Alternatives to Exclusion from School
... Unlike a fixed-term exclusion, the pupil is relocated within the school environment. Schools are not held to account for their use of IE (Munn et al., 2015), there is no official exclusion, but the strategy does involve removing pupils from mainstream classes (Power & Taylor, 2018). IE has become the most commonly used within-school disciplinary alternative to 'formal' exclusion (Munn et al., 2015). ...
... Schools are not held to account for their use of IE (Munn et al., 2015), there is no official exclusion, but the strategy does involve removing pupils from mainstream classes (Power & Taylor, 2018). IE has become the most commonly used within-school disciplinary alternative to 'formal' exclusion (Munn et al., 2015). However, to extend the metaphor used by Gazeley et al. (2015), this disciplinary practice lies beneath the tip of the iceberg, in murkier waters. ...
... For example, "behaviour support unit", "reflection room", "seclusion room", "exclusion room", "inclusion room", "isolation room", or more informally, "sin bins" and "time out" are just some of the terms assigned to the practise of removing a pupil from a mainstream classroom for a period of time due to unwanted behaviour (e.g. Barker et al., 2010;Gillies & Robinson, 2012;;Munn et al., 2015). ...
Internal exclusion (IE) is thought to be a common disciplinary practice in secondary schools, yet there is a dearth of research investigating the strategy. There are no statistics confirming the number of schools utilising IE and no independent analysis of how many pupils are placed in IE, how long they stay there for, and what they do. This study makes an important contribution to the literature by developing an indication of the prevalence of IE and the practices operationalising it, and by gathering school staff and EP perspectives about the use and efficacy of the strategy. The research adopted a mixed-methods design and reports on quantitative data arising from two surveys: a school staff survey (n=94) and EP survey (n=83), and qualitative data from semi-structured interviews with school leaders (n=9). Results show that IE is a highly prevalent strategy used across England, but operationalised in different ways. The research found that internal referral patterns are typically stable or increasing which, coupled with perceptions that the same pupils regularly repeat IE, serves to challenge the fundamental assumption that IE acts as an effective deterrent against poor behaviour. A main theme in the data was a belief that SEND pupils attend IE more frequently than their peers. This, and other findings, have important implications for policy and practice which include: an urgent need for clarity in government guidance, evaluation of the impact of IE and a review of the IE environment. With three-quarters of school staff indicating that EPs are used to support with behaviour, the profession could potentially play a significant role in assisting schools with IE. Typically, though, EPs tend to be restricted to supporting at the individual level and can be side-lined in systemic policy decisions related to IE. Recommendations following the main findings from the study are summarised in a guidance framework. It is hoped that this will help support schools and EPs in navigating the complexities of IE processes in an ethical and evidence-informed way.
... Limiting the powers of exclusion of school management: The power of the head teacher to exclude students from school should be limited to 1 day as it is the case in some parts of Austria (Munn, Lloyd, & Cullen, 2000), and 1 week in the case of sanctioned punishment by board of governors as it is the case in Austria. In Finland, the duration for exclusion is 1 month minimum and maximum 3 months. ...
... In Finland, the duration for exclusion is 1 month minimum and maximum 3 months. The decision regarding this exclusion is made by the board (Munn et al., 2000). Also, in Britain, head teachers can arrange to exchange or host students who are perceived to be having challenging behaviors. ...
... Also, in Britain, head teachers can arrange to exchange or host students who are perceived to be having challenging behaviors. These kinds of behaviors could also be referred to the special day or residential provision for excluded students, as it is the case in England (Munn et al., 2000). This article argues that indefinite exclusion should be abolished in Ghanaian schools backed by policy. ...
In this article, school disciplinary exclusions in high schools in Ghana are highlighted to explore alternatives to school exclusions. The 2017 budget and the preceding budgets of the Republic of Ghana clearly indicate that the bulk of the nation’s expenditure is spent on education. Part of the 2017 budget is especially targeted at making the senior high school (SHS) education free in Ghana beginning 2017-2018 academic year. Needy students have been the thrust of this investment to widen the broader spectrum of academic opportunities in Ghana. This government initiative has the potential to enhance access to secondary education in Ghana. In the education policy context, this kind of investment is expected to yield enhanced academic outputs beyond the exam results. In the estimation of this article, these outputs include creating an enlightened society, equipping Ghanaian students with appropriate value judgment, providing equitable access to education, and developing a sense of creativity through educational activities. However, the rampant student exclusions in Ghanaian high schools put the academic career of these students into jeopardy. It is in the light of this that this article provides a focused discussion on the contextual understanding and alternatives to school disciplinary exclusion in Ghana.
... The perception of negative long-term consequences of exclusion has been repeatedly highlighted (Lloyd & Peacock, 2001;Lloyd, Stead, & Kendrick, 2001;Munn et al., 2000) with many young people who have experienced permanent exclusion possessing few ideas as to their future (Daniels & Cole, 2010). Many young people retain limited horizons, lack self-belief and engrained low self-esteem, believing that the direction of their lives was no longer within their control due to eroded expectations and aspirations (Daniels & Cole, 2010). ...
... It has been proposed that regarding school exclusion most focus has been upon boys, who form the vast majority of the official exclusion figures, with girls being overlooked in school prevention strategies and research (Osler et al., 2002). Researchers have noted gender differences in behaviour and exclusion which have been taken for granted by teachers (Munn et al., 2000). ...
... The potential perception of negative long-term consequences of exclusion has been repeatedly highlighted (Lloyd & Peacock, 2001;Lloyd et al., 2001;Munn et al., 2000) with many young people who have experienced permanent exclusion possessing few ideas as to their future whilst possessing engrained low self esteem (Daniels & Cole, 2010). Although the potential for negative long-term consequences appeared to be feared within the current research there was a perception that with determination and persistence desired for outcomes could be obtained. ...
Department for Education statistics (DfE, 2016b) report an increase in permanent exclusion rates with exclusion also being associated with feelings of stigmatisation, rejection and shame (Harris, Vincent, Thomson, & Toalster, 2006) crime (Vulliamy & Webb, 2000) and social exclusion (Daniels, 2011). Research relating to inclusion has focused upon excluded boys, who form the vast majority of the official exclusion figures, with girls being overlooked in school prevention strategies and research (Osler, Street, & Lall, 2002). This research aimed to explore the stories told by permanently excluded young females in relation to their school experience. Attributions for prior misbehaviour and exclusion(s) were also explored alongside possible future selves. An adapted version of Hiles and Cermak’s (2008) model of ‘Narrative Oriented Inquiry’ (NOI) was employed. Guided narrative interviews, supported by the use of a visual life path tool, were conducted with 3 female adolescents attending Pupil Referral Units (PRU) within a rural Local Authority. Lieblich, Tuval-Mashiach and Ziber’s (1998) holistic-form and categorical content perspectives were applied to the data collected. Holistic form analysis considered the overall form of the story and was used to consider narrative plot lines whilst categorical content analysis permitted the identification of themes, informed by the research questions. Narrators were found to reflect upon the transition from child-centered primary to perceived impersonal secondary settings whilst also reflecting upon the transition to PRUs. Key themes in relation to attributions emerged including feeling misunderstood and let down by their school settings, a critical period of distress at home and peer related factors such as bullying, conflict and peer pressure. The research also highlighted the potential impact of experiences and attributions upon future selves alongside the potential gender differences in the experience of school and exclusion. The current research informs potential adaptations to education policy and procedures in order to address gender specific social, emotional and mental health difficulties. It is hoped that the research presented promotes further interest into the marginalized group of permanently excluded young females alongside promoting the practical, ethical and epistemological reasons for researching the perspectives of young people.
... However the numbers excluded vary quite considerably from school to school, even in similar areas. So the ethos and educational ideology of schools, and the way schools operate their disciplinary and support systems, affect the level of disciplinary exclusion (Cooper et al., 2000;Munn et al., 2000;Parsons, 1999). ...
