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Anisa Balla and Blerta Avdia
Internal migration and population distribution in
Albania – the case of Durana
Abstract
Demographic change in Albania during the last three decades has influenced the
socio-economic development of the country but has also contributed to the cre-
ation of new economic areas with high socio-economic development potential.
During 2011-2021, it is estimated that, on average, 42 000 Albanians emigrated
and 23 000 immigrated every year. The main reasons both for emigration and
internal migration are related to better opportunities for work, education and
healthcare. Internal migration from urban zones to the centre of the country has
significantly affected its development, transforming the Durrës and Tiranë area
(Durana) into an economic powerhouse. Nevertheless, Durana faces significant
social challenges such as poverty (mainly of young families); unemployment of
young people; inequality; and difficulty in accessing public goods and services for
a part of the population. The purpose of this study is to analyse the socio-econo-
mic effects of internal migration into Durana and to present the likely challenges
of urbanisation for the area in the next decade, influenced by projections for its
population and economy.
Keywords: transition, internal migration, demography, socio-economic develop-
ment, urbanisation
Introduction
Migration has been a key component of the post-communist transformation
decades in Albania, putting pressure on policy makers to coordinate policies related
to public spending, poverty and access to public goods and services so as to increase
the well-being of the population. The decline in the number of births, the ageing of
the population, unemployment among young people and the continuing movement of
the population towards urban areas have also made it more difficult for policy mak‐
ers to coordinate socio-economic policies, affecting the sustainability of develop‐
ment (INSTAT 2014a, 2022).
At the same time, all actors – the government, the social partners and civil soci‐
ety – have come to different levels of realisation of the need to share responsibilities
in order to build new balances in their socio-economic activities and to minimise
their impact on the environment. This is set against the backdrop of the planning
models which directed local development in past decades but which nowadays ap‐
pear less suitable in terms of ensuring the sustainability of local economic and social
development (OECD 2012).
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Albania’s population has been decreasing since 1990, although not all its areas
have followed this trend (INSTAT 2021). The overall decrease in the population dur‐
ing these transformation decades may be accounted for firstly by emigration, which
continues to be a considerable factor; and secondly by a decline in the number of
births (INSTAT 2021).
Furthermore, intensive movements towards Durrës and Tiranë, which form the
metropolitan area known as Durana, have brought sizable demographic changes in
the population structure of these two cities. Massive internal migration of people into
Durana, as a result of the freedom of movement permitted following 1990, has re‐
sulted in increased population density and the concentration of economic activities in
this area (i.e. urbanisation) as well as a significant displacement of the country’s
labour, economic resources and investment. Durana’s strategic position, with more
than 75 per cent of higher education institutions, scientific research centres and non-
profit organisations now being located there, has significantly affected the geography
of its development, giving the area the potential to play a powerhouse role in terms
of economic contribution to the Albanian economy and turning it into the main driv‐
er of productivity growth in the national economy.
The purpose of this article is to analyse the socio-economic effects of internal mi‐
gration into Durana over the last three decades on the economy of the area. The
study also aims to identify the main factors that have contributed to this displacement
of the population into the area. We concentrate in particular on the period from the
start of the transition up until 2001 as that was when the tone was set for the issues
explored in our article. At the end, we present the challenges of urbanisation for Du‐
rana in the next decade, influenced by official projections for the population and
economy of this area.
Theoretical perspective: internal migration and socio-economic development
Movement of populations (migration) in the search for a better life is a phe‐
nomenon as old as the history of human society itself. History has shown that, almost
always, migration influences the socio-economic development of both the origin and
the host countries, leaving more work for politicians and researchers to analyse the
push and the pull factors which influence migratory movements. Migration as a phe‐
nomenon can appear in two forms: international migration and internal migration,
the second of which is the object of our study.
Internal migration is the movement of people within the same country, from one
administrative unit to another (IOM 2009: 17); while a migrant is a person who
changes residence during the period of time under consideration (INSTAT 2001: 11).
The reasons for such migratory movements can be political, economic and environ‐
mental. Moreover, migration can be analysed in both spatial and temporal dimen‐
sions: in the spatial dimension we see the usual reflection of movements from back‐
ward regions to developed ones, from mountainous areas to the plains, from small
towns to large cities and from the countryside to the city; while the time dimension
usually reflects the phenomenon of migration occurring during particular periods of
time, often as a result of particular, specific pressures.
