiça.Ainda que a produção da morte violenta recaída sobre as famílias vitimadas possa levar à transformação do sujeito assassinado em um dado bruto apropriado pelas estatísticas oficiais.Há espaço para um campo subjetivo e de mensuração oficial complexa capaz de analisar as experiências de familiares em relação ao luto, à dor e à organização política de uma realidade social muitas vezes subnotificadas pela incapacidade dos relatórios institucionais.As experiências de saúde e sociais entorno da dor e do sofrimento decorrentes da violência prolongada permitem construir mecanismos de superação (RUTTER, 1999) e de organização política em busca de reparação e justiça. Os fatores de risco (como alcoolismo, violência doméstica e dificuldades financeiras) e de proteção (redes de apoio social e oficial) ajudam a entender como as famílias lidam com a experiência da morte de um ente querido(a), especialmente no que se refere às mudanças na unidade familiar.As experiências humanas diante de traumas, adoecimento, rede de afetos e de solidariedade e organização política no pós-homicídio(SPUNGEN, 1997;WALSH;MCGOLDRICK, 2004;MALONE, 2007; COSTA et. al., 2017) são ocultadas pelas estatísticas oficiais e tradicionalmente pelos estudos clássicos da violência. ...
Este artigo é resultado de pesquisa pós-doutoral desenvolvida na Universidade de Brasília (PPGSC/UnB), em 2022. Há um interesse científico e social em compreender como determinadas famílias no Distrito Federal vivem situações de violência institucional geradas pelo homicídio policial e como as políticas públicas especializadas de atendimento e orientação chegam a esses grupos vitimados. Por meio de levantamento bibliográfico e documental, esta pesquisa tem como propósito analisar o que se tem produzido sobre o fenômeno na região distrital, o âmbito das redes de apoio e as condições de saúde das famílias vitimadas, nos últimos anos. O objetivo principal compreende analisar o debate acadêmico acerca do homicídio policial e dos impactos dessa violência nas famílias vitimadas no Distrito Federal. Os objetivos específicos são: 1) discutir a literatura acerca do homicídio policial e das famílias vitimadas no Distrito Federal nos últimos anos; 2) identificar quais são as redes de apoio sociais e oficiais no Distrito Federal; 3) compreender as condições de saúde das famílias vitimadas, provocadas pelo prolongamento da violência institucional. A metodologia da pesquisa tem caráter qualitativo, por meio de análise bibliográfica e documental nos seguintes bancos de dados: Scielo, Google Acadêmico, Diretório da CAPES e documentos institucionais oriundos de outras fontes de buscas. Espera-se que a pesquisa contribua para entender um recorte do campo de estudo voltado à violência, à segurança pública, às famílias vitimadas e às políticas públicas no Distrito Federal.
... That is, the misfortunate receives sympathy when others perceive that they have not caused their own problem or disregarded common logic (Clark, 1997). In this same vein, if the deceased is determined as having engaged in behaviors that contributed to his or her own death, the bereaved might suffer for this and be deemed an unworthy sympathy recipient (Spungen, 1998). ...
... Therefore, another important factor that usually determines the way people perceive loss and how they grieve is the cause of death of their loved ones. Oftentimes, scholars and professionals approach loss through a particular reason why a person died, such as a long-term illness (Rolland 2004;Costello 2012), old age (Erber 2013), or a sudden event (Worden 1991: 93-101;Doka 1996), such as a car accident (Lord 1996), a murder (Redmond 1989;Spungen 1998), a suicide (Hauser 1987;Wertheimer 2014), and a pregnancy loss (Worden 1991: 103-105;Littlemore & Turner 2019). ...
We assume that despite the universal presence of death, the response to it might vary
from culture to culture. The way people think about their loss and grief might be all the more different.
The aims of this dissertation are: to study how Americans and Poles conceptualize loss and grief, to examine cultural differences in conceptualizing loss and grief, and to explore in what ways culture and individual experience might affect conceptualization of loss and grief.
We conducted a qualitative research study (questionnaires). A total of 37 Americans and 42 Poles, who had lost a loved one within 1–5 years, took part in the survey.
