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ACTA UNIVERSITATIS LODZIENSIS
FOLIA SOCIOLOGICA 82, 2022
[15]
https://doi.org/10.18778/0208-600X.82.02
Renata Dopierała*
SIMPLIFYING LIFE DURING
THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC
Abstract. This article aims to present selected aspects of everyday life of people who dene
themselves as followers of simplifying life in view of the COVID-19 pandemic in Poland. The article
comprises three parts. The rst, in a synthetic form, gives an outline of the idea of a simple life, its
main beliefs and manifestations, whereas the second describes the degree and types of changes
in the organisation of everyday life of simpliers at the given time. The third part investigates whether
the pandemic-triggered experiences have the potential to modify current consumption attitudes. This
point is a reference to voices appearing in the public debate signalling – especially in the initial
phase – such a possibility on a wider social scale. The research material was blog entries, fragments
of podcasts on the simple life, and other sources (reports, scientic and journalistic texts).
Keywords: simple life, voluntary simpliers, alternative forms of consumption.
1. Introduction
The COVID-19 pandemic
1
and the ensuing lockdowns is a situation that has
disrupted the rules of social life beforehand considered obvious and tacitly accepted,
and thus has made the current social practices and actions the subject of reection. It
has resulted in the necessity to reorganise to a dierent extent – depending upon the
social situation of the individual, their professional activities as well as health and
personality conditions – everyday life and ways of experiencing it. A multiplicity of
rules aimed at limiting the virus cases have been governing the functioning in public
*
PhD, Department of Sociology of Culture, Institute of Sociology, University of Lodz,
ul. Rewolucji 1905 r. 41/43, 90-214 Łódź, e-mail: renata.dopierala@uni.lodz.pl
1
I will not recreate the sequence of pandemic events chronologically as I acknowledge them
as general knowledge. I treat the COVID-19 pandemic as the time frame to which the described
phenomena relate.
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4919-258X
© by the author, licensee University of Lodz – Lodz University Press, Lodz, Poland. This article
is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons
Attribution license CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/)
Renata Dopierała
16
space and included (to mention those important in the context of considerations):
the need to keep a social distance, limit mobility, stay at home, as well as to restrict
access to various places, e.g. shops and goods to be obtained. Both the spread of
the SARS-CoV-2 virus and the preventive restrictions have triggered emotional
reactions – most often anxiety, fear and confusion,
2
but also sometimes hope for
changes in the functioning of the social system, mainly the economy. The authors of
the report “Życie codzienne w czasach pandemii. Raport z drugiego etapu badań”
[Everyday life in times of the pandemic. Report from the second stage of research]
note: “The restrictions have changed the hitherto methods of operation. The world
has been turned upside-down by ambivalence. The new conditions required the
development of new practices and routines. What had been considered normal and
obvious, has been negated during the pandemic” (Dr o zdows k i et a l. 2020b: 25).
Given this point of view, it is worthwhile to wonder what normality means for those
simplifying their lives and how it has been overturned by the COVID-19 pandemic
(the context is Polish society). Before I start these considerations, it is important
to dene what a simple life is.
2. Briey about simple life and simplication
Simple life (a term used interchangeably with voluntary simplicity) is most
accurately described using the tangible-intangible dichotomy. It represents a negation
of excessive consumption that goes beyond the natural needs, which is opposed to
achieving self-fullment (greater and more durable gratication) in the non-material
dimension. Limitations in the material sphere (reduction of possessions, opting-out
from accumulating unnecessary goods, negating unreective shopping habits and
satisfying needs in an irrational way) are accompanied by an axiological change
involving a positive evaluation of relationships with others, personal development,
contact with nature, spiritual practices, contemplation, creativity (Shi 1985),
contributing to an increase in the quality of life.
As life simpliers, in turn, I describe those people and the actions they undertake
of which the common denominator rests with the pursuit of a good life in a way
that diers from consumption-oriented patterns (see Zr ałek 2015; Burgi el et al.
2015). Voluntary simpliers “limit expenditures on consumer goods and services,
and to cultivate non-materialistic resources of satisfaction and meaning” (Etz i oni
1998: 619). Simplifying life is – in a broad sense – a lifestyle programmatically
opposing consumerism as the dominant paradigm of modern times. It characterises
to a greatest extent the metropolitan middle class, people with incomes securing
their material standard of living (specialists, free-lance professions, management
2
The psychological eects of the pandemic are discussed, for instance, in the publication
Duszyński et al. 2020.