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Free movement in search of a better life by an individual is also accompanied by
a disruption in the socio-economic balances of the origin and the host areas as a re‐
sult of the migrant in question transferring the social, economic and environmental
costs and benefits of his or her existence. Following a literature review, these effects
are summarised in Table 1.
Table 1 – Social, economic and environmental effects of internal migration
a) Social effects of internal migration
Area of origin (emigration) Host area (immigration) – positive effects
ndecrease in the number of the
educated population
nlower standard of living
nlack of services and reduction of
life expectancy
nreduction of cultural development
nincrease in desire to leave among
the young population
nincrease in perception of life being
more monotonous on account of
fewer cultural activities
nincrease in the number of the educated
population
ntendency towards an increase in the standard of
living
nimprovement in services and in cultural life
Host area (immigration) – negative effects
ndisparity in cultural development with the local
population
ndifficulty in integrating in the new life in terms
of culture
npropensity for social conflict with the local
population
nchange in the structure of the population (age,
gender, work, etc.)
b) Economic effects of internal migration
Area of origin (emigration) Host area (immigration) – positive effects
ndecrease in skilled labour force
nreduction in number of investments
based on comparative advantage
nincrease in unskilled labour force;
inability to work because of high
unemployment
nincrease in skilled labour force
nincrease in the number of investments
nregional reconceptualisation of development
poles
Host area (immigration) – negative effects
n‘stock’ of skilled labour and the potential for
mismatches
ndifficulties in finding a job for the uneducated
population
nincrease in unemployment
Internal migration and population distribution in Albania – the case of Durana
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c) Environmental effects of internal migration:
Area of origin (emigration) Host area (immigration) – positive effects
ndegradation of the environment
resulting from population
abandonment
nabandoned houses falling into ruin
nuncultivated agricultural land (left
fallow) falling prey to erosio
nlow pollution
nrapid urbanisation
ndevelopment of the service sector
nthe development of local plans with priority
placed on demographic integration and the
social, economic and environmental
development of the area
Host area (immigration) – negative effects
noverpopulation of some areas
nmore areas of informal accommodation
nlack of urban planning
nloss of agricultural territories due to the
increased amount of construction
nhigher pollution (waste, noise, water, etc.)
The features of migration phenomena in general and internal migration in partic‐
ular are also found in Albania. Migratory movements in Albania are related to histor‐
ical factors such as wars (for instance the departure of Albanians in the fifteenth cen‐
tury after the Ottoman invasion and the death of Skenderbeu); politics (demographic
policies implemented by different governments); economics (the development of
economic works considered of national priority, such as the construction of the
Fierza hydropower plant in the 1970s and national roads or, alternatively, periods of
economic difficulties); environmental issues (floods, avalanches, etc.); and social is‐
sues (low standard of living and high level of poverty).
In chronological terms, Albania has recently experienced several periods of mi‐
gratory movements:
nafter 1990, the time known as the ‘wave of the embassies’, coming after the long
period of isolation and during which the movement of Albanians both within the
state and outside it was heavily controlled
nbetween 1997 and 2001, related to the political and economic instability that Al‐
bania then experienced as a result of the collapse of the financial pyramid
schemes
nafter 2015, when Albania experienced a ‘brain drain’ as a result of the departure
of the population, mainly towards Germany.
Migration is a phenomenon that has accompanied and continues to accompany
Albania; and is one of the most significant policy challenges that the government has
to face.
The policies implemented by governments in the period 1945-1990, when the
movement of the population was subject to the control of the state, have made the
most significant contribution to the impact that internal migratory movements within
Albania are now having. In this period, the movement of the population was allowed
only for officially-sanctioned reasons including work, the military and the construc‐
tion of economic projects of scale. Movement becoming uncontrolled after this peri‐
od, as well as the economic difficulties and psychological burdens created by the
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economic collapse that occurred in the 1990s, led the population to shift to more de‐
veloped regions, mainly the central and coastal ones. However, the absence of
planned, co-ordinated measures in this respect has created significant problems
which continue to resonate right across the whole country.