The data was analyzed in three chapters. The metaphors and blends (Lakoff & Johnson 1980; Fauconnier & Turner 2002) were grouped according to the semantic patterns we identified. This allowed us to develop the models of the concepts of loss and grief. A separate chapter concerned loss and grief in relation to the mode of death and the type of previous relationship with the lost one.
In general, both Americans and Poles viewed loss negatively. The most common way of seeing LOSS was ABSENCE OF SOMEONE. Other categories were more metaphorical. Although LOSS was mainly viewed negatively, this was not always the case with GRIEF.
We hope that this dissertation will be useful not only to linguists and scholars within culture studies, but also to psychologists, therapists, and anyone interested in the topics of loss and grief.
... In recognition of the importance of the notification process, protocols, and recommendations have been developed to help professionals and rescuers called to perform death notifications (Hall, 1982;Parrish et al., 1987;Collins, 1989;Wells, 1993;Williams and Frangesch, 1995;Byers, 1996;Ptacek and Eberhardt, 1996;Von Bloch, 1996;Spungen, 1998;Boss, 1999Boss, , 2002Stewart, 1999;Benenson and Pollack, 2003;Miller, 2003aMiller, ,b, 2004Eberwein, 2006;Nardi and Keefe-Cooperman, 2006). It is important, in fact, that notifiers (doctors and other health workers, psychologists, priests, members of law enforcement, and the school community) do not underestimate the impact that they could have during the first meeting with the partner/family/friends of the deceased. ...
Background: The way the death of a person is communicated can have a profound impact on the bereavement process. The words and expressions that are used to give the tragic news, the characteristics of who communicates it, the physical setting in which the notification is given, the means used (e.g., in person, via phone call, etc.) are just some of the factors that can influence the way survivors face one of the most difficult moments in their lives.
Aim: To review the literature on the topic of death notification to verify the state of the art related to this important procedure.
Methods: A systematic review was conducted with PRISMA criteria on English-written materials produced from 1966 to 2019.
Results: Out of the initial 3,166 titles considered, 60 articles were extracted for this review. A content analysis has revealed four main areas of interest: (1) protocols and guidelines; (2) emotional reactions of recipients and notifiers; (3) professional figures involved in the notification process; and, (4) types of death.
Discussion: The communication of death represents a complex and stressful experience not only for those who receive it but also for those who give it. Alongside the acquisition of a necessary technique and execution methods, the process should involve the selection of notifiers based on personality characteristics and communication styles.
Conclusion: Indications for the need of better training and protocols sensitive to different circumstances emerge. Adequate preparation can positively influence the quality of communication and the effects it produces, both on recipients and notifiers. In vocational training, more space should be devoted to this demanding task.
... Those left behind are often referred to as 'homicide survivors' or co-victims of homicide. Their experience is characterised by both grief and trauma (Spungen, 1998). The effects of homicide on the bereaved usually are severe and long-lasting (Stevenson, 2008). ...
This article discusses cultural considerations and approaches to working with bereaved immigrants who cope with traumatic loss. A clinical case is used to elaborate on issues related to cultural identity, level of acculturation as well as religious beliefs and rituals among Filipinos living in Greece. Considerations for clinicians, who provide services to culturally diverse families that experience traumatic deaths, are discussed.
... that each homicide leaves behind at least 7-10 people to survive the murder of their loved one (Redmond, 1989). Scholars have demonstrated that experiencing the homicide of a loved one places surviving family members at risk for depression, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and chronic and/or complicated grief (Doka, 2002;Goldsmith, Morrison, Vanderwerker, & Prigerson, 2008;Laurie & Neimeyer, 2008;Rheingold, Zinzow, Hawkins, Saunders, & Kilpatrick, 2012;Spungen, 1998). This report calls attention to the fact that little is known about coping with complicated grief experienced as a result of surviving the homicide of a loved one and, if left untreated, may be more difficult to treat and predictive of more chronic and devastating mental health outcomes (Keesee, Currier, & Neimeyer, 2008;Kristensen, Weisaeth, & Heir, 2012). ...