Simplifying life during the COVID-19 pandemic 17
sta) allowing for self-realization in a post-materialistic way.3 It should be noted,
however, that although it is comprehended by followers as a form of contestation
and resistance to hyper-consumption, it can, in fact, be perceived as – initiated by
counterculture movements – a commercialised, market-oriented rebellion that absorbs
and transforms elements of negation and criticism of the consumption culture of
capitalism (He ath, Potter 2010; Bar ber 2009). Nevertheless, my intention does
not involve exposure of the internal contradictions of voluntary simplicity, which
I write about elsewhere (see Dop ierała 2017). I treat the statements of simpliers
as carriers of – unchallenged by me – individual experience.
The declared disagreement with the ubiquitous consumerist practices manifests
itself in many ways; literature includes numerous typologies illustrating this
dierentiation (see Elgin 2010; Shaw, Newholm 2002; Craig-Lees, Hill
2002; Etzi oni 1998; Zrałek 2015). For the sake of clarity of the argument, it is
eciently enough – in my opinion – to place focus on the fundamental division
based on the scale of the changes introduced. At this point, one can indicate those
comprehensively simplifying – characterised by deeply internalised beliefs and
the broadest range of activities (own crops, preferring natural food, living outside the
city, resigning from the current job, being family-oriented, practising meditation
or other forms of personal development), partially simplifying – using micro-
strategies in selected aspects of existence (e.g. vegetarian or vegan diet, making
consumption more ecological – avoiding some and preferring other brands, interest
in the composition of products, reducing waste production), as well as supporters
(showing their interest in the worldview, but at the same time keeping a distance). The
voluntary simplicity comprises behaviours characteristic of other anti-consumerist
lifestyles, e.g. minimalism, downshifting, zero-waste and slow life (see more:
Cobel-Tokarska, Zalewska 2016; Kramarczyk 2018; Kramarczyk 2015;
Dud a 2016). They function independently on each other, yet many elements
inherent to them are – in various proportions – also used in the construction of
a simple life. Such a process involving the ow of ideas, values and attitudes, as
well as the creative compilation of individual identications has been – to my
belief – increasingly noticeable in the eld under discussion.
3. Voluntary simpliers and COVID-19 pandemic
The reections are based on reports on experiencing the beginning of the
pandemic posted on blogs and podcasts by admirers of simple life. Various behaviours
can be observed in the blogosphere concerned. This rests with putting the blogging
3
I am not concerned with a way of life marked by deprivation due to nancial constraints, then
it is not a matter of choice, but of necessity. The actions taken may be similar, but they are neverthe-
less the result of dierent motivations and life circumstances of the individual.
Renata Dopierała
18
activity on hold, which is coincided with the pandemic, yet not explained by the
author themselves (beforehand, high frequency of publications). Those blogs
with a long history of existence included few references – only lapidary recalls to
the “dicult” time and moving to another thread or using the general, but also the
undeveloped formula of “breakthrough”. New blogs were created, existing about
a year, but the pandemic was usually not indicated as the initial moment of their
starting (it cannot be ruled out, however, that it played a catalyst role). Starting
a blog could be a form of coping with burdensome experiences and emotions
during a pandemic, but it also involved spending more time on it. The context of
the pandemic in publications was present expressis verbis to a small extent. The
reasons for this can be only presumed – individual experiences related to isolation/
quarantine, health risk, problems in family or work life discouraging disclosure
and public reporting. In parallel, the blog could be a space delivering emotional
response, ltering through writing one’s own experiences, because the type of
content presented depends upon the author’s discretion.
The criterion for selecting the material was the presence of threads related
to the COVID-19 pandemic, whereas the subject was not always reected in the
title of the post. Fragments of four Polish blogs were selected for analysis, namely
“My eco ego. Minimalizm i zero waste” [My eco ego. Minimalism and zero waste],
“Gaja pisze. Mniej, wolniej, lepiej” [Gaja writes. Less, slower, better], “Nieco
mniej. Mieć nieco mniej, by żyć nieco bardziej” [A little less. Have a little less to
live a little more], “Wolnym być” [Free to be] and a podcast “Ajka minimalistka”
[Ajka the minimalist], which is a continuation of the “Prosty blog” [Simple blog]
she has been running for several years. The posts were mostly from the rst phase
of the pandemic, which was accompanied by the greatest fears and restrictions.
This could be interpreted as a reaction to an unexpected event and an attempt to get
used to it by sharing experiences with others. The podcast is, in turn, a “summary”
of the coronavirus epidemic after a year since its break-out.
3.1. Consumer practices – continuity and change
The behaviours described by the bloggers concerned several areas dening the
framework of everyday functioning – typical home activities (cooking, cleaning),
outdoor activities (shopping and recreation) and the general organisation of the day
(time devoted to professional work, as well as allocating and spending free time).
I will start with particularly interesting consumption practices related primarily to
shopping (all posts are quoted in the form that is closest to their original form in Polish).