Internal migration in Albania, 1990-2001
During these three decades of post-communist transformation, internal migration
in Albania has thus played an important part in the demographic evolution of the
country’s regions and has served as an indicator of social changes such as urbanisa‐
tion. From a demographic point of view, internal migration shows, above all, the de‐
gree of change in the territorial distribution of the population over a certain period
while, in absolute terms, migration accounts for the numerical increase or decrease in
the population.
The 2001 census reported quite clearly that internal migration in Albania – after
the first decade of the transformation – was taking place on a ‘one-way’ basis: ap‐
proximately 91 per cent of the inter-regional cases of migration were directed to‐
wards the central and coastal zones of the country; in contrast, the north-east and
south-east zones of Albania represented only 2-7 per cent of all cases of immigra‐
tion. In 1989, approximately 60 per cent of migrants had been living in the north, 32
per cent in the south and 8 per cent in the centre and on the coast. It is the central and
coastal zones of the country that have experienced population increase as a result of
migration – here, the immigrant population was 44 times higher for the period be‐
tween 1989-2001 compared to the north-east and 13 times higher than in the south-
east (INSTAT 2001).
Migration between prefectures is determined at least in part by the level of pover‐
ty within the prefecture of departure, especially for the prefectures of Dibër and
Kukës where almost 37 per cent of the migrated population had been living in 1989.
Over time, these districts have consistently shown a high percentage of families in
receipt of economic assistance – 40 per cent of households in Kukës and 34 per cent
of those in Dibër – compared to an average for the whole country of about 12 per
cent (INSTAT 2000). These prefectures have had low levels of economic develop‐
ment and also featured outdated industries which were ruined during the period of
the transition, as was also the case in Elbasan, Berat and Korçë, from which came
approximately 29 per cent of the total number of migrants. In contrast, the districts of
Vlorë, Tiranë and Durrës registered the lowest levels of emigration, accounting for
just 8 per cent of the total number of migrants. In relative terms, the prefectures that
have a significant share of the total number of the emigrant population are, firstly,
Dibër, followed by Kukës, Elbasan and Berat.
The data presented in Tables A1 and A2 – included at the back of this article in
an Annex – show that Tiranë, followed by Durrës, received the highest levels of mi‐
grants from other regions in the country: 72 per cent of the total number of emigrants
were recorded in the 2001 census as living in Tiranë and Durrës. The third important
migrant recipient region was Fier, followed by Vlorë, Lezhë and Elbasan.
Referring to the 2001 census, we can see that Tiranë accounted for over half of
the inter-prefecture movement of people at this time (136 576 migrants coming from
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other prefectures in the country). Durrës, as the second city to which migrants within
Albania were most attracted, accounted for a further 18 per cent of all migrants (44
859). No less than 70 per cent of migrants from Kukës and Dibër prefectures went to
Tiranë and 20 per cent to Durrës. In 1989, another prefecture, Korçë, accounted for
10 per cent of all the migrants who had arrived in Tiranë and 8 per cent of all those
who had come to Durrës. Other regions also contributed a small number of inter-pre‐
fecture and inter-regional migrants.
It is important to note that the data actually highlight two different types of mi‐
gration. The first type is long-distance migration, directed to the main economic
poles at the centre of the country, including Durana. The second type is rather short-
distance migration in the direction of the coast, with the wider area thus forming a
region of both immigration and emigration at one and the same time.
Factors in internal migration
Internal migration and the urbanisation process that Albania experienced in the
post-communist years was driven by a number of direct factors including economic,
political, social and cultural ones.
First, urban life was considered to be more superior than living in a village be‐
cause of the better socio-economic opportunities. Tiranë, as the capital of the coun‐
try, was considered a model city for leisure and pleasure, and exhibited less conser‐
vatism and gendered oppression (Vullnetari 2014). Second, the 1992 privatisation of
agricultural land marked the end of the agricultural cooperatives, forcing people to
move from rural to urban areas where the possibilities for a stable working life and a
better social life were bigger (Vullnetari 2014). Third, after four decades of con‐
trolled mobility, Albanians were finally free to move and decide for themselves
where they wanted to work and make a living. Data from censuses and the Albanian
Living Standard Measurement Survey confirm that the immediate post-communist
restructuring years of 1991-93 were one of the two peaks of intensity for internal
movement, along with the years following the collapse of the financial pyramids in
1997 (Carletto et al. 2004: 7). Fourth, once it was clear that the regime was then on
the brink of collapse, a widespread disregard for law and order ensued as pent-up
frustration at decades of close surveillance and, for many – oppression – exploded on
a massive scale (Vullnetari 2014).