African Americans are disproportionately impacted by homicide in the United States. Individuals who have lost a relative to homicide often experience symptoms of complicated grief. The objective of this study was to explore the impact of a culturally tailored psychoeducational pilot intervention whose development was informed by a conceptual model of coping for African American survivors of homicide victims and was designed to (a) educate participants about the manifestation of complicated grief and symptoms and (b) help participants develop ways to cope with their grief. Pre- and post-test results indicate preliminary support for this encouraging intervention in achieving its intended outcomes to help participants identify complicated grief symptoms, supports, and services to help them manage their grief. Implications for posthomicide research and practice are discussed.
... Greer (2007) argued that the increasing importance of visual representations of crime in the age of information enhances the overall influence of victims on news audiences. Indeed, it is almost expected that families of murder victims-co-victims-will express their emotions, and share their pain and suffering with the media (Spungen, 1998). Press conferences have become a norm and even more powerful are the photographs of crime victims, that humanize them and add an aspect of reality to a crime that might otherwise remain abstract (Doyle, 2005). ...
This qualitative, phenomenological study conducted in Israel consisted of interviews with 14 close relatives of murder victims whose cases generated media interest. The research offers a comprehensive view of the endeavors of the participants to be heard in both the criminal justice system and the media. The findings indicate that despite the growing recognition of co-victims’ rights and media attention to their narratives, both the justice system and the media disappoint these victims and largely fail to respond to their need to convey their messages. The participants experienced ‘lingual injury:’ the repudiation and muting of their own language in favor of professional jargon. Lingual injury is an innovative concept that describes particular aspects of secondary victimization; it contributes to the existing literature by enabling a detailed mapping of co-victims’ simultaneous difficulties in the interplay between the criminal justice system and the media. It highlights the need for developing professional tools, both legal and victimological, to alleviate this situation.
... With regards to the importance that the identification of the body plays in the whole process of mourning, some scholars [3,19,28,55,[57][58][59] concur in proposing the following best practices. If it is not necessary to view the body for legal reasons, it is important that survivors may choose whether they wish to or not. ...
The communication of a death due to unexpected and traumatic causes is considered a very sensitive issue that can deeply affect both operators responsible for reporting the incident and the mourning process of family members, relatives, and other survivors. By focusing particularly on cases of traumatic death, this article tries to explain how inadequate communication of death may adversely affect the course of mourning. The article also illustrates the basic principles of correct notification of death. In this way, we hope to contribute to the ongoing dialogue on this topic and the promotion of new studies aimed at setting best practices for those professionally involved in the challenging task of communicating that a life has ended. This would be important in order to safeguard the emotional integrity of notifiers whilst effectively helping the survivors to cope with the early stages of their difficult mourning process.
... The studies all conclude that homicide survivors experience more intense and complicated grieving than other survivors of sudden death. Spungen (1998) stated that a traumatic death can shatter the basic assumptions survivors have established about the world in which they live and describes how traumatic grief can be characterized by both emotional and physical responses that affect the central nervous system. ...
In the aftermath of an unsolved homicide, surviving family members are forced to cope with the murder and how it affects their family unit. This paper examines the experiences of 12 cold case homicide survivors from four families, providing a much needed voice to cold case homicide survivors. Utilizing in-depth interviews to understand the survivors' stories, five themes emerged including time spent with related survivors, becoming overprotective, impacts on existing relationships, pressure to stay strong and the difficulties of family traditions. The findings provide an initial framework for understanding the impact of a cold case homicide on the family unit for both survivors and related practitioners. The data indicates that throughout the grief process survivors should be encouraged to engage in private and collective grieving, recognize and address their behavioral and emotional changes, openly discuss the perceived impact on their relationships and reshape family traditions.
... The participants all described their frustrating encounters with the police investigators and the lengthy court procedures. This may lead to further traumatisation (Asaro, 2001a(Asaro, , 2001bSpungen, 1998). The literature indicates that homicide survivors often feel rage directed at the criminal justice system for protecting the rights of perpetrators and disregarding the rights of the victim's family (Asaro & Clements, 2005;Baliko & Tuck, 2008;Schlosser, 1997). ...