... Disciplinary exclusion is still permitted for situations where a pupil's attendance would be seriously detrimental to order or the educational well-being of other pupils. However the number of instances of temporary exclusion suggest that sometimes it continues to be used as part of a routine disciplinary system, rather than as a last resort (Munn et al., 2000;SEED, 2002). ...
... The first group includes the large majority of pupils temporarily excluded from school, and was not included in this research because of its focus on inter-agency working. Other research evidence indicates that the main approaches to addressing the issue of short-term temporary exclusion are the ethos of schools, their curriculum and pedagogy, staff ideologies and systems of discipline and pastoral care (Cooper et al., 2000;Munn et al., 2000). ...
... Appeals procedures had been set out in an attempt to avoid financial penalties and to meet ambitious national targets. These may include 'managed transfers', which fall outside official recording systems (Munn, Lloyd & Cullen 2000;Osler, Watling, Busher, Cole and White 2001). A problem of 'unofficial' exclusions pointed out by Vulliamy and Webb (2001) is that schools wishing to preserve their image persuade parents to transfer their child to another school in lieu of a threatened exclusion. ...
... • a 'managed move' to another school' to allow a fresh start, with the opportunity to develop new relationships which could have 'a positive impact on a child's progress ' (p.28). According to Munn, Lloyd and Cullen (2000), this has become an increasingly common and 'unofficial' procedure (and unacceptable to LGA, 2002). ...
... (1999a), DfES (2002c) and other recent English and Scottish documents support the development of Learning Support Units (Hallam and Castle, 1999;Hamill and Boyd, 2000;Munn, Lloyd and Cullen, 2000). This literature indicates that LSUs play a useful role in cutting exclusions if certain conditions are met. ...
... Therefore, as a way of helping to define inclusion, we need to consider what is not inclusive. Exclusion from mainstream education is the most severe action a school can take in this regard (DfE, 2017;Munn, Cullen and Lloyd, 2000). This signals the decision that a child is temporarily or permanently no longer included within the school. ...
... There are different types of APs catering for specific educational needs, such as settings specialising in autism support or other areas of SEND. Other such settings cater for children with medical, social, emotional, behavioural needs, or even those who have not actually been excluded from school, but are having difficulty finding an appropriate provision in mainstream (Munn et al., 2000). To emphasise the nature of the setting, Michael and Frederickson (2013) argue that PRUs are not only for the permanently excluded. ...
One in four children diagnosed with autism have been excluded from school at some point during their education (Ambitious about Autism, 2014). Mainstream secondary school is a time of particular vulnerability due to challenges associated with the environment, timetabling, and social pressures; along with relationships (Makin, Hill & Pellicano, 2017). Compared to other groups of children identified with Special Educational Needs and Disability (SEND), autistic children are being excluded from mainstream secondary in disproportionate numbers (Department for Education, 2017). As a result, many end up in the generalised setting of a Pupil Referral Unit (PRU); an Alternative Provision (AP) for children who are unable to attend mainstream education. Whilst it is expected that educators support the learning needs of autistic children (Makin et al., 2017), difficulties can be regularly experienced in providing such support (Trussler & Robinson, 2015). The current research examined educators’ perspectives through a semi-structured interview; 16 educators with experience of working in PRUs were recruited. The focus was on supporting autistic children and how educators themselves could be supported. Using thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006), four themes were identified: (1) Understanding the needs of PRU-based autistic children; (2) The enabling environment of the PRU; (3) Effectiveness of support through systems and structures; and (4) Preparing autistic children and adolescents for adulthood through the PRU provision. Findings were considered within an eco-systemic framework (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) in relation to individual needs, impact of the context, and the influence of the wider, surrounding systems. Particular messages related to mainstream secondary schools learning from autism-support that can be implemented by PRUs. Another message is that of promoting a culture recognising that currently applied support is imperative for providing autistic children with a positive future outlook. Implications for Educational Psychologist (EP) support highlighted training, resourcing and supervision, amongst other benefits. The lack of literacy eliciting the perspectives of educators on supporting autistic children at PRUs is exceptional. The current study provided a foundation for understanding the implications that autism support has at individual, group, whole-PRU level and beyond. Keywords: autism; educators; support; exclusion; inclusive practice; Pupil Referral Unit; mainstream secondary school.
... There is some very powerful evidence of the damaging consequences of school exclusion. In terms of pupils' own experiences, Munn, Cullen, and Lloyd (2000), Munn and Lloyd (2005) show how school exclusions create a range of short-and longer-term difficulties for excluded students, which range from personal feelings of rejection and injustice, conflict with parents at home, stigmatisation within neighbourhoods and anxieties over future job prospects. These anxieties are not groundless. ...
... Indeed, it is difficult to imagine that 15-year-old students will find it anything other than stigmatising to participate in Nurture Groups. Munn, Cullen, and Lloyd (2000) are surely right to argue that internal exclusions at least have the benefit of keeping the student in the routine of attending school. Barker et al.'s (2010) study of an 'exclusion unit' in one English academy found that 'secluded' students did apply themselves to their school work while they were in the unit, but that they 'reverted' to their usual behaviour once they left. ...
There has been growing concern about the rising numbers of students being excluded from school in England – a trend that is often set against the declining levels of exclusion elsewhere. In Wales and Scotland, for example, numbers of students permanently excluded from school have fallen dramatically. However, we argue that simple system-level comparisons might be misleading. Drawing on data derived from interviews with headteachers in Wales, this paper probes beneath the surface of official statistics and explores the diverse, and often hidden, forms of exclusion that are taking place. Without wishing to deny the damaging consequences of official exclusion from school, it argues that the other forms of exclusion may also carry negative consequences. It concludes that until the effects of these other forms of exclusion are known – at individual, institutional and system level – we should not assume that a school or a system is necessarily any more or less ‘inclusive’ on the basis of official data on school exclusions.
... However, the target-setting approach to reducing exclusions has been criticized (Cooper et al., 2000;Munn et al., 2000;Parsons, 1999) as leading to superficial and short-term approaches to the problem of exclusions. Indeed, national exclusion statistics published in (Scottish Executive Education Department, 20002001) indicate that target setting had no positive impact at all on exclusion rates across Scotland. ...
... It is argued that schools provide more effectively for all pupils by creating a better ethos (Munn et al., 2000). This enterprise relates to creating supportive relationships amongst children, staff and parents and nurturing positive attitudes towards the school and its aims. ...
Between June 2000 and December 2001 a team from the University of Glasgow evaluated the effectiveness of behaviour support in one education authority's secondary schools. The context was Scottish Executive incentives to education authorities to develop more inclusive approaches to young people with social, emotional and behavioural difficulties. This education authority enabled its 21 secondary schools to shape their own responses, resulting in the emergence of sometimes very different forms of behaviour support across schools. The evaluation project set out to answer four questions: what is working; where are systems not working; what else is needed; and is the initiative providing value for money? Two sets of information collected over the first year of the project were analysed, including exclusions data, school reports on the initiative and case studies relating to 116 pupils receiving behaviour support. The article gives findings from the first year and discusses the implications for informing behaviour support policy and provision.
... The particular reward systems and attitudes to behaviour management in the unit might cause jealousies or fears about whole-school standards being undermined amongst staff not involved in the unit's work. (Hallam and Castle, 1999;Hamill and Boyd, 2000;Munn, Lloyd and Cullen, 2000;Turner and Waterhouse, 1999;DfEE, 1999a). ...
... Finally, effective ISCs tend to have regular input from LEA support staff (behaviour support teachers, EWOs and educational psychologists). When these ingredients are in place both students and their parents have on occasion been found to be appreciative of the provision made in ISCs and the numbers of exclusions from host schools have tended to fall (Hallam and Castle, 1999;Hamill and Boyd, 2000;Munn, Lloyd and Cullen, 2000;Turner and Waterhouse, 1999;DfEE, 1999a). (DfEE, 1999a) as an exemplar of good practice. ...