A review of the literature on internal migration supports the presence of a combi‐
nation of economic, political, social and cultural reasons lying behind in such moves.
Thus, according to Carletto et al. (2004), in almost three-quarters of post-1990 inter‐
nal moves the migration of households was attributed to factors such as starting a
new job, looking for a better job or having insufficient land. Accessing better educa‐
tion and healthcare were key factors in the early 1990s and these continue to moti‐
vate more recent immigrants as rural areas and small urban peripheries continue to
suffer from a dilapidated social and physical infrastructure (Çaro 2011; Tomini and
Hagen-Zanker 2009).
Hosting the vast majority of the country’s educational and health institutions, the
capital’s attractiveness in these respects cannot be disputed. Tiranë and Durrës also
exert a major pull in terms of business purposes, with business owners choosing to
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re-locate and take advantage of the concentration of people in this area as well as the
various structural facilities often not available in other places (Tiranë Regional
Council 2005). The population of Tiranë serves not only as a crucial pool of skilled
and readily available labour but also as a much-needed mass of consumers (Doka
2005).
Additionally, however, such re-location is also affected in a major way by return
migration as those who return from abroad and who have disposable capital often
end up investing it in Tiranë and Durrës and not in their areas of origin (Kilic 2007;
Vullnetari 2012).
Rural to urban movements
Since 1990 approximately one-fifth of the total population in Albania has emi‐
grated abroad and, since that same year, Albania has also experienced large-scale
movements of the population from rural to urban areas. Between 1989 and 2001, the
total population in Albania fell by 4 per cent, to 3 069 275 inhabitants, while the ru‐
ral population fell by no less than 15 per cent. Migration of the population, whether
rural to urban or in terms of international migration (substantially to Italy or Greece),
served as an important escape route from unemployment or other economic difficul‐
ties that the post-communist transition brought to the Albanian market economy (IN‐
STAT 2001).
The share of the urban population increased between 1989 and 2011 from 35 to
53.7 per cent, transforming the population of Tiranë which doubled its population in
the same period. Economic crisis and political changes stimulated large-scale flows
of emigrants but internal movements, which were very limited before 1990, have
had, if anything, a greater impact on demographic change at local and district levels.
This mixing of internal and international mobility has produced quite a complex re‐
gional typology of migratory change in Albania. In both cases, the most significant
population flows have been from the mountainous north and south towards the west‐
ern lowlands, mainly within and around the triangle of Tiranë, Durrës and Elbasan
(King and Vullnetari 2003).
During 1989-2001, as Table 2 emphasises, Dibër, Fier and Lezhë have had the
highest levels of rural immigration while Vlorë, Durrës and Tiranë have had the low‐
est levels. For all these prefectures, other than Tiranë, we can observe an accentua‐
tion of the urbanisation of migration.
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Table 2 – Population in Albania (2001) according to migration status
(1989-2001), by urban/rural residence
Prefecture of
destination
Non-migrants Migrants
Rural Urban Rural Urban
% No. % No. % No. % No.
Berat 58.9 85 875 41.1 59 082 57.0 2428 43.0 1832
Dibër 80.2 108 780 19.8 26 800 76.0 1278 24.0 404
Durrës 46.4 66 118 53.6 76 225 37.7 16 898 62.3 27 961
Elbasan 65.1 173 425 34.9 93 079 38.2 2585 61.8 4182
Fier 66.2 180 963 33.8 92 448 71.1 15 298 28.3 6045
Gjirokastër 60.8 52 831 39.2 34 016 48.9 1314 51.1 1372
Korçë 63.0 129 261 37.0 76 060 53.4 3136 46.6 2738
Kukës 75.5 58 372 24.5 18 991 67.9 706 32.1 333
Lezhë 69.6 75 634 30.4 33 106 61.7 6597 38.3 4100
Shkodër 61.8 117 913 38.2 72 788 53.1 2025 46.9 1790
Tiranë 33.2 109 543 66.8 220 726 37.2 50 748 62.8 85 828
Vlorë 48.0 66 437 52.0 71 914 28.2 3710 71.8 9427
All 58.3 1 225 152 41.7 875 955 42.2 106 723 57.8 146 012
Source: 2001 census
The major internal migratory movements starting from the 1990s have thus had
an obvious impact on the absolute size of the Albanian population as well as in terms
of its geographic distribution, the internal population structure (i.e. sex and age ratios
and the population’s socio-economic composition), the general functioning of the
economy and the country’s infrastructure (INSTAT 2001).