My life hasn’t changed drastically since we have been quarantined – after all, I’ve been working
from home for over 2 years (I’m a HR process consultant, I’ve been working work on a global
project, my entire team is scattered around the world and basically I don’t have to go to the
oce in Wrocław). So I’m not shocked I have to spend most of my time being surrounded by
my four walls. You know, I go shopping much less often and I buy a little more food so I don’t
Simplifying life during the COVID-19 pandemic 19
have to go to the store back and forth. I also go to my garden allotment less often (although the
weather is tempting!). I’ve been trying to spend my free time reading, cleaning, baking or just
reecting and practising gratitude. Recently, I’ve been thinking about zero-waste and minimalism
in the context of the whole covid19 situation.
I still go shopping with my fruit and vegetable sacks (and my own bag, of course), but I no
longer carry the jars for pickles that I would always give to the seller in the greengrocer. I do
so for my own safety and that of hers. For the last few years, I haven’t bought pickles packed in
a foil, so I think the world won’t collapse if I do it 3–4 times during the pandemic. Additionally,
Bez Pudła is also temporarily closed, so there’s nowhere to buy loose products for my own
packaging. So I’ve been trying to choose oatmeal in paper packages, the our is almost always
in the paper, and the pasta – I bought a kilo of Barilla, which is in a cardboard package and we
haven’t eaten everything yet.4
The analysed materials show that the pandemic and lockdown (as well as
quarantine
5
) are treated as factors that have not signicantly reorganised the
functioning of the individual so far. Lots of those simplifying ones – usually
representing the so-called freelance jobs – had worked from home even before the
pandemic began.
6
It is one of several dimensions of à rebours normality, which in
the case of simplifying ones has not been disturbed. Therefore, one can venture an
argument that the way of life based on voluntary limitations has turned out to be
a good adaptation strategy.
In terms of shopping practices, the author virtually does not problematise
restrictions on leaving home to the store and regulations regarding shopping (dierent
opening hours for dierent age categories, limits of people on a specic space,
waiting in a queue to enter the store, rationing of products, e.g. hygiene ones).
Intentional reduction of consumption, including programmatically less frequent
going to the store and focusing on the utility function of goods (satisfying life needs),
is a key characteristic of a simplifying lifestyle. Despite the incidental purchase of
larger amounts of food, the reduction on the purchase inherent in the minimalists
in the described time was continued (with some exceptions).
In addition to minimalism, zero-waste is also recalled. Its manifestation includes,
among others, eliminating the use of packaging whose lifespan is determined by
the phases of production -> attracting the customer’s attention -> purchase ->
throwing away. An alternative to them is the use of fabric-made shopping bags,
sacks (usually hand-made from recovered fabrics) and jars. The possibility of their
re-use generates less waste, especially when it comes to plastic, disposable bags.
Nevertheless, some of these solutions were temporarily suspended for sanitary
4
http://www.myecoego.pl/minimalizm-i-zero-waste-w-czasach-pandemii/28.03.2020
(accessed: 27.05.2021).
5
It is not my role to inquire how legitimate the use of this term is; it can be assumed that it
refers to various colloquial expressions of a state of social isolation.
6 In the case of bloggers, they are: translator, corporate employee, entrepreneurs (investing in
real estate and training and real estate, business consultant), a person who edits industry magazines,
writes and translates specialist and marketing texts.
Renata Dopierała
20
reasons during the pandemic. Therefore, “buying pickled vegetables in a foil”
manifests itself as a factor that breaks into pieces the attitude integrated beforehand,
thus triggering the need for self-justication. The author excuses this act with an
extraordinary pandemic situation which makes reasonable the temporary suspension
of the previously developed simplication strategies.
A simple life is also guided by the practices of purchasing goods from stores
oering loose products, which, however, have been closed due to pandemic
restrictions. It has forced the simplifying ones to modify their hitherto habits,
however, while maintaining compliance with the professed system of values.
People would choose products in paper packaging enabling its further processing,
or would avoid those that were dicult to decompose. It shows the pursuit of
a circular economy and the application of the principles of sustainable development
– maintaining a balance between the individual, the economy and the environment
(see Zale ga 2015). Shopping “in a greengrocer” is, in turn, a manifestation of
ecological consumption and ethical (conscious) consumption, involving, inter alia,
buying seasonal products in local, small stores and avoiding shopping in large-
-format stores and those requiring a long supply chain.
3.2. Consumer practices – anxieties and ethical dilemmas
Some of the consumption behaviours were continued by the simplifying ones,
while some required making corrections and coming up with excuses for them.
With the departure from everyday routines, concerns and ethical dilemmas have
arisen for the general public as well.