... Collective strategies towards disruptive behavior could either be applied on a school level, or be evident within the school ethos (Hatton, 2013). Strategies as a part of the school ethos involve that some schools are more characterized by certain strategies than others, for example, some schools exclude students from class more frequently than others (Munn et al., 2000). Collective strategies are therefore related to the importance of having clear rules and expectations for behaviors in classrooms (Dobbs-Oates et al., 2011;Franklin & Harrington, 2019). ...
In this article, we identify strategies teachers apply after disruptive behavior has occurred in classrooms. The sample consists of 40 Norwegian teachers in lower and upper secondary schools. Semi-structured qualitative interviews were the method of inquiry. Our findings indicate that many teachers predominantly use individually oriented strategies. This is supported by teachers applying subtle cues, reorientation, and sanctions toward disruptive students. This indicates that teachers seldom apply collectively oriented strategies towards disruptive behavior and that disruptive behavior is mainly interpreted as an individual phenomenon although it impairs the learning of the class.
... Schools also have a responsibility to identify needs that include mental health difficulties and support them by creating a safe environment (DfE, 2018). A response that provides a sanction and no exploration of needs could lead the young person to feel misunderstood and rejected (Munn et al., 2000), therefore having implications for their sense of belonging. ...
The evidence base on exclusions highlights many negative long-term consequences for young people, yet they are continuing to rise. One response to managing behaviour has been the use of in-school units (ISUs) which provide a halfway point between formal exclusion and being in mainstream classes. ISUs are particularly prominent among secondary schools and academies. Little is known about how ISUs operate and how the LA supports schools in managing behaviour. There is little research that seeks the views of young people regarding their experiences of ISUs. However, recent guidance has indicated that the government want to encourage the use of ISUs. Data were collected in two phases via semi-structured interviews. Phase one consisted of interviewing 4 school staff each from different secondary schools and 3 members of a LA behaviour team in one LA. This explored how ISUs are operating in some secondary educational settings and the support that schools receive from LA behaviour services. Phase two interviewed 8 young people from two secondary settings to explore the experiences of those who have accessed ISUs. Data were analysed using a thematic approach. Findings from school staff and the LA behaviour team highlighted three key themes: the discrepancies about the procedure, use and impact of ISUs; the school context and how the school system understands the strengths and needs of staff and pupils and accommodates these; and wider systemic considerations that could impact on the availability of support. Findings from young people highlighted three key themes: the negative impacts of the ISU, the sense of social injustice that arose from attending ISUs, and young people’s ideas on moving forward with the practice of ISUs. Implications for schools, professionals and policy makers are discussed.
... In conclusion, an education for all should emphasize insisting on key principles (key-areas), as the inclusion of all students, fulfilling goals and objectives (inclusion goals) and focusing on the individual needs of the target group (Munn et al., 2000). The above criteria are principles and practices of inclusive education. ...
Inclusion is an approach and procedure with philosophical, political, educational and social dimensions. The aim of inclusive education is to eliminate school and social exclusion. The framework places schools are at the centre of inclusive education. In this context, inclusive pedagogy refers to the ways that courses, classroom activities, curricula, and assessments consider issues of diversity in an effort to engage all students in learning that is meaningful, relevant, and accessible. This article constitutes a literature review and the purpose is to offer a pedagogical conceptual and applied for status on inclusive education and teaching. The paper is organised in a brief description of the historical events, new trends and a discussion of the current situation for pedagogical processes and actions that contribute to ensuring the success of all the students. The overall approach of the paper is to contribute to the on-going debate on the current description and value of inclusive education and pedagogy with emphasis on the social model of disability and human rights.
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... "[s]chools are not only concerned about the legacy of having an official exclusion on the student's school record, but also about their own data profile. For the school, as well as the student, there is an incentive to find alternative strategies" (Power and Taylor, 2018, p. 6)see also: (Munn, Lloyd and Cullen, 2000;Vulliamy and Webb, 2001;Thomson and Russell, 2009;Daniels and Cole, 2010). Parsons identifies what he describes as 'quasi-exclusions' which "result in a child not getting what one would regard as a proper education" (2018, p. 533): ...
The disproportionately poorer outcomes of disadvantaged students compared to their more advantaged peers have long been of concern to those in and around the education system. Schools encounter students who bring with them their internalised socio-economic experiences which, in turn, contribute to practices of inclusion and exclusion in these spaces. The research questions in this thesis are focused on the nature and impact of exclusion from the experiences and perspectives of the senior leaders who frame exclusion in their schools and the students who experience exclusion. This study moves forward from the dominant way that educationalists conceptualise exclusion as simply the placing of the excluded student physically away from the school either temporarily (fixed term exclusion/suspension) or permanently (expulsion). It is argued here that this is too narrow a framing of exclusion and contributes to the lack of social justice for disadvantaged students in the education system by failing to recognise the various layers of exclusion that these students encounter in the schools they attend. Theoretically, the thesis draws upon spatial concepts to examine the layering of exclusion practices experienced by disadvantaged students in England’s secondary schools. A critical realist approach is taken to understand the experiences and perspectives offered and the findings are presented across three chapters focusing on the operationalisation of space – mainstream, inclusive exclusion, and exclusive exclusion. It is argued that exclusion can be inclusive as well as exclusive because students can be excluded within the schools they attend and not just from them. Within this framework is built in a consideration of how datafication practices and Bourdieu’s reproduction theory may be shaping these unequal outcomes. Methodologically, semi-structured interviews were used to gain the experiences and perspectives of three senior leaders of mainstream schools based in varying areas of deprivation and the students and staff in two pupil referral units based in two of the most deprived areas in the country, one in the north and the other in the south. The study concludes by reflecting on the five faces of oppression (Young, 1990) that the students have faced in the education system and the society it is a part of. It is argued that if we are to arrive at a more socially-just position for these students, we need to pay proper attention to their experiences and perspectives and as well as addressing socio-economic inequalities in wider society, also ensure that schools are spaces that are relevant to their goals and aspirations.
... The reduction in recorded permanent exclusions in England during 1997-2000 was explained by a number of headteachers resorting to "grey" exclusions in an attempt to avoid financial penalties and to meet ambitious national targets (Daniels and Cole, 2010). These included "managed transfers, " which often do not appear on orthodox means of keeping a record of events (Munn et al., 2000;Osler et al., 2001). A problem of "unofficial" exclusions pointed out by Vulliamy and Webb (2001) is that schools wishing to preserve their position in public accountability systems persuade families to move their child to another school and thus avoid a possible formal exclusion. ...
Exclusion from school can be regarded as a seemingly simple but in fact a rather complex intervention in response to the “wicked problem” of behavior in schools. This manuscript will discuss what counts as evidence that may used to inform policy and judgments on practices of exclusion. The role of evidence, and how this is measured, has long been an issue of contention in educational research. This is particularly true for research that focuses on educational inequality and inclusion or exclusion. In this manuscript we will discuss issues concerning evidence with respect to two aspects of exclusion in England. Firstly, we will focus on questions concerning the scale of the problem, examining both the statistical evidence of official exclusions and data concerning the myriad of ways in which children may experience other forms of exclusion. Taken together, this indicates an under-estimate of the numbers of young people missing an education. We then move to a consideration of the evaluation of means of reducing exclusion, arguing for a shift from an individual to a systemic in context account that recognizes the role of cultural transmission and cultural historical theory.
... The negative consequences of school exclusion for individual young people and for society as a whole are well-documented. Munn, Cullen, and Lloyd (2000) and Munn and Lloyd (2005) illuminate the short-and longer-term difficulties for excluded pupils, such as feelings of personal failure and anxieties about the future. Additionally, a range of research studies and reviews (Daniels 2011;Pirrie et al. 2011) indicates that young people who have been excluded from school suffer prolonged periods of unemployment, poor mental and physical health, homelessness and are more likely to be involved in criminal activities. ...