The census data of 2001 and 2011 provide some important indicators of the rela‐
tionships between internal migration and socio-economic development. The most
noted of these features is the direction of movement inside Albania, as we have indi‐
cated: from rural to urban areas; from the highlands to the valleys; and from the
north and south towards the coastal west. It is evident, however, that the intensity of
such moves, as well as the accompanying challenges, does not affect all prefectures
in the same way or to the same extent.
The case of Durana: projecting forwards to 2031
We can see from the data presented above that internal migration in Albania has
been concentrated on the most developed region of the country, that is within the re‐
gion of Tiranë and Durrës which forms the economic zone of Durana. The area is
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located in the western lowlands; it has a Mediterranean climate and access to the
Adriatic Sea; and it is rich in lagoons, rivers and good agricultural land. All of this
provides Durana with significant potential for economic development in respect of
the incoming population. Furthermore, the geostrategic position of the area, close to
‘Mother Teresa’ international airport and the largest port in the country (Durrës), as
well as its proximity to the airports of neighbouring countries, adds additional oppor‐
tunities both for economic development and for cooperation with foreign investors.
Moreover, the major economic centres and a large share of the important deci‐
sion-making and public infrastructural institutions are located in Durana, with the ac‐
tivity of all these actors having a significant impact on its opportunities for socio-
economic development. All these factors have contributed to make this region more
attractive for populations moving from the north/north-east and the south/south-east
regions than anywhere else within Albania.
The economic area of Durana contributed about 53 per cent of Albania’s GDP in
2019 and represents the economic area with the highest income per capita in Alba‐
nia. Referring to data for that year from INSTAT – the Institute of Statistics –
Tiranë’s per capita income is calculated to be 32 per cent higher than the country’s
average.
Figure 1 – The geographical position of the Tiranë-Durrës region in Albania
INSTAT reports that the total population of Albania on 1 January 2022 was
2 829 741, with Tiranë accounting for 32.9 per cent, continuing to be the most popu‐
lated area of the country, followed by Durres with 10.4 per cent. The population of
the area of Durana, according to INSTAT’s projections, is estimated to increase by
211 560 inhabitants by 2031 (Figure 2). The increase in population will be mainly in
and around Tiranë, accounting for an additional 201 000 inhabitants, some 26.4 per
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cent greater than the population figure in 2011; while the district of Durrës will have
a further 10 000 inhabitants, some 3.7 per cent more than the population in 2011.
Durana will thus continue to be the region with the highest population density in
the country, according to INSTAT’s demographic projections, with a density expect‐
ed to reach 515 inhabitants/km2 in 2031 compared to an average population density
at the same point across the whole country which is projected to be 97
inhabitants/km2. In 2020, the average population density reported by INSTAT was 99
inhabitants per km2, a figure which had remained at almost the same level over the
past five years. The district of Tiranë recorded the highest population density, of 550
inhabitants per km2, while the second district in this respect was Durrës, with 380
inhabitants per km2.
Figure 2, and Tables 3 and 4, contain population projections up to 2031 for Alba‐
nia firstly as a whole, as recently revised and updated; and then specifically for the
Durana area.
Figure 2 – Change of population in Albania by prefecture, 2019-2031
Source: INSTAT (2022b); updated population projections hypothesis, 2019-2031
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Table 3 – Population projections up to 2031
Prefectures Total
2011 2016 2021 2026 2031
Tiranë-Durrës 1 033 344 1 108 105 1 167 091 1 212 303 1 244 904
Durrës 269 784 275 017 278 305 279 954 279 796
Tiranë 763 560 833 088 888 786 932 349 965 108
Albania 2 907 362 2 888 996 2 863 311 2 827 569 2 782 309
Source: INSTAT, regional statistical yearbook 2015
Table 4 – Population and density projection for 2031
Prefectures Projection of population, 2031
(inhabitants)
Density of population, 2031
(inhabitants/km2)
No. % No. %
Tiranë-Durrës 1 244 904 44.7 514.85 531.98
Durrës 279 796 10.1 365.27 377.42
Tiranë 965 108 34.7 584.21 603.65
Albania 2 782 309 100 96.78
Source: INSTAT, 2022 (authors’ calculations)
Another indicator used to analyse demographic changes at the level of Albanian
prefectures is the gross coefficient of net internal migration, showing the impact that
internal migration has on the population of particular areas. According to INSTAT’s
Statistical Yearbook for 2021, Durrës and Tiranë are the only ones with a positive
gross internal migration coefficient, respectively showing an increase of 8.4 and 6.7
persons per thousand inhabitants.