This study explores the grief experiences of young adults in the aftermath of the murder of a sibling. Three young adults were recruited to participate in interviews in which they described their lived experience of loss. Data collection and the subsequent analyses were guided by a phenomenological research design and resulted in the identification of seven major themes, namely (1) shock and disbelief, (2) recollection, guilt and self-blame, (3) rupture and fragmentation, (4) support, (5) justice and revenge, (6) reformulation, and (7) resilience, healing and growth. These themes are discussed with reference to the findings of other documented studies, and the implications for practitioners working with bereaved siblings of murder victims pointed to.
... Clark (1997) argues that the misfortunate receive sympathy when others perceive that they have not created their own problem or disregarded common logic. Some observers may view murder victims as engaging in behaviors that put them at risk, leading observers to blame the victim (Lerner 1980) and discredit his or her surviving loved ones (Spungen 1998). Certainly, "blaming someone for a tragedy is less disturbing than facing the fact that life is uncertain" (Burgess 1975:396). ...
This study examines how others indicate that our emotions violate social norms and how people feel about and respond to those indications. The data come from in-depth interviews with thirty-two people who had recently lost a loved one to murder ("bereaved victims"). Through the symbolic interaction process, bereaved victims came to appreciate the burden their grief imposed on others, and some of them took steps to minimize that burden. Despite their awareness of the burden, however, many of the bereaved expected others to express heartfelt sympathy for their loss. Instead, people offered inappropriate (and even hurtful) responses, including avoiding the topic of their loss, offering unnecessarily dramatic responses to the loss, and telling them to move on. The responses suggest that current feeling rules and emotion norms surrounding grief do not reflect the true extent of bereaved people's actual experiences, creating awkward situations for potential supporters and the bereaved.
This literature review focused on homicide bereavement (HB) risk factors. A content analysis was conducted on 83 empirical papers published in English from January 2000 to December 2021 in peer-reviewed journals. Extracted HB risk factors were synthesized according to six main dimensions: individual level; situational homicide-related factors; and micro, meso, exo, and macro social levels. The review demonstrates that macro-level and situational homicide-related risk factors are in special need of further study. In addition, how HB risk factors interact with one another to influence HB also requires further study. Future research may benefit from examining whether and how individuals experiencing HB influence related factors at various social levels. Last, given that almost all reviewed studies were conducted in Western societies, the sociocultural and ethnic diversity in HB risk factors is in dire need of future study.
The death notification is regarded as one of the most defining events for families of sudden and unexpected death. Little is known how the death notification process impacts families who have lost a loved one to homicide. Using the focus group methodology, this study depicts the death notification process through the eyes of homicide co-victims and examines the patterned aspects of the notifiers’ association with co-victims as their relationships and contacts unfold across three critical phases of death notification: initiating contact with co-victims, delivering the notice, and providing assistance and referral to co-victims. Of particular interest is retelling personal accounts of secondary victimization that homicide co-victims experience during the death notification process and how they responded to such experiences. The paper concludes by discussing ways to improve death notification protocols and training guidelines and providing direction for future policy and practice.
The current study sheds light on the continuing bonds experience of adult Israeli daughters whose mothers were murdered by their fathers. Through 11 semi structured interviews, common externalized and internalized continuing bonds with the deceased mothers were closely examined. The interpreted results supported the existence of bonds, yet revealed a unique manifestation; the bonds were purposefully and defensively restricted, which seemed to be an adjustive compromise in light of the strong traumatic component of the loss. Our results contribute to the theoretical and clinical understanding of the restrictive effect that trauma components have on loss components in cases of traumatic bereavement.
Introduction
Black people are disproportionately impacted by homicide. However, despite this over-representation, research is limited relevant to how black individuals, families and communities cope with the chronic traumatic devastation of homicide. This scoping review will provide an amalgamation of the current literature regarding the coping strategies of black survivors of homicide victims to inform future health and social work practice.
Methods and analysis
In this scoping review, Arksey and O’Malley’s five-stage framework will be used to succinctly gather and synthesise previous literature and identify gaps in research relevant to black survivors of homicide victims. This method will allow for a focused process of chosen pertinent databases. The seven databases include OVID (MEDLINE and PsycINFO), ProQuest (Sociological Abstracts, Social Services Abstracts, International Bibliography of Social Sciences), EBSCO (Africa Wide, The Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature). The seven databases were chosen for their relevance to the topic of coping with homicide for black individuals, families and communities. All members of the research team will screen the abstracts and full texts of the literature based on the inclusion criteria. The findings will be charted and synthesised using a qualitative thematic analysis.