This paper contributes to our growing understanding of the processes underpinning contrasting rates of school exclusions both within and across the different jurisdictions of the UK. Wales is often compared favourably to its larger neighbour England, where rates of permanent exclusions have risen dramatically in recent years. One explanation for Wales’ lower rates might lie in the very different values which underpin its education policies. However, the prevailing policy discourse can only be part of the explanation and cannot account for the high levels of variation in rates of ‘official’ school exclusions across Wales, nor the many forms of ‘hidden’ exclusion going on in Welsh schools. Drawing on interview data with policy-makers and practitioners, this paper points to the need to explore how policy is enacted at the local level. This entails taking into account the often unacknowledged conditions in which schools operate and the unintended consequences of policy imperatives which can lead to outcomes that frustrate and undermine anti-exclusionary practices and processes.
... Concerns about disciplinary exclusion have often featured in wider debate about attainment and achievement in the UK and internationally (Black-Hawkins, Florian, & Rouse, 2007;Cole, Daniels, & Visser, 2013;Munn, Lloyd, & Cullen, 2000;Parsons, 2011;Slee, 2011;Thorsborne & Blood, 2013;Thomas & Loxley, 2007). Children and young people excluded from school are already more likely to be disadvantaged, and as noted above, the experience of exclusion often further reduces their life chances (Manstead, 2014). ...
... Getting it wrong, whether you are a teacher or a learner, matters much less if this becomes a learning experience on which you can then build. The work of Munn, Lloyd, and Cullen (2000) on schools that have much lower levels of exclusions, and of Parsons (2010) on local authorities that work towards this, illustrate implicit professional positive risk-taking in action. Strategies, cultures, changes are all introduced based on an idea of the good that come out of these for the young people who matter Á who are worth taking a chance on Á rather than assuming that the strategies will not work and the young people and staff will not cooperate. ...
In this paper we examine how positive risk taking for or by people with learning disabilities is talked about, conceptualised and enacted. We identify tensions and contradictions in positive risk taking discourses which we suggest is unhelpful in terms of clarifying for educational practitioners how positive risk taking might be implemented. We suggest that a conceptual framework that incorporates creativity and resilience might be helpful in terms of linking talk to practice. We then use this conceptual framework to offer two examples from special and inclusive education (Intensive Interaction and Learning without Limits) that illustrate how positive risk taking can be found in education practices. We conclude by arguing that conceptual frameworks such as the one proposed, when linked to pedagogical tools that emphasise professional judgement, offer one way to problematise and challenge current risk averse practices in education.
... Concerns about disciplinary exclusion have often featured in wider debate about attainment and achievement in the UK and internationally (Black-Hawkins, Florian, & Rouse, 2007;Cole, Daniels, & Visser, 2013;Munn, Lloyd, & Cullen, 2000;Parsons, 2011;Slee, 2011;Thorsborne & Blood, 2013;Thomas & Loxley, 2007). Children and young people excluded from school are already more likely to be disadvantaged, and as noted above, the experience of exclusion often further reduces their life chances (Manstead, 2014). ...
There has been an overall decrease in exclusion rates and numbers in recent years across the UK. This change has often been heralded as evidence that national inclusion policies are ‘working’ and that schools themselves are becoming increasingly inclusive. This article examines findings from a recent study on school exclusion in Wales, noting that exclusion is falling here in line with UK wide trends. However, exclusion rates of children with special needs and others who face multiple disadvantages remain stubbornly high. Given these findings, and the evidence that this is the case across the UK, an important question arises about the broader relationship between school exclusion and inequality. This article seeks to address this question, and asks whether and to what extent the politics of recognition of difference, in Nancy Fraser's terms, can help explain the continuing over-representation of some groups of marginalised and vulnerable children in exclusion figures, despite this overall downward trend.
... They (e.g. Bullis, Moran, Benz, Todus, & Johnson, 2002;Burton, 2007;Clegg, Stackhouse, FInch, Murphy, & Nicholls, 2009;Kerka, 2007;Lloyd, Stead, & Kendrick, 2001;Munn, Lloyd, & Cullen, 2000) stress the importance of ensuring that young people have literacy and numeracy competencies such that they can make viable choices about what kind of educational pathway they wish to follow emotional wellbeing in order to manage their wider life context social 'life skills' that underpin not only educational progress but also everyday tasks. ...
... In the last decade, the application of restorative concepts within the field of formal and informal education has largely developed in response to the demands of improving inclusive practice within these environments. Within school settings some concerns have been raised about the effectiveness of traditional approaches to deal with issues associated with pupil disaffection, disengagement, non-attendance (DfES 2004;Webb and Vulliamy 2004) and growing concerns relating to disruption and increasing violence in schools (Cremin 2007;hayden 2007;McCluskey 2008, reid 2006, Parsons 2005Munn, Lloyd, and Cullen 2000). As a result some schools have been looking for solutions to such concerns. ...
The success of restorative approaches, as an alternative tool to resolve difficult social issues, has extended beyond the domain of youth justice into a variety of sectors including education (Buckley, 2007). In the last decade, the application of restorative concepts within the field of formal and informal education has largely developed in response to the demands of improving inclusive practice within these environments. Within school settings someconcerns have been raised about the effectiveness of traditional approaches to deal with issues associated with pupil disaffection, disengagement, non-attendance (DfES 2004; Webb and Vulliamy 2004) and growing concerns relating to disruption and increasing violence in schools (Cremin 2007; Hayden 2007; McCluskey 2008, Reid 2006, Parsons 2005; Munn, Lloyd, and Cullen 2000). As a result some schools have been looking for solutions tosuch concerns.Some research studies have demonstrated that restorative conferencing offers a constructive mechanism to respond to inappropriate behaviour of a serious nature in schools (Blood and Thorsborne, 2005; Varnham, 2005). In this regard, Bitel concludes that although restorative practice in schools is not a panacea, if implemented correctlyit can ?improve the school environment, enhance learning and encourage young people to become more responsible and empathetic?? (Bitel, 2005:13). In our view restorative practices are also understood and relevant in youth work and Youthreach programmes.Restorative practices are based on valuing respectful relationships. To take restorative practices seriously implies that organisations will address their relational practices. This will mean cherishing caring, supportive relationships within which everyone is supported and challenged to grow. When harm occurs it is understood as damaging relationships. All restorative responses are directed at addressing the harm in ways in whichrelationships are restored. Some researchers have highlighted a more limited approach to restorative practices where it is viewed as another plank in a behavioural management strategy (McCluskey et al, 2008: Buckley and Maxwell, 2007; Blood 2005; Chmelynski 2005; Drewery 2004).International research evidence suggests that comprehensive approaches to implementation through the integration of restorative philosophy, practices and principles into the wider relational culture are therefore required. A holistic approach to restorative practice, with its emphasis on relationships, requires that organisations attend to all aspects of the culture and organisation by developing relational practices which canhelp prevent incidents of inappropriate behaviour from occurring. In this context, Cameron and Thorsborne (2001) suggest that restorative practices must focus attention on the relationships between all members of the community to achieve quality outcomes and that ?Restorative Justice views misconduct not as rule-breaking?.but as a violation against people and relationships in the wider community? (ibid., 183). Therefore, restorative practice in all education settings involves the whole community, including all staff, young people and parents to be involved and supportive (Hopkins 2004). This permits a more proactive approach to cultivate the best environment for the development of healthy relationships across the community which are critical for the delivery of improved student learning outcomes (Lingard et al., 2002; Blum et al., 2002; Weare, 2004).
... Parallellt pekar annan forskning på att det finns ett ökande antal elever i behov av särskilt stöd, som inte har medicinska diagnoser och handikapp. Dessa elever beskrivs ha generella inlärningsproblem eller psykosociala eller emotionella problem (se Axberg, 2007;Dyson och Millward, 2000;Farrell, 2005;Henricsson, 2006;Lundgren och Persson, 2003;Munn, Lloyd och Cullen, 2000;Persson, 2001;Riddell, 1997). ...