[...] we bought some preserves in glass and various sorts of canned beans. So, there’s no tragedy
– we happen to buy something in plastic, but these are quite negligible amounts (two days ago
I bought a huge packet of nachos! They were delicious, its packaging will serve as a bag for our
sparse rubbish – according to the “reuse” principle). We’ve also been trying to eat what we have
at the time, so that it doesn’t get expired. My greatest fear is that the nation has been buying
enormous amounts of food while in panic and then it’ll all be thrown away. Hope I’m wrong!
This stockpiling isn’t necessarily consistent with my understanding of minimalism, because
I always try to have as much food as we can eat in 5–7 days, not in 2 weeks like these days.
Nevertheless, the situation is extraordinary, so I’ve decided not to torture myself too much.
However, this situation has made me see another side of minimalism, quite close to me – limited
consumerism. We no longer run around shopping malls, cinemas, pubs, cafes, we basically only
buy basic necessities. This testies to the possibility of living without this constant shopping and
consumption frenzy. Sure, we can still shop online, watch Netix, and so on. And if someone
feels like doing so in this dicult time, that’s okay – especially if you’re not, like me, used
to spending a great part of your life at home. But maybe it’s worth spending this time while
reecting and asking yourself the following questions: Do I really need this? Will it make me
happy? What do I have now for what I’m grateful for?7
7
http://www.myecoego.pl/minimalizm-i-zero-waste-w-czasach-pandemii/28.03.2020
(accessed: 27.05.2021).
Simplifying life during the COVID-19 pandemic 21
Stockpiling during the pandemic was nothing unusual to the followers of
simplifying life, yet the scale of the resources deemed essential for survival
is – judging from the measures of a few cans and jars – smaller than average. It is
essential on this occasion – as described earlier – to pay attention to the type of
packaging and to treat it as an equally important product parameter (apart from
nutritional and taste values) when making purchasing decisions. Glass and metal
containers (also paper cardboards) are highly valued and treated as prospective
not only due to the possibility of recycling, but also upcycling (see Izd e bska
2017). From this perspective, the necessity to justify the purchase (even a small
amount) of products “in plastic” is comprehensible,8 as it is treated as a departure
from pre-pandemic patterns marked with care and concern for the environment
(preferences for sustainable development). However, according to the doctrines
of zero-waste, namely reducing waste and reusing things, it can be used otherwise
(in this case, as a rubbish bag). The author mentions one of the principles – reuse,
which is complemented in the basic 3R version by the already mentioned “recycle”
and “reduce”, and in the extended 5R version by “redistribute”, “repair”, “refuse”,
“rot” (Michniewska, Grodkiewicz 2017).
Behaviours shared with others determined by a pandemic situation – not only
in this aspect – have disrupted the attitudes developed by those simplifying life.
Buying larger amounts of food that is supposed to last for longer9 (previously limited)
is in conict with de-consumption (a rational, determined by real needs, form of
consumption),
10
that those simplifying life follow. It is illustrated by non-excessive
stockpiling, controlling the food items (quantity that can be eaten in a few days and
respecting the use-by date) to avoid potential food waste.
From this point of view, attention should be paid to the formulated concerns
about the excessive purchasing behaviour of other people (and subsequent mass
throwing-away), which were fostered by the fear of pandemic-triggered uncertainty
(whether the stores will be open, will the continuity of supplies be ensured, will there
be no shortage of basic necessities, will production maintained, etc.). Considering
the statistics pertaining to the scale of wastage of food products, the fear that
8
However, during the pandemic, the consumption of food packed in plastics and plastic
disposable products (cutlery, gloves) increased.
9
The initial phase of the pandemic witnessed the increased purchases of food products and
cleaning products – 56% of Poles declared that they had bought various products “for a rainy day”, of
whom 66% bought pasta, 55% our, and 53% toilet paper. The greatest number of purchases in terms
of the variety of products and the amount of money spent on them were made by people who were
most afraid of the new virus and felt that the situation at that time was out of control (Ma is on 2020).
10 De-consumption manifests itself in three forms, the common feature of which is a knowing
limitation: 1. of consumption due to increased uncertainty of households (the so-called assurance
consumption); 2. of quantity in favour of quality (e.g. giving preference to more durable, more
expensive items); 3. in the material sphere and the valuation of what is intangible, e.g. servitisation
of consumption (Racho ck a 2003; B y walec , R u d n icki 2002).
Renata Dopierała
22
these practices would be intensied was real.
11
What is interesting in this context
is a reference to the ndings presented in “Życie codzienne w czasach pandemii.