Ethics and dissemination
The articles chosen for this review will be gathered from peer-reviewed journals and scholarly search engines. Due to this research project’s nature, ethics approval is not warranted. The results of this scoping review will inform culturally responsive approaches to research, policy and practice for first responders (eg, law enforcement, emergency medical technicians) and providers (eg, mental health clinicians, physicians and faith-based communities) who frequently render services to black survivors of homicide victims. The results will be shared through journal article publications, academic and community conferences, as well as professional training opportunities for practitioners who support Black individuals, families and communities.
The term “violent offender” is multifaceted. Violent offences can include but are not limited to homicide, domestic violence, gang violence and violence committed in the course of a crime. According to (Berkowitz in, Aggression: Its causes, consequences, and control. McGraw-Hill, 1993) violence. is referred to as either “instrumental” or “expressive”.
The restorative justice movement has increased the rights of consciousness for crime victims and their families globally. Though the practice of family group conferences in Australia and New Zealand and the court-ordered mediation programmes in China have increasingly involved defendants and their families, their roles in the criminal justice system have not been the main focus of academic inquiries. Citing a high-profile capital case in China, the Nian Bin case, this study examines the defendant family’s strategies in seeking legal redress, managing physical, emotional and financial tolls as well as coping with the victim families, throughout their eight-year pursuit of Nian’s exoneration. Given Confucian teachings on the importance of family to the individual and the society at large, this study provides a microscopic view into various precipitating factors for a capital defendant’s family activism. It also draws broader implications for China’s criminal justice reforms and the restorative justice movement.
Résumé Les textes juridiques ont largement tenté d'appuyer le point de vue des victimes depuis quelques années, tant au Québec qu'en France, deux pays comparés ici. Il en ressort une tension entre « victimophiles » et « victimophobes ». Mais au-delà de ce processus, en quoi consiste réellement la position des proches de victimes d'homicides ? Ils n'adoptent pas de posture vindicatoire mais aspirent, en plus de voir reconnues leurs souffrances personnelles, à pouvoir représenter la victime à la hauteur de son préjudice et être reconnus comme tels : c'est le sens que doit prendre l'indemnisation comme la peine. Une telle reconnaissance symbolique doit passer par une prise en compte de cette double revendication par le système judiciaire, et pas seulement du fait de ses décisions, mais aussi de la relation que ses acteurs entretiennent avec ces personnes. Il est enfin important qu'une telle reconnaissance puisse être prise en charge socialement et ne dépende plus du seul système de justice pénale.
This article examines the experiences of family members when a loved one dies after police contact in the United States. It uses qualitative data from semistructured interviews with the bereaved families of 43 U.S. citizens who died after police contact and considers their experiences as covictims of homicide. It examines how they experience grief in the aftermath of such a death and considers Doka’s concept of disenfranchised grief in evaluating how social norms affect their grieving process. It argues that individuals affected by deaths after police contact are often unable to grieve in a way that is socially legitimized. The article finds that disenfranchised grief has a racial dimension with regard to deaths after police contact with non-White families being deeply affected by it due to their position within society, the context in which their loved one died, and in terms of how the deceased was socially constructed.
This article deals with the issue of perceived social support among 40 bereaved parents who have lost a child in a terrorist attack in Israel. The aim is to gain a better understanding of the nature and quality of the formal and informal support that the parents received. The parents were interviewed using semistructured in-depth interviews. The content analysis revealed that alongside the positive aspects, the parents also emphasized the negative side of the encounter with the social environment. The positive aspects included feeling of appreciation for the assistance in the coping process. The negative aspects included a sense of abandonment and distress. The dialectic nature of the domain, together with a recognition of its importance, points to the need to reconcile between the desire on the part of the social environment to assist the bereaved parent on one hand and ways to implement it on the other hand.