... Many researchers have explored such important questions as whether high quality education for students with SEBD can be provided in mainstream schools without adversely affecting the education of other students and the consequences of placing these students in special schools. Their findings have had implications for effective policy and practice (Cooper, 1993a;Cooper et al., 2000;Cullen, Munn, & Lloyd, 2000;Goodman & Burton, 2010;Hornby & Witte, 2008a;Polat & Farrell, 2002a;Sellman, 2009;Smith, McKay, & Chakrabarti, 2004). This study, however, does not seek to answer these questions, nor does it propose to compare the effectiveness of mainstream and residential schools. ...
... In addition, up to 66% of excluded children are reported to have communication difficulties, identified or not by their schools (Clegg et al. 2009). Excluded children are also disproportionately likely to come from lone-parent families, families where parents have educational difficulties of their own, or have stressful home environments in general (Macrae et al. 2003;Munn et al. 2000). To summarise, the demographic and socioeconomic patterns of who is excluded do not appear to have changed substantially: those who are poor; males; from ethnic minority backgrounds; with pre-existing physical, social, or psychological difficulties, or educational needs; are typically those who are excluded from schools in England. ...
In 2011/12 about 6% of pupils in England who were in the last two years of compulsory education (Years 10 and 11) experienced one or more fixed period school exclusionsa for disciplinary reasons and there are roughly 300,000 fixed period exclusions every year in England and Wales (Department for Education, 2013a). Excluded pupils are at a greatly increased risk of failing GCSE examinations, not being in employment, education or training (NEET) at ages 16–24, and having criminal convictions as adolescents or young adults. To date, little or no research has been conducted on programmes designed to improve outcomes for those at risk for fixed period exclusions. Similarly, there is very little research on the effects of school disciplinary procedures, such as fixed period exclusions, on outcomes for young people.
The current study attempts to fill these gaps via a cluster-randomised controlled field experiment designed to evaluate the effectiveness of a social and communication skills based intervention for Year 9 and 10 pupils at high risk for fixed-term exclusion during the 2013/14 academic year in selected Greater London schools. The project will chart the short-, medium- and long-term effects of the intervention on the participants, as well as track the participants via administrative records over time.
It is an independent evaluation, in which the role of the evaluation and the programme implementation are separated and carried out by two independent teams funded by different agencies.
Trial registration
Current Controlled Trials: ISRCTN23244695 (14 Jan 2014).
... Whilst there is some variation over time, patterns of exclusion do not appear to have changed substantially since the mid-1990s. In short, it is still the same 'sorts' of children being excluded from school in terms of family breakdown, deprivation and other social issues (Munn et al., 2000). ...
Objectives: Fixed-term school exclusions are disciplinary sanctions on pupils in response to serious aggressive or disruptive behaviour in schools. It is unclear whether these sanctions aggravate future problems. Here we assess what impact fixed term exclusions have on later unemployment.Methods: We use data from the Longitudinal Study of Young People in England (LSYPE), a prospective cohort study of over 15,000 adolescents. We treat school exclusion as an ‘intervention’ and apply propensity score matching to assess whether it has a treatment effect on unemployment.Results: We find a consistent difference between excluded and non-excluded children in their likelihood of being unemployed at aged 18/19. This effect ranges between 6-16 percentage points depending on the methodological approach taken. Conclusions: Our results suggest an independent effect of school exclusion on the probability of being unemployed two years later, over and above numerous baseline individual/family characteristics. To truly understand the effect exclusion has on young people, we suggest that high-quality cluster randomised trials are needed.
... Teacher preference and practice, however, are also likely to be informed by class management concerns (Wiliam and Bartholomew 2004), such as teachers being able to distribute their time more evenly among pupils in set classes (Butler-Por 1993, cited in Freeman 1999), and by ideology (Abraham 2010). Inevitably, teachers have a significant influence over pupils' educational experiences and outcomes of schooling in terms of attainment and affect (Downey 1977;Harlen and Malcolm 1997;Gillborn and Youdell 2000;Munn et al. 2000;Corrie 2002;Day et al. 2006;Sammons 2006). Despite extensive research about grouping and the strong suggestion that, through innovative practice, standards within low-attainment groups can be raised alongside increased motivation, expectations and social skills (DfES 2005), there remains limited in-depth research on effective teaching and learning for pupils in low-attainment sets. ...
... Getting it wrong, whether you are a teacher or a learner, matters much less if this becomes a learning experience on which you can then build. The work of Munn et al (2000) on schools that have much lower levels of exclusions, and of Parsons (2010) on local authorities that work towards this, illustrate professional positive risk-taking in action, though again without the concept being used explicitly. ...
In this paper we examine how positive risk taking for or by people with learning disabilities is talked about, conceptualised and enacted. We identify tensions and contradictions in positive risk taking discourses which we suggest is unhelpful in terms of clarifying for educational practitioners how positive risk taking might be implemented. We suggest that a conceptual framework that incorporates creativity and resilience might be helpful in terms of linking talk to practice. We then use this conceptual framework to offer two examples from special and inclusive education (Intensive Interaction and Learning Without Limits) that illustrate how positive risk taking can be found in education practices. We conclude by arguing that conceptual frameworks such as the one proposed, when linked to pedagogical tools that emphasise professional judgement, offer one way to problematise and challenge current risk averse practices in education.
This paper draws on my experience working as a special needs support staff member in a special school in the UK for young people with social, emotional and mental health (SEMH) issues. The purpose of this paper is to share my understanding of practices that enable staff in an SEMH school to attend to the needs of their students. Although I have worked in mainstream schools, school practice in an SEMH setting was unfamiliar to me. Therefore, it was important to familiarise myself with the practices of the school. I also believe that sharing my experiences helps to support others who work in similar contexts. Through my visit(s), I was able to identify key features of effective pedagogical practice which enabled the learners to thrive. These included the establishment of mutually positive relationships between learners and staff and positively responding to behaviours.
The polarisation of attitudes towards dyslexia appears to be contingent upon the awareness of the implications of adopting a medical model to interpreting dyslexia (as a medical ‘condition’) or applying an educational overlay, based upon difficulties in certain areas, to interpreting and making provision for those with dyslexia. Specifically, it underscores the difficulties dyslexics have in reading and the comprehension of what has been read. Furthermore, it accentuates the approaches taken in the 1980s and the turn of the century to dyslexia was, for these interviewees, unfitting. However, it raises other questions about whether the current practice is suited to the needs of those with dyslexia, or whether a universal offer is made, regardless of specific need. In the wake of this research, three emergent themes occur, dyslexia and stigmatisation, the impact of stigmatisation and poorly suited provision upon self‐esteem and the stress this generates. As key practitioner points, this disquisition underlines the need to tailor provision for inclusive education based upon the needs of the individual with dyslexia. It further illumines the stress of unsuitable provision, manifesting the imperative nature of adequate training and resourcing for dyslexia.
Aim
This systematic literature review aims to explore the effectiveness of school-wide interventions in reducing disciplinary exclusion from mainstream secondary schools.
Rationale
In England, head teachers have government support to use exclusion as a disciplinary sanction if deemed necessary (Department for Education, 2017a). Research has suggested that disciplinary exclusion is associated with an array of negative long-term outcomes; despite this, the latest statistics indicate that the rate of fixed period exclusions are increasing in England.
Method
The seven-stage systematic review process described by Petticrew and Roberts (2006) was employed. A database search, grey literature search, hand search and reference harvesting were carried out, yielding five studies forin depth review. The EPPI Centre Weight of Evidencetool(Gough, 2007) was used to assess study quality.
Findings
All studies were conducted in the USA; four studies implemented School-Wide Positive Behaviour Intervention and Supports, and the remaining study implemented a restorative approach. Most studies reported a small effect of the intervention on reducing exclusions.
Limitations
All studies were conducted in the USA and differed considerably, possibly compromising the generalisability of the findings and making reliable comparisons difficult.