Raport z pierwszego etapu badań” [Everyday life in times of the pandemic. Report
from the rst stage of research]: “Buying large amounts of food ‘for a rainy day’
was treated by the respondents with understanding or jokingly (almost 70% of the
respondents approached it standoshly and did not disapprove it)” (Drozdowski
et a l. 2020a: 17). Therefore, one can notice a clear dierence in opinions – the
attitude of the simplifying ones has a clearly negative emotional resonance (it is
treated as an unacceptable violation of the principles they profess and implement).
In the quoted post, not only does the author mention limiting consumption but
also cultural activities and focusing on the domestic sphere. The next section is
devoted to this issue; I write more about reection and gratitude in the fourth part.
3.3. Consumer practices – cocooning and DIY
It was pointed out – on the basis of the topic concerning purchases and work
already done at home – that those who simplify their life have not experienced
any signicant change due to the introduction of mobility restrictions. Others have
joined this activity during the pandemic.
[...] children at home (we strived for this ourselves, thinking about, for instance home education),
working from home, car used only when needed, almost no contact with the “comforts” of the
city, such as cinemas, restaurants, etc., and a lot of walking and appreciating the possibility of
a simple walk or a run amid the fresh air. I think a lot of people have also been trying various
DIY initiatives, such as baking their own bread. In addition, uncertainty about the future, which
discourages people from spending money like water, or rather makes them save and not take
out more loans. Well, spitting image of the world of the Free Ones, which – as we realise – not
everyone has to like it, and certainly should not be enforced top-down in such circumstances
as we have to experience.12
As part of the simplifying lifestyle, many activities carried out conventionally by
institutions are situated in the home space (such as the aforementioned professional
work) or at least such a location is thought of (planned home education for children).
This “transfer” of services (including consumption) from the relevant institutions
to the private sphere, within the household, is referred to as cocooning (Ko walsk a
11
In Poland, approx. 9 million tonnes of food waste are generated, which is 235 kg per person
per year. At the production stage, 6.4 million tonnes are wasted, while in households 2 million tonnes
(54 kg/person per year). The data presented in the publication Nie marnuj jedzenia (2019) shows
that the respondents indicated the following reasons for throwing food away: spoilage of food (65%),
overlooking the expiry date (42%), too large portion (27%), too large purchases (22%), ill-considered
purchases (20%), too large packaging (17%), improper storage (14%), low-quality purchases (11%),
no idea how to use an ingredient (10%). It seems that running awareness-raising and educational
campaigns (e.g. how to use leftover food, how to rationally buy) is necessary and justied. On the
various aspects of wasting food, see Modrz yk 2019.
12
https://www.wolnymbyc.pl/koronawirus-update-21-03-2020-dysonans/ (accessed: 27.05.2021).
Simplifying life during the COVID-19 pandemic 23
2015). Its wide-spread is conditioned by the easy availability of electronic devices
(RTV and household appliances), whereby many products can be manufactured
at home, as well as of information and communication technologies that enable
the independent performance of various operations dened as virtualisation of
consumption (e.g. electronic banking, running administrative errands, online
shopping). The closure of institutions during subsequent lockdowns has intensied
these actions and favoured
the wide-spread and inventing new types of services delivered to home or enabling the perfor-
mance of specic practices without leaving it. [...] A large portion of everyday inventiveness
was caused by the necessity to do things that are usually entrusted to others (teaching children,
producing food, creating hygiene stu), which resulted in not only coping with something but
also increasing self-suciency (Drozdowski et al. 2020b: 16).
What is an emblematic factor in this context is baking bread, popular during
the pandemic, which is also mentioned by the author of the post. Researchers
interpret this phenomenon manifold: primarily as a need to regain control, a sense
of subjectivity and perpetration, but also as an example of resourcefulness and
the pursuit of self-actualization in free time. Similar stabilising and therapeutic
functions were delivered by planting vegetables and plants, caring for them and
observing their growth (Dro z d owsk i et a l . 2020b: 16). DIY, self-manufacturing
and processing practices, are a permanent and durable element of a simple lifestyle
as a counterbalance to the consumptive sourcing of essential goods. Once again, they
have the status of constitutive action in the everyday life of simpliers, both in the
self-realization and the pragmatic dimension. Not only are these activities undertaken
for the purpose of managing an excessive amount of time or as a substitute for pre-
pandemic normality, but they are also of fundamental self-identication importance.
The restriction of consumption practices, so typical of simple life, also applies
to traditional cultural and social activities. The ways of spending time are dominated
by “domesticated” forms of participation in culture, thus displacing going to the
cinema, theatre, restaurants, etc., not only during the pandemic. It goes without
saying this sphere has been intensied by the lack of alternatives to participation in
cultural and artistic events other than mediated ones. Streaming services, platforms
with lms and music – for the general public – have become at this time the only
form of communing with cultural products, thus making this form of reception
even more popular.