Although the social capital of the area identifies its advantageous potential, and is
by itself of great interest to researchers, Durana does face several social challenges
including poverty (mainly of young families); unemployment of young people; in‐
equality; and difficulty in accessing public goods and services for a part of the popu‐
lation (INSTAT 2021). These problems stem from the influx of people attracted to
the area as a result of its advantages, but in the context of public infrastructure and
planning controls being both too poor and too weak when set against the scale of the
tasks asked of them.
Implications of internal immigration for the socio-economic development of
Durana
Albania’s migrations, both internal and international, have played a key role in
poverty alleviation in the country as a whole, but Durana still faces social challenges,
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as we have identified, and specifically in the area of poverty. More specifically, Table
5 provides data reported by INSTAT for 2012 on poverty, from which it is evident
that poverty in Durana is above the national average. Table 6 shows data on family
poverty according to family structure: it is evident that families with a high number
of children face more problems as well as that the incidence of poverty in Durana
tends, in most cases, to be higher than it is in Albania as a whole.
Table 5 – Poverty indicators in 2012
Prefectures Poverty indicators (%)
% Depth Severity
Tiranë-Durres 15.21 3.19 1.05
Durrës 16.50 3.63 1.27
Tiranë 13.92 2.74 0.82
Albania 14.31 2.96 0.97
Table 6 – Population in poverty, 2012, by family structure (%)
Prefectures No child 1 child 2 children 3 or more
children
Tiranë-Durrës 3.7 16.5 17.0 34.5
Durrës 1.7 18.0 21.7 33.9
Tiranë 5.7 15.0 12.3 35.0
Albania 4.5 12.4 15.6 33.1
Source for Tables 5 and 6: INSTAT Regional Statistical Yearbook, 2015
In terms of access to government services and the impact in this area of digitisa‐
tion, it is important to mention the investment that the Albanian government has
made during the last decade (in the e-Albania portal), for citizens and businesses to
download documents and forms and to request different public services depending
on their needs and their status. However, according to the National Plan for the sus‐
tainable development of the broadband infrastructure 2020-2025 (Ministria e Infras‐
trukturës dhe Energjisë 2020), special attention needs still to be paid to the question
of access for residents of rural areas and the poor who, due to low computer knowl‐
edge and the lack of internet access, may well be excluded from accessing these ser‐
vices as well as from the digital divide which develops from access to such services
and ease of use.
All the socio-economic indicators analysed above indicate the necessity for more
in-depth studies on the planning and development policies of Albania in the service
of facilitating and promoting economic activity, in harmony with the principles and
objectives of sustainable development.
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Population distribution within Durana and the challenges of urbanisation
Based on INSTAT data, the distribution of the urban and rural population within
the Durana area, and the changes which population movements into the area over the
last three decades have created, may also be identified (see Figure 3 and Table 7).
Figure 3 – Population distribution in Durana for 2011; urban-rural population
in 2014
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Table 7 – Distribution of urban and rural population within Durana (per cent)
County/district
and local unit
(municipality)
Classification by administrative
division
Classification based on cell
network
Urban % Rural % Urban % Rural %
Tiranë 64.90 35.10 92.20 7.80
Durrës 64.10 35.90 80.40 19.60
Kamëz 31.10 68.90 99.80 0.20
Vorë 32.60 67.40 69.60 30.40
Shijak 100.0 98.10 1.90
Krujë 30.90 69.10 58.30 41.70
Source: INSTAT 2014b
The distribution of the population within Durana shows that freedom of move‐
ment of the population has increased the urban population in areas that were once
dominated by a rural population, such as in Kamëz, Vorë and Shijak.