Conclusions
School-wide interventions may contribute to a reduction in exclusions in mainstream secondary schools, however the evidence is not clear. Further research is needed before firm conclusions can be drawn regarding what type of intervention should be implemented.
Bu çalışma ile liselerde yaşanılan disiplin problemlerinin nedenleri devlet liselerinde görev yapan öğretmenlerin görüşleri alınarak betimlenmeye çalışılmıştır. Veriler altı faktör ve 29 maddeden oluşan “Okullarda Yaşanılan Disiplin Problemlerinin Nedenleri Ölçeği” aracılığıyla toplanmıştır. Tarama modelinde betimsel ve nedensel karşılaştırmalı olarak gerçekleştirilen araştırma evrenini İstanbul ili sınırları içerisindeki devlet liselerinde görev yapan öğretmenler oluşturmaktadır. Uygun örnekleme yöntemi kullanılarak gönüllülük esasına dayalı olarak araştırmaya dahil edilen ve ölçme aracındaki tüm soruları yanıtlayan 3240 lise öğretmeni araştırmanın örneklemini oluşturmuştur. Araştırmada öğretmenlerin disiplin problemlerinin nedenlerine ilişkin görüşlerinin cinsiyet, okuldaki öğrenci sayısı, öğrencilerin okula giriş yöntemi, lise türü, öğretmenin okuldaki görev süresi ve öğretmenlerin mesleki kıdemi değişkenlerine göre görüşlerinin anlamlı farklılık gösterip göstermediğinin belirlenmesinde nedensel karşılaştırmalı desen kullanılmıştır. Araştırmada verilerin analizinde parametrik istatistiksel yöntemler kullanılmıştır. Bu doğrultuda çalışmada betimsel istatistikler hesaplanmış, bağımsız örneklemler için t-testi ve tek yönlü varyans analizi yapılmıştır. Araştırma sonucunda katılımcı öğretmenlerin liselerde disiplin problemlerinin nedenleri arasında aileden, öğrenciden, başarısızlıktan, yönetimden kaynaklanan nedenleri çoğunlukla etkili gördükleri belirlenmiştir. Öğretmenler okul disiplin sorunlarının nedenleri arasında öğretmen ve okuldan kaynaklı nedenlerin ise orta düzeyde etkili olduğunu düşünmektedir.
This research strives to enrich criminological and educational literature by providing a better understanding of relationships among school performance and achievement, attendance, and demographic information based upon the number of exclusionary disciplinary actions within public high schools. Using data on 409 traditional high schools from the Pennsylvania Department of Education, this quantitative study uses path analysis to examine the relationships between school factors, including demographics and achievement measures, and exclusionary discipline. The findings indicated a direct relationship between a schools’ drop-out rate, AP courses, and standardized test scores and the schools’ total number of exclusionary disciplinary actions. In addition, socioeconomic status and attendance rates indirectly impacted exclusionary disciplinary actions. The study also determined a correlation between the number of minority students within a school and the total number of disciplinary actions. These findings have a number of implications for school systems that hope to eliminate the school-to-prison pipeline.
Zygmunt Bauman on Education in Liquid Modernity evaluates the contribution that Bauman has made to education studies. It outlines the central themes within social analysis in Bauman’s writings, and examines how researchers have applied his key ideas to explore current theoretical issues.
The book focuses on Bauman’s ideas in relation to the management and consumption of education, including topics such as student voice and individual identity; relationships and inclusive education. Identifying and discussing underpinning assumptions about Bauman’s work and its application to education, the book addresses the connection between his work and wider debates, providing a critical and clarifying re-examination of Bauman’s contribution to the role of education within solid, post and liquid modernity.
This book will appeal to academics, researchers and postgraduate students of education theory and the sociology of education. It will be of great interest to readers seeking a critical appreciation and application of Bauman’s work to an educational context and Bauman scholars interested in the application of contemporary social theory to education and its role in identity formation in areas such as sex and relationships education.
Bu araştırmanın amacı; ortaokul ve liselerde yaşanan disiplin problemlerini, bu disiplin problemlerinin nedenlerine ilişkin öğretmen ve öğrenci görüşlerini ortaya koymaktır. Araştırmada betimsel yöntem kullanılmıştır. Araştırmanın verileri öğretmen ve öğrencilere uygulanan anket ve ölçeklerle elde edilmiştir. Araştırmanın verilerinin analizinde betimsel istatistik analizleri, Mann Whitney U ve Kruskall Wallis testleri, bağımsız gruplar t-testi, tek yönlü varyans analizi yapılmış, eta- kare (η²) ve Cohen’s d katsayıları hesaplanmıştır. Araştırma sonuçlarına göre; sınıfın huzurunu bozma, kavga, sigara içme, okul malına zarar verme ve öğrencileri tehdit etme okullarda en yoğun şekilde yaşanan disiplin problemleridir. Mesleki ve Teknik Liselerde araştırmada belirtilen bütün disiplin problemlerinin yaşanma sıklığının diğer lise türlerine göre daha yaygın olduğu belirlenmiştir. Disiplin problemlerinin nedenleri konusunda araştırmaya katılan öğretmen ve öğrenci görüşlerinin ölçeğin bütün boyutlarında anlamlı bir şekilde farklılaştığı ve ölçeğin bütün boyutlarında öğretmenlerin daha yüksek aritmetik ortalamalara sahip oldukları görülmektedir.
A new form of narrative counselling for adolescents at risk of exclusion was piloted in 3 schools with 11 students between the ages of 13–14 years over a 6–7-week period. The intervention took into consideration that compared to adults, adolescents are more susceptible to being influenced by their immediate surroundings of home and school. A measure of progress on a student engagement scale showed an improvement in educational engagement, particularly in students’ behavioural engagement in class. The process of narrative counselling adolescents at school is described and the issues addressed in the narrative counselling sessions are discussed. Finally, the inclusive ethos of the secondary schools that the counsellors worked in are considered, as they facilitated or hindered the counselling intervention.
This article draws on findings from the first cross-national study of school exclusions in the four jurisdictions of the UK. It sketches factors associated with the past research with reductions in exclusions. It then reports interview data gathered in England in 2018 from five specialist officers working in two Local Authorities and a senior officer working for a national voluntary organisation. The officers describe good practice but also national, local and school level developments contributing to a deteriorating situation. These developments include unhelpful government guidance and regulations; school accountability frameworks affecting curriculum and leading to the neglect of Special Educational Needs; loss of Local Authority powers and funding resulting in reductions in support services. Data gathered for this study in other UK jurisdictions suggests that in Scotland and Northern Ireland, and to a lesser extent in Wales, a practice that avoids school exclusions has persisted more than in England.
In Ireland there is progressive legislation on children’s participation in the education system. The Education Act 1998 advocates that school boards should involve students in the school and establish student councils in second-level schools. Since the publication of this legislation progress on realising students’ participation in schools has been slow. In 2006 the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child recommended that Ireland strengthen its efforts to enable children to express their views in schools and other educational institutions. The National Strategy on Children and Young People’s Participation in Decision-making (2015), the first to be produced internationally, commits to facilitating children and young people’s voice in the development of education policy, the running of schools and in other areas of school policy. This paper presents and discusses the results of qualitative participatory research with children and young people aged between 7 and 17 years, teachers and school principals, and parents, on their attitudes towards and opportunities for participation by students in schools in Ireland. The data reveal that students are keen to participate in school but recognise that their opportunities to do so are inadequate, that teachers understand participation very differently from students, and that parents have little knowledge of their children’s participatory experiences in school. It concludes that effective participation in schools requires policy, practical and cultural change.
This Campbell systematic review examines the impact of interventions to reduce exclusion from school. School exclusion, also known as suspension in some countries, is a disciplinary sanction imposed by a responsible school authority, in reaction to students' misbehaviour. Exclusion entails the removal of pupils from regular teaching for a period during which they are not allowed to be present in the classroom (in‐school) or on school premises (out‐of‐school). In some extreme cases the student is not allowed to come back to the same school (expulsion). The review summarises findings from 37 reports covering nine different types of intervention. Most studies were from the USA, and the remainder from the UK.