An almost universal drive during the closure period accompanying the pandemic
was to turn towards nature, one of the dimensions of voluntary simplicity. Walking,
running, recreation on the allotment garden (when not subjected to the restriction),
mentioned by bloggers, refer not only to practising a healthy lifestyle but – more
broadly – to the need to live in harmony with nature (many voluntary simpliers live
outside the city). Reinstating the balance between the individual and the environment,
their mutual attunement as the foundation of a simple life, is a continuation of the
counter-cultural theme of escape from the technicised and materialised world.
Renata Dopierała
24
The pandemic-driven “discovery” of nature, in connection with the described
“domesticated” and virtual cultural practices, can be interpreted as “returning to
experiencing the world in such a way that is not mediated by the media, and expressed
by careful observation of animals, plant growth, the immediate vicinity that earlier,
amidst the multitude of other impressions, had disappeared from sight completely”
(Dro zdowsk i et al. 2020c: 96). Again, it can be said that these activities had been
beforehand “in the eld of vision” of the followers of voluntary simplicity. All sorts
of alternative consumption that distinguish a simple way of life – eco-consumption,
ethical consumption, de-consumption – illustrate the interest in the “well-being” of
the universe (see Wilcza k 2016). The implementation of ecological consumption
is evidenced, for example, by less frequent use of one’s own means of transport.
One may say that the possibility of unlimited communing with nature by living
on the outskirts of the city is a form of luxury and non-ostentatiously positioning
good (Koz łowski 2013a; 2013b).
Again, there is a topic of re-thinking the hitherto purchasing habits and nancial
management, of limiting the spending of money due to the uncertain future and the
need to secure it – at least partially – by having savings.
13
Importantly, the postulated
restraint of consumerist practices is not formulated in the directive mode.
4. Pandemic – stopping by and reecting
I believe (or rather hope) that the coronavirus will change our lifestyle for the better, in particular
our shopping habits. Fact – some have gone nuts and buying up toilet paper for a rainy day. As
for me, I must admit I momentarily got carried away and bought a few cans of chickpeas and
a kilo of rice – just in case.
But once these shopping emotions subside (or the cash just runs out) – we may notice that
we do not need at all many of the things we buy so eagerly. That maybe in the back of the
cupboard I have an entire bag of dry chickpeas, which I bought in the hope that I would cook it
myself instead of buying cans. And that we don’t have to visit a shopping mall every weekend
in search of bargains. That it’s better to reect on what we already have in our homes. Whether
we like spending time there and whether they have what we need to feel good. This is what
prompted me to reect on this whole situation.14
The situation of a pandemic suspension – in the belief of those simplifying
ones – should become an impulse to reect on the social and economic order and
the possible reorganisation of some of its areas. They consider it crucial to change
13 The report KP M G (2020: 4, 5) implies that half of Poles withhold expenses other than
necessary. 25% of respondents declare that as a result of the pandemic they will start buying local
and national products and will be willing to pay a maximum of 10% more for them than for a similar
product produced abroad. At the same time, support for local communities increased by 29%.
14
https://gajapisze.pl/wszystko-co-jest-potrzebne-o-pracy-zdalnej-i-nie-tylko/18.03.2020
(accessed: 28.05.2021).
Simplifying life during the COVID-19 pandemic 25
purchasing habits, which would become more reective and take into account the
level of real (in line with the assumptions of de-consumption), instead of created
and imposed (by a consumerist approach) needs. This is related to the departure
from making impulsive purchases that deliver functions other than utility ones,
as well as to not succumbing to marketing-induced whims leading to nothing but
excess (“buying unnecessary stu”). Minimising spending on consumer goods
and services also means avoiding excessive accumulation (however, the narrator
recognises as such “a few cans and a kilogram of loose items”). One can venture
a statement that these expectations were partially made realise, although it is not
known whether they were permanent. The report “Życie codzienne w czasach
pandemii. Raport z drugiego etapu badań” [Everyday life in times of the pandemic.
Report from the second stage of research] says about modications in the ways
of planning the day, customary activities, including shopping – the respondents
began to prepare lists and plan purchases (Dro z dows k i et a l. 2020b: 103), as
postulated by minimalists.