After a homicide, family members of the victim must cope with their loss and find ways to continue on with their lives. Research suggests that as "secondary victims," this group may experience grief and cope in ways unique from other victims. Using focus group data, this article examines the impact of homicide on surviving family members. Our findings highlight the divergent ways in which individuals respond to homicide as well as the varying coping strategies families implement. Practical applications of these findings are discussed.
In this article, we examine the impact of community response on the devastating experience of losing a loved one to homicide. Although traumatic grief is deeply personal, an individual’s loss is also inevitably social, and survivors often contend with varying expectations from family members, community, and society at large, which have a profound impact on their experience of loss and grieving. In this article, using relevant clinical material, we seek to illuminate four key issues that emerge in the immediate and enduring aftermath of homicide: (a) common expectations of homicide survivors from family and surrounding community, particularly around the dominant narratives of healing and closure; (b) similarities and disparities in personal and public narratives of singular and multivictim homicides; (c) the permanence of traumatic loss and survivors’ enduring sense of apartness from others; and (d) the impact of homicide bereavement work on clinicians. These and other issues are explored with relevant case examples and clinical recommendations for working with this population. These reflections are based on our experience of doing long-term clinical work with survivors of homicide at the Center for Homicide Bereavement, a community-based program of the Victims of Violence Program at the Cambridge Health Alliance.
This report examines the response of victim service agencies in Ontario to "family-victims" - individuals who are both the primary victim of a crime and a family member of the accused.
Although survivors of homicide victims are recognized as a distinct bereaved population, little attention has been given to concepts of posthomicide wellness and the conditions that advance survivors' healing. This article examines the well-being of survivors through interviews and focus groups with survivors and victim assistance providers. Data were analyzed using a combination of template analysis and grounded theory, qualitative approaches that serve to broaden existing theory and prior research about homicide bereavement so that survivors' functioning can be assessed outside of theory built principally on death due to natural causes or through the lens of complicated bereavement. Findings include eight dimensions of well-being: (a) movement/intentionality, (b) stagnation, (c) reckonings, (d) injustice, (e) factors in the criminal justice system that help or hinder, (f) the role of time, (g) faith, and (h) family and friends. Findings suggest that posthomicide well-being is associated with cognitive and emotional movement in a forward direction. Discussion centers on the prevention of or reduction in barriers that block survivors' movement.
Although manifestations of pain and loss phenomena are treated in various parts of the discipline, the focus is seldom on pain and loss as a distinctive form of political experience or as one that offers a broad canvas on which the workings of the political process can be depicted. By contrast, this article makes four arguments: (1) pain and loss experiences cut to the core of everyday lives and frequently infuse them with politics; (2) responses to pain and loss events occupy a prominent place in the domains of public opinion and issue activism; (3) these events and responses have some unique properties; and (4) major research questions can be organized around the study of pain and loss phenomena.
The homicide of a loved one is a devastating event for families. Adult and youth survivors struggle with posttraumatic stress, complicated grief, isolation, and stigma. Existing programs serving survivors of homicide victims offer needed services, but a comprehensive program is lacking. Based on an analysis of existing programs in the United States, a literature review, and the authors’ practice experience, this paper presents a comprehensive, conceptual practice model for supporting survivors of homicide victims. The program model consists of the following components: Counseling/Therapeutic Services; Case Management Services; Advocacy Services; Education/Training; Community of Survivors; and a Website/Hotline. Implications for social work practice and directions for future research are discussed.
Purpose: Homicide violence in the United States has become endemic in our communities. The United States murder rate was 5.5 per 100,000 people in 2004 (Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2005), totaling 16,148 people murdered annually. In 2004, the rate of homicide for African Americans was 41.4 per 100,000 people; over 2 times that of Hispanics (13.8) and American Indian/Alaskan Natives (14.0), over 6 times that of Whites (5.5), and over 8 times that of Asians/Pacific Islander (5.0) (U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2006). Given that 37 million African Americans reside in the United States, approximately 15,321 African Americans are murdered annually (U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2006). In other words, more than 68% of individuals murdered in the United States are African American. The number of surviving family members, friends, and co-workers who must learn how to cope with the murder of their loved one is unknown. Ahmed and Feldman (1999) suggest that, on average, each homicide victim has three surviving family members. Based on this estimate, roughly 45,963 African Americans are indirectly affected by homicide each year. Although African Americans are disproportionately represented among homicide survivor populations, the exploration of their experience has received little attention.