Included studies evaluated school‐based interventions or school‐supported interventions to reduce the rates of exclusion. Interventions were implemented in mainstream schools and targeted school‐aged children from four to 18, irrespective of nationality or social background. Only randomised controlled trials are included.
The evidence base covers 37 studies. Thirty‐three studies were from the USA, three from the UK, and for one study the country was not clear.
School‐based interventions cause a small and significant drop in exclusion rates during the first six months after intervention (on average), but this effect is not sustained. Interventions seemed to be more effective at reducing some types of exclusion such as expulsion and in‐school exclusion.
Four intervention types – enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/monitoring, and skills training for teachers – had significant desirable effects on exclusion. However, the number of studies in each case is low, so this result needs to be treated with caution.
There is no impact of the interventions on antisocial behaviour.
Variations in effect sizes are not explained by participants' characteristics, the theoretical basis of the interventions, or the quality of the intervention. Independent evaluator teams reported lower effect sizes than research teams who were also involved in the design and/or delivery of the intervention.
Plain language summary
Interventions can reduce school exclusion but the effect is temporary
Some interventions – enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/monitoring, and skills training for teachers – appear to have significant effects on exclusion.
The review in brief
Interventions to reduce school exclusion are intended to mitigate the adverse effects of this school sanction. Some approaches, namely those involving enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/monitoring and those targeting skills training for teachers, have a temporary effect in reducing exclusion. More evaluations are needed to identify the most effective types of intervention; and whether similar effects are also found in different countries.
What is the aim of this review?
This Campbell systematic review examines the impact of interventions to reduce exclusion from school. School exclusion, also known as suspension in some countries, is a disciplinary sanction imposed by a responsible school authority, in reaction to students’ misbehaviour. Exclusion entails the removal of pupils from regular teaching for a period during which they are not allowed to be present in the classroom (in‐school) or on school premises (out‐of‐school). In some extreme cases the student is not allowed to come back to the same school (expulsion). The review summarises findings from 37 reports covering nine different types of intervention. Most studies were from the USA, and the remainder from the UK.
What is this review about?
School exclusion is associated with undesirable effects on developmental outcomes. It increases the likelihood of poor academic performance, antisocial behavior, and poor employment prospects. This school sanction disproportionally affects males, ethnic minorities, those who come from disadvantaged economic backgrounds, and those with special educational needs.
This review assesses the effectiveness of programmes to reduce the prevalence of exclusion.
What are the main findings of this review?
What studies are included?
Included studies evaluated school‐based interventions or school‐supported interventions to reduce the rates of exclusion. Interventions were implemented in mainstream schools and targeted school‐aged children from four to 18, irrespective of nationality or social background. Only randomised controlled trials are included.
The evidence base covers 37 studies. Thirty‐three studies were from the USA, three from the UK, and for one study the country was not clear.
School‐based interventions cause a small and significant drop in exclusion rates during the first six months after intervention (on average), but this effect is not sustained. Interventions seemed to be more effective at reducing some types of exclusion such as expulsion and in‐school exclusion.
Four intervention types ‐ enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/ monitoring, and skills training for teachers – had significant desirable effects on exclusion. However, the number of studies in each case is low, so this result needs to be treated with caution.
There is no impact of the interventions on antisocial behaviour.
Variations in effect sizes are not explained by participants’ characteristics, the theoretical basis of the interventions, or the quality of the intervention. Independent evaluator teams reported lower effect sizes than research teams who were also involved in the design and/or delivery of the intervention.
What do the findings of this review mean?
School‐based interventions are effective at reducing school exclusion immediately after, and for a few months after, the intervention (6 months on average). Four interventions presented promising and significant results in reducing exclusion, that is, enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/monitoring, skills training for teachers. However, since the number of studies for each sub‐type of intervention was low, we suggest these results should be treated with caution.
Most of the studies come from the USA. Evaluations are needed from other countries in which exclusion is common. Further research should take advantage of the possibility of conducting cluster‐randomised controlled trials, whilst ensuring that the sample size is sufficiently large.
How up‐to‐date is this review?
The review authors searched for studies published up to December 2015. This Campbell systematic review was published in January 2018.
Executive Summary/Abstract
BACKGROUND
Schools are important institutions of formal social control (Maimon, Antonaccio, & French, 2012). They are, apart from families, the primary social system in which individuals are socialised to follow specific codes of conduct. Violating these codes of conduct may result in some form of punishment. School punishment is normally accepted by families and students as a consequence of transgression, and in that sense school isoften the place where children are first introduced to discipline, justice, or injustice (Whitford & Levine‐Donnerstein, 2014).
A wide range of punishments may be used in schools, from verbal reprimands to more serious actions such as detention, fixed term exclusion or even permanent exclusion from the mainstream education system. It must be said that in some way, these school sanctions resemble the penal system and its array of alternatives to punish those that break the law.
School exclusion, also known as suspension in some countries, is defined as a disciplinary sanction imposed by a responsible school authority, in reaction to students’ misbehaviour. Exclusion entails the removal of pupils from regular teaching for a period during which they are not allowed to be present in the classroom or, in more serious cases, on school premises.Based on the previous definition, this review uses school exclusion and school suspension as synonyms, unless the contrary is explicitly stated.
Most of the available research has found that exclusion correlates with subsequent negative sequels on developmental outcomes. Exclusion or suspension of students is associated with failure within the academic curriculum, aggravated antisocial behaviour, and an increased likelihood of involvement with punitive social control institutions (i.e., the Juvenile Justice System). In the long‐term, opportunities for training and employment seem to be considerably reduced for those who have repeatedly been excluded. In addition to these negative correlated outcomes, previous evidence suggest that the exclusion of students involves a high economic cost for taxpayers and society.
Research from the last 20 years has concluded quite consistently that this disciplinary measure disproportionally targets males, ethnic minorities, those who come from disadvantaged economic backgrounds, and those presenting special educational needs. In other words, suspension affects the most vulnerable children in schools.
Different programmes have attempted to reduce the prevalence of exclusion. Although some of them have shown promising results, so far, no comprehensive systematic review has examined these programmes’ overall effectiveness.
OBJECTIVES
The main goal of the present research is to systematically examine the available evidence for the effectiveness of different types of school‐based interventions aimed at reducing disciplinary school exclusion. Secondary goals include comparing different approaches and identifying those that could potentially demonstrate larger and more significant effects.
The research questions underlying this project are as follows:
• Do school‐based programmes reduce the use of exclusionary sanctions in schools?
• Are some school‐based approaches more effective than others in reducing exclusionary sanctions?
• Do participants’ characteristics (e.g., age, gender, ethnicity) affect the impact of school‐based programmes on exclusionary sanctions in schools?
• Do characteristics of the interventions, implementation, and methodology affect the impact of school‐based programmes on exclusionary sanctions in schools?
SEARCH METHODS
The authors conducted a comprehensive search to locate relevant studies reporting on the impact of school‐based interventions on exclusion from 1980 onwards. Twenty‐seven different databases were consulted, including databases that contained both published and unpublished literature. In addition, we contacted researchers in the field of school‐exclusion for further recommendations of relevant studies; we also assessed citation lists from previous systematic and narrative reviews and research reports. Searches were conducted from September 1 to December 1, 2015.
SELECTION CRITERIA
The inclusion and exclusion criteria for manuscripts were defined before we started our searches. To be eligible, studies needed to have: evaluated school‐based interventions or school‐supported interventions intended to reduce the rates of suspension; seen the interventions as an alternative to exclusion; targeted school‐aged children from four to 18 in mainstream schools irrespective of nationality or social background; and reported results of interventions delivered from 1980 onwards. In terms of methodological design, we included randomised controlled trialsonly, with at least one experimental group and onecontrol or placebo group.
DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS
Initial searches produced a total of 42,749 references from 27 different electronic databases. After screening the title, abstract and key words, we kept 1,474 relevant hits. 22 additional manuscripts were identified through other sources (e.g., assessment of citation lists, contribution of authors). After removing duplicates, we ended up with a total of 517 manuscripts. Two independent coders evaluated each report, to determine inclusion or exclusion.
The second round of evaluation excluded 472 papers, with eight papers awaiting classification, and 37 studies kept for inclusion in meta‐analysis. Two independent evaluators assessed all the included manuscripts for risk of quality bias by using EPOC tool.
Due to the broad scope of our targeted programmes, meta‐analysis was conducted under a random‐effect model. We report the impact of the intervention using standardised differences of means, 95% confidence intervals along with the respective forest plots. Sub‐group analysis and meta‐regression were used for examining the impact of the programme. Funnel plots and Duval and Tweedie's trim‐and‐fill analysis were used to explore the effect of publication bias.
RESULTS
Based on our findings, interventions settled in school can produce a small and significant drop in exclusion rates (SMD=.30; 95% CI .20 to .41; p<.001). This means that those participating in interventions are less likely to be suspended than those allocated to control/placebo groups. These results are based on measures of impact collected immediately during the first six months after treatment (on average). When the impact was tested in the long‐term (i.e., 12 or more months after treatment), the effects of the interventions were not sustained. In fact, there was a substantive reduction in the impact of school‐based programmes (SMD=.15; 95%CI ‐.06 to .35), and it was no longer statistically significant.
We ran analysis testing the impact of school‐based interventions on different types of exclusion. Evidence suggests that interventions are more effective at reducing expulsion and in‐school exclusion than out‐of‐school exclusion. In fact, the impact of intervention in out‐of‐school exclusion was close to zero and not statistically significant.
Nine different types of school‐based interventions were identified across the 37 studies included in the review. Four of them presented favourable and significant results in reducing exclusion (i.e., enhancement of academic skills, counselling, mentoring/monitoring, skills training for teachers). Since the number of studies for each sub‐type of intervention was low, we suggest that results should be treated with caution.
A priori defined moderators (i.e., participants’ characteristics, the theoretical basis of the interventions, and quality of the intervention)showed not to be effective at explaining the heterogeneity present in our results. Among three post‐hoc moderators, the role of the evaluator was found to be significant: independent evaluator teams reported lower effect sizes than research teams who were also involved in the design and/or delivery of the intervention.
Two researchers independently evaluated the quality of the evidence involved in this review by using the EPOC tool. Most of the studies did not present enough information for the judgement of quality bias.
AUTHORS’ CONCLUSIONS
The evidence suggests that school‐based interventions are effective at reducing school exclusion immediately after, and for a few months after, the intervention. Some specific types of interventions show more promising and stable results than others, namely those involving mentoring/monitoring and those targeting skills training for teachers. However, based on the number of studies involved in our calculations, we suggest that results must be cautiously interpreted. Implications for policy and practice arising from our results are discussed.
This paper reports research on the nature and extent of exclusion from school in Scotland 1994-6. The research involved: documentary analysis of local authority policies on exclusion, supplemented by telephone interviews with officials responsible for the operation of policy; a survey of 176 headteachers; an analysis of information about 2,710 excluded pupils; and case studies of eight secondary and four primary schools. A wide variation in local authority policy was found although most authorities emphasized exclusion as a last resort. Most exclusions were short term with pupils returning to their original school but a significant number of pupils lost more that a week’s schooling and about 30 per cent had been excluded more than once. Schools with similar characteristics varied markedly in their exclusion rates and this could largely be explained by their different ethos. Key elements in understanding differences in ethos were beliefs about the purpose of schools, the curriculum on offer, school relations with the outside world and decision making about exclusion. These findings are placed in the context both of research on exclusions in England and of current policy concerns with social exclusion.
There is an increasing emphasis internationally on better understanding the links between inequalities and processes within school systems. In England there has been a particular focus on rates of school exclusion because the national data has consistently highlighted troubling patterns of over-representation. This paper argues that a move away from recorded exclusion to other forms of sanction and provision makes more contextualised readings of these data key to better understanding their association with inequalities. It also explores the challenges faced by key stakeholders working to reduce inequalities within an increasingly marketised system. It concludes that embedding consistent good practice across the system remains a critical challenge.
The aim of this study is to explore the extent to which children and young people, aged 7-17 years, living in contemporary urban and rural Ireland, are able to participate and influence matters affecting them in their homes, schools and communities.
The current research aimed to increase understanding of the processes of managed moves for children at risk of exclusion from school, particularly exploring what contributed to success and the nature of the challenges experienced. The study was conducted in one English local authority where 11 school staff and 5 local authority staff were interviewed. Two superordinate themes emerged from the interviews. Superordinate theme 1 was concerned with factors contributing to success and included subthemes relating to fresh start/clean slate, home–school communication, early intervention, pastoral support (transition work, relationships with staff and relationships with peers) and involvement of young person. Superordinate theme 2 was concerned with the challenges associated with managed moves and included inter-school tensions (honesty and information sharing, the results agenda and moving a problem), narratives around young people, objectifying language and accurate diagnosis.
Disciplinary exclusion is a strategy used by some schools in response to challenging behaviour. While some studies have explored interventions that can be implemented to reduce the exclusion of ‘at risk’ pupils, others have considered how the underlying school ethos influences how challenging behaviour is understood and managed. The current study explored factors within school ethos that may influence how challenging behaviour is managed. It aimed to identify differences in school ethos between excluding and non-excluding primary and junior schools in areas with the highest rates of social deprivation. Three focus groups and two interviews were initially conducted to identify factors that staff believed to be relevant to the inclusion and exclusion of pupils. Focus groups and interviews explored staff perceptions of practices in school and beliefs about inclusion and exclusion. Inductive-semantic thematic analysis was performed to identify statements indicating a difference between excluding and non-excluding schools. Statements were used to create a questionnaire that was distributed to 16 schools and completed by 128 staff. Thematic analysis identified 13 themes, 10 of which indicated a difference in view between excluding and non-excluding schools. Multivariate analysis of variance indicated significant differences in responses between groups on the themes of Responsibility, Clarity, Consistency, Behaviour Management, Beliefs about Inclusion and Beliefs about Reducing Exclusion. Further analysis also indicated greater consistency across responses from non-excluding school staff. These findings provide support for previous literature emphasising the importance of some key features of school ethos in creating an inclusive environment.
Disaffection and behaviour problems continue to be a cause of concern in many schools. Although many schemes and initiatives have attempted to address these issues, few have proved completely successful. It is suggested that in the light of the current phase of educational reforms, with its emphasis on raising standards and target setting, the role of increased assessment in the generation of these problems may have been overlooked. The experiences of a number of schools in exploring a different approach to pupil assessment emphasising the development of a number of generic ‘life skills’ are explored and the effects on these two issues discussed.
This qualitative case study focuses on a school created to educate expelled students, specifically examining the relationships between educators’ beliefs and philosophies and daily school life. At this school, Kelly’s (Last chance high. Yale University Press, New Haven, 1993) competing philosophies of traditionalism and developmentalism got enacted at the school and classroom levels in ways that precluded effective practice. These competing philosophies reflect broader national and international discourses that simultaneously promote neoliberal marketization and democratic emancipation. Conflicting sub-cultures at the school under study emerged as the most salient conduit at the school level for the enactment of these competing philosophies, and administrators’ practices at the school and district levels unintentionally reinforced these conflicting sub-cultures. Findings suggest that improving the educational experiences of persistently disciplined students requires the clarification of philosophical underpinnings and cohesion of policy mandates and implementation at federal, state, and local levels. Without such clarification, alternative schools may serve more to push students further out of school and into the school-to-prison pipeline than to reengage them.
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