The reection should also be paid to forms of spending free time otherwise
than in a shopping centre providing multiple stimuli, and to not treating shopping as
a form of alternative experiences. It is related to wondering about one’s possessions,
which is also a form of consideration of what is genuinely important and what can
be reduced. The essence of minimalist life strategies rather rests with limiting the
possessed things or new purchases in favour of the eective use of existing items
(things) instead of wasting them, e.g. through collaborative consumption (see
Lip owski et a l. 2020). The dichotomy of “what’s at home” versus “feeling good
in it” is in line with the counter-cultural (and continued by contemporary “anti-
consumerist” lifestyles) opposition to having and being. These dimensions do not
have to be treated separately and in opposition to each other, although they t in
with the ndings of psychologists, according to whom materialistic aspirations
coexist with depressed mood, increased anxiety, and decreased level of spirituality
and religiosity (Zaw a dzka 2014). The postulated shift towards post-materialistic
values and those associated with well-being is manifested by recalling, inter alia,
gratitude, humility, postponement of gratication, kindness and a sense of community
(Koz łowski 2013a; Zawad zka 2014); although cocooning and self-suciency
due to DIY encapsulate the individual rather than socialise it. The author of the
next statement refers to these and other values included in the well-being repertoire.
I’d like to relieve you a little of the anxiety that accompanies all of us and encourage you to
make sensible use of the situation in which we’re living. Many of us will stay at home this
weekend, which gives us a chance to deal with relations with our loved ones and with our inner
selves (just to be clear: I endorse a responsible approach to the situation).
Perhaps the time ahead is a unique gift. Not only a sort of test of responsibility, but also a new
cause for many contemplations and reections. Maybe this is the time when your adventure
with minimalism and the search for moderation will begin. Maybe this is the time to clean the
Renata Dopierała
26
wardrobe and think about what I “really” need to live. Every now and then there’re event in
our lives that changes our priorities permanently. “Time for yourself” favours such reection.
I wish you to reect for a moment on what is important.15
In the quoted fragment, the author rstly draws attention to the blog’s function
– supporting, allowing to tame dicult emotions (mainly uncertainty), but also
informative and activating. Secondly, the pandemic is treated – on a larger social
scale – as an opportunity to not only redene the current consumer lifestyle, but also
to appreciate social networks created by individuals (these threads are interconnected
according to a simplifying interpretation of less materialism/more postmaterialism).
Contacts with others – family, friends, acquaintances, spending time in these groups
are of crucial importance in the hierarchy of values for those simplifying life. Apart
from interpersonal relations, an essential role rests with introspection processes
important for self-actualisation, self-knowledge, and, consequently, also for the
subjective feeling of happiness.
The author also proposes to consider whether we need all the things that sign
consumption keeps telling us; whether they reect our real needs; and whether the
individual’s life should be limited to possessing and identifying ourselves through
this aspect. Consumer culture, although it oers a promise of happiness and
fullment (see Baudr illard 2006; Bauman 2009), in fact does not ensure their
achievement, as it would undermine its own mechanisms of functioning. The
“breakdown” of the consumer order and the exposure of the illusions they produce
– according to the blogger – renders it possible to modify the lifestyle to reect
moderation in terms of material goods. The described context may, therefore,
foster a biographical metamorphosis, or at least prompt reection on the identity
and tools (other than positioning/status goods) with which it is constructed. The
proposals of the minimalists are considered to be as such. This resonates with
the attitudes emerging from the cited reports: “Individuals stop focusing on prestige,
status, and success, yet focus on what can provide them with security. Therefore,
they celebrate closeness, contacts with others, taking care of health and mental
balance” (Dro z dowsk i et a l. 2020b: 20). A special role in this case can be played
by the therapeutic and counselling discourse, “suggesting how to make use of
the lockdown time, for example for development, bonding, or noticing what was
previously overlooked” (Kra j ewski , Kuba c ka 2020c: 72).
In this context, it is interesting to recall the voice of the minimalist podcast
“Ajka minimalistka” [Ajka the minimalist], who summarises the pandemic time
and points to several factors inherent in a simple life, which – in her opinion
– determined its nal “positive” assessment. She did not nd it burdensome to
stay at home as a consequence of the lockdown and to “transfer” many activities
to the home space. This was due to the beforehand (re-)organisation of the private
15
https://niecomniej.pl/2020/03/13/co-jeszcze-moze-sie-zdarzyc-czyli-czy-koronawirus-zmieni-
nasze-priorytety (accessed: 28.05.2021).
Simplifying life during the COVID-19 pandemic 27
sphere and designing it according to minimalist patterns. The author felt comfortable
in her home – although it is a small area, the space is functionally furnished,
consciously arranged and does not overwhelm with an excess of equipment. Despite
physical separation, relationships with loved ones – from her perspective – became
strengthened, emotionally-wise; gestures of caring for relationships and remaining
important despite being remotely contributed to this. Characteristic factors for
simplifying life is the feeling and exercise of gratitude – present in this and earlier
statements – for everything that happens, what we have and also what we do
not have, but the lack of it is not subject to problematising. The author derived
joy from travels and social contacts undertaken when it was possible; they were
appreciated more than ever before. In the end, she places an emphasis on enjoying
what is ordinary in everyday life, on focusing mindfulness on simple and cliché
things, while (through experiencing them in such a way) highlighting everyday
life – rituals, conversations, and walks. All of this – namely behaviours and values
associated with well-being – allowed her to “come out” of the pandemic smarter.