We noted above that the area of Durana is where 91 per cent of the population
departing Albania’s north/north-east and south/south-east regions have chosen to live
(INSTAT 2001: 11). The consequences of this were the trend towards rapid urban de‐
velopments and, in architectural terms, a long transition towards ‘cities without
walls’ where abandonment and crowding are activities that take place in parallel; and
where a part of the city ‘struggled’ with itself and with its territory and which
marked the exit of the city ‘outside its body’ (Dhamo 2009: 23). This has been re‐
flected in the creation of informal areas of accommodation in Durana such as at
Bathorë, Breglumasi, Keneta, etc.
The process of urbanisation itself presents a separate challenge for the Albanian
reality because it requires planned development and the administration of the space
in two aspects: a) political; and b) socio-economic. Therefore, urbanisation repre‐
sents a major challenge for Durana for the following specific reasons:
1. management of the informal areas created by internal migration so as to trans‐
form them into spaces for citizens and which give access to the centre, to public
and private services, infrastructure, etc.
2. difficulty in meeting citizens’ demands for housing through urban development
planning or the expansion of the city in which they have settled
3. in the creation of public spaces, the fulfilment of requests for social services for
the citizens of Durana
4. the cultural problems of the incoming, largely rural, population and the process
of their integration into a metropolitan-based society
5. problems with ownership – a problem inherited from the past and which remains
unresolved
6. the development of regional plans based on urban planning policies
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7. urbanisation, as a process, ought to take place in harmony with new trends in the
social and economic development of the country.
The challenges of urbanisation cannot be seen separately from policies on the
distribution of the population – which, in turn, are closely related in Durana to the
priorities of governance, regional development programmes and urban planning.
What we want to emphasise here is that the distribution of the population in Du‐
rana has been left to spontaneity. This, in turn, has brought about a massacre of the
urban space. The problems of urbanisation not only belong to the suburbs but also to
the central areas of Tiranë and Durrës where new buildings have ‘occupied’ a good
part of both cities’ public spaces, often spoiling their appearance and utility along‐
side the incoming population bringing their own lifestyle and culture.
Durana – the economic zone of the Tiranë-Durrës area – has put in place an inte‐
grated plan to deal with the chaos of unauthorised and uncontrolled construction as a
means of making the region more competitive, allowing it to operate effectively as
the country’s economic engine. The plan details the development of ten strategic in‐
frastructural poles, each offering conditions for the creation of businesses with a
closed cycle in logistics, fashion, creativity, etc, realised in the concept of the con‐
centration of the population in the Durana area and a desire to achieve its social, eco‐
nomic and environmental integration.
All this is in order for the population concentrated in the chaotic urbanisation of
Durana to have optimal opportunities for economic activity; to improve the quality
of life; to protect natural resources and their rational use; and to improve infrastruc‐
ture and mobility within the area. How easy it will be to reduce the level of urban
chaos in Durana and to revitalise this most economically important area – and
whether it is necessary to create a ‘brand’ for the Durana region – are questions that
remain open to be answered in other studies.
Conclusions
The last three decades of post-communist transformation have witnessed strong
social and economic change for the Albanian people, including internal and interna‐
tional migration. The result has been a re-distribution of the demographic, economic
and social resources of the country in a non-controlled process which lies in funda‐
mental contrast to the centrally planned economy of the communist years. Internal
demographic transformation has been mostly evident from rural to urban areas and
from the north-eastern mountain region to the districts of the coast and Tiranë. The
capital and Durrës are by far the principal destinations for internal migrants, re-en‐
forcing a vicious cycle of poverty and adding strain to municipal services that are
already overstretched.
The rapid urbanisation of Durana that we have seen in the post-communist years
presents major challenges to planners and policy makers if the area is to service in
the function of its citizens, offering social stability and the preservation of historical
and cultural identity. In the next decade policy makers will have to coordinate pol‐
icies related to public spending, poverty and access to public goods and services bet‐
ter if these are to increase the well-being of the people living in Durana. At the same
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time, it is the task of researchers to investigate and analyse the positive and negative
effects of this continuing urbanisation of the population.