Method: This mixed method study was designed to examine the contextual factors that contribute to coping differences among African American family members who are surviving the homicide of a loved one. A sample of 44 African Americans who have experienced the murder of a loved one within the past 10 years (1996-2006), participated in this study. The study was conducted in two phases. In Phase I, a self-report questionnaire consisting of the Africultural Coping Scale Inventory (ACSI), Impact of Events Scale (IES), and Texas Revised Inventory of Grief (TRIG), was administered to participants to assess primary and differential coping determinants. In Phase II, 8 participants from the larger sample were interviewed to: (1) better understand the coping strategies of African American homicide survivors, (2) explore participant views, and (3) further elucidate quantitative findings.
Results: An analysis of the quantitative findings suggests that the primary strategies used to cope with the homicide of a loved one encompassed a reliance on spiritual resources. Descriptive information obtained from qualitative data suggests that historical and contemporary experiences brought about by living in a racialized society and becoming a homicide survivor influences the coping strategies used by African American survivors of homicide. The coping strategies used by survivors in this sample were :(a) spiritual coping/meaning making, (b) maintaining a connection to the deceased, (c) collective coping and caring for others, and (d) concealment.
Conclusions and Implications: This study provides a seminal foundation for a trajectory of research that can aid in the development and implementation of further homicide survivor studies. Findings offer a detailed picture of the sociocultural factors that contribute to the utilization of coping strategies used by African American homicide survivors and provide information relevant to the culturally appropriate design and implementation of homicide survivor services.
Using a qualitative research method of life stories, this article examines perceptions among families from Switzerland, Italy, and Israel regarding the media’s role in their process of coping with the murder of close relatives. The findings reveal a duality of attitudes regarding the media found in all three countries examined. The media logic predominant in the experience of victims’ families has a very similar effect, clearly leading to a mediatization of victimhood.
This article identifies ways in which newspapers invite readers to identify with victims and victimhood as a route to engaging them in ‘human interest’ stories. Within this framing of homicide for readers as ‘mediated witness’, some of the authorial techniques are explored whereby newspapers engage readers in a stylized dialogue that contributes to the construction of public narratives about homicide. It is argued that researchers, as well as working at a macro level, need to research at the micro level of textual analysis when researching media (including visual media) in order to understand the framing that contributes to public narratives; hence there is analysis of techniques of (a) defamiliarization and (b) objectification of homicide victims. These are some of the means by which the reader is placed as witness, both apparently ‘experiencing’ crime for personal consumption yet, publicly, allowed to recover (unlike real victims of major crime). The recognition of a need for micro-level analysis raises questions about the functions of public narratives, particularly in expressing, exploring and containing public or social emotion, in an era in which public responses to crime have been placed at the top of a highly politicized crime agenda.
This research examines the experiences, attitudes, feelings, and coping mechanisms of 17 families of murder victims and compares them with Smykla’s findings based on interviews of families of death row inmates. Themes emerging from this research include emotional and health issues, social problems, changes in attitudes about personal safety, and distorted grieving patterns. Denial, anger, confusion, and feelings of powerlessness are common to both groups. Both families of murder victims and families of death rowinmates indicated similar complaints about their treatment by criminal justice personnel. These include apparent lack of compassion, incomplete information, unanswered phone calls, dissembling or untruthful replies to questions, ignorance about normal grief reactions, and lack of accessibility. Training should be provided to police officers and others who must interact with families of murder victims and families of the condemned so that their suffering is not increased.
Covictims of homicide are a hidden and sparsely researched group whose needs, as crime victims, are neglected and subsumed by the state's agenda for retributive justice. Likewise, their unique and distinct problems are given little consideration in the literature. This article appraises the relevance of the literature on trauma, bereavement, and meaning-making to this population; examines the research on covictims; and discusses the implications for research, practice, and policy. The review shows that trauma reactions are considered the major criterion of severity of victimization consequences. The emphasis on trauma, however, eclipses the significance of an invalidating social milieu and the efforts of covictims to regain their footing.
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