The authors of “Życie codzienne w czasach pandemii. Raport z trzeciego etapu
badań” [Everyday life in times of the pandemic. Report from the third stage of
research] also point out these aspects:
In the ways of dealing with the moods accompanying the pandemic and isolation, various forms
of appreciating small things and small pleasures were dominant, constituting peculiar gaps in
the monotonous, but also fearful time of waiting for a change of situation. Such pleasures were
everyday, not just festive, meals celebrated in the family circle, the possibility to carefully ob-
serve plant growth or animal behaviour, reading and watching what you had not had time for
before (Kra jewsk i, Kub a cka 2020c: 69).
As for the followers of voluntary simplicity, however, not only are these
activities a breakthrough in pandemic-triggered uncertain everyday life but they
also constitute the essence of their lifestyle.
5. Conclusions
The initial phase of the pandemic witnessed Li Edelkoort (trend analyst) forecast
a massive quarantine of consumption. She predicted that following the initial global
recession, the coronavirus epidemic would allow reorganising the world of values
and force individuals to slow down the pace, teach self-suciency and mindfulness
(Ede l koort 2020). These elements – to a varying degree – were noticeable not
only in the statements by the simplifying ones, but also in the answers given by the
respondents in mentioned reports. The life-simplifying people had introduced this
consumption quarantine intentionally and voluntarily beforehand. Most of their
activities during the COVID-19 pandemic have not changed dramatically; some
of them have been modied to adapt to social regulations (e.g. minor stockpiling).
Some of the already well-established practices have been extended and subjected
Renata Dopierała
28
to innovations, especially in the eld of independent, home-based manufacturing.
In their opinion, the pandemic has conrmed the functionality of the simplifying
lifestyle, and the proposed and implemented solutions associated with it have made
it relatively easier to nd oneself in a new situation. To the dominant extent, their
voices were armative and reinforced the rightfulness of the choices made.
Habits and routines that had been common and obvious everydayness for
the simplifying ones, during the pandemic have become something usual – by
necessity – for the majority. Will these changes be permanent and embedded in
the minds of individuals? As the cited reports show, the ideas and discourses that
organise the simplifying worldview have been becoming visible in the experiences
of others, although they do not constitute a dened coherent lifestyle. When it
comes to the potential good eects driven by the pandemic situation, there are two
phenomena that are interesting in view of the presented considerations. The rst
is to re-evaluate various issues in everyday life; to see what is most important; to
bring family members closer to each other; to appreciate interpersonal solidarity
and sensitivity to the needs of others. The second is to treat the crisis as a hope
to change how the world works – especially when it comes to consumerism and
waste, as well as the lack of respect towards the natural environment (the remaining
indications concerned the appreciation of the role and importance of the health
service, science and scientists). It is surprising how much these areas resonate with the
repertoire of attitudes characterising the simple life (at least on the rhetorical level)
(see Dro z d owsk i at al . 2020a). The language of description itself is analogous
– what is important, closeness, cooperation, empathy, namely the already-invoked
components of the subjective well-being impossible to be made realised within the
framework of consumer culture.
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UPRASZCZANIE ŻYCIA W PANDEMII COVID-19
Abstrakt. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wybranych aspektów życia co dziennego osób
określających się jako zwolennicy upraszczania życia w kontekście pandemii COVID-19 w Polsce.
Artykuł składa się z trzech części. W pierwszej w syntetycznej formie przybliżono ideę prostego
życia, jej główne przekonania i manifestacje, w drugiej opisano stopień i rodzaje zmian w orga-
nizacji codzienności upraszczających życie we wskazanym czasie. W części trzeciej dociekano,
czy doświadczenia pandemii mają w sobie potencjał modykacji obecnych postaw konsumpcyj-
nych. Punkt ten stanowi nawiązanie do głosów pojawiających się w debacie publicznej sygnalizu-
jących – szczególnie w początkowej fazie – taką możliwość w szerszej społecznej skali. Materiał
źródłowy stanowiły wpisy na blogach, fragmenty podcastów poświęconych prostemu życiu oraz
inne źródła niewywołane (raporty, teksty naukowe i publicystyczne).
Słowa kluczowe: proste życie, osoby dobrowolnie upraszczające, alternatywne formy kon-
sumpcji.