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Table A1 – Migration between prefectures, 1989-2001 (total numbers and in per cent)
Prefecture
of
departure
Prefecture of destination
Berat Dibër Durrës Elba-
san Fier Gjiro-
kastër Korçë Kukës Lezhë Shko-
dër Tiranë Vlorë Total
Berat 97 4241 951 5824 1034 1148 348 164 529 8773 2567 25 676
– % 0.4 16.5 3.7 22.7 4.0 4.5 1.4 0.6 2.1 34.2 10.0 100
Dibër 72 10 997 964 1144 47 116 153 2134 281 32 898 278 49 084
– % 0.1 22.4 2.0 2.3 0.1 0.2 0.3 4.3 0.6 67.0 0.6 100
Durrës 51 62 149 221 38 232 18 902 108 5397 110 7288
– % 0.7 0.9 2.0 3.0 0.5 3.2 0.2 12.4 1.5 74.1 1.5 100
Elbasan 826 64 5191 5618 197 2313 38 197 105 11 076 1020 26 645
– % 3.1 0.2 19.5 21.1 0.7 8.7 0.1 0.7 0.4 41.6 3.8 100
Fier 1881 117 2042 1201 443 444 39 126 65 7560 2618 16 536
– % 11.4 0.7 12.3 7.3 2.7 2.7 0.2 0.8 0.4 45.7 15.8 100
Gjirokastër 600 5 1817 183 2074 705 15 30 85 7634 3950 17 098
– % 3.5 0.0 10.6 1.1 12.1 4.1 0.1 0.2 0.5 44.6 23.1 100
Korçë 324 31 3718 2170 1545 272 8 99 44 13 848 1410 23 469
– % 1.4 0.1 15.8 9.2 6.6 1.2 0.0 0.4 0.2 59.0 6.0 100
Kukës 42 287 6728 79 1489 47 117 1106 1285 31 769 229 43 178
– % 0.1 0.7 15.6 0.2 3.4 0.1 0.3 2.6 3.0 73.6 0.5 100
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Prefecture
of
departure
Prefecture of destination
Berat Dibër Durrës Elba-
san Fier Gjiro-
kastër Korçë Kukës Lezhë Shko-
dër Tiranë Vlorë Total
Lezhë 62 361 3390 184 693 38 163 79 1137 5522 316 11 945
– % 0.5 3.0 28.4 1.5 5.8 0.3 1.4 0.7 9.5 46.2 2.6 100
Shkodër 47 543 2670 79 726 30 180 223 5758 8892 260 19 408
– % 0.2 2.8 13.8 0.4 3.7 0.2 0.9 1.1 29.7 45.8 1.3 100
Tiranë 142 81 3647 667 632 139 309 95 138 122 379 6351
– % 2.2 1.3 57.4 10.5 10.0 2.2 4.9 1.5 2.2 1.9 6.0 100
Vlorë 213 34 418 140 1377 401 147 23 43 54 3207 6057
– % 3.5 0.6 6.9 2.3 22.7 6.6 2.4 0.4 0.7 0.9 52.9 100
Total 4260 1682 44 859 6767 21 343 2686 5874 1039 10 697 3815 136 576 13 137 252 735
– % 1.7 0.7 17.7 2.7 8.4 1.1 2.3 0.4 4.2 1.5 54.0 5.2 100
Source: 2001 Census
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Table A2 – Net migration in Albania (1989-2001) and proportion of the population by prefecture
Prefectures Population
1989
Population
2001
Internal
immigrants,
1989-2001
Internal
emigrants,
1989-2001
Internal
migration
balance
Emigration
as % of the
population,
1989
Immigration
as % of the
population,
2001
Migration
efficiency
index
Berat 222 901 193 020 4260 25 676 - 21 416 11.5 2.2 - 0.7
Dibër 226 324 189 854 1682 49 084 - 47 402 21.7 0.9 - 0.9
Durrës 218 530 245 179 44 859 7288 37 571 3.3 18.3 0.7
Elbasan 357 497 362 736 6767 26 645 - 19 878 7.5 1.9 - 0.6
Fier 379 342 382 544 21 343 16 536 4807 4.4 5.6 0.1
Gjirokastër 155 998 112 831 2686 17 098 - 14 412 11.0 2.4 - 0.7
Korçë 311 448 265 182 5874 23 469 - 17 595 7.5 2.2 - 0.6
Kukës 146 081 111 393 1039 43 178 - 42 139 29.6 0.9 - 1.0
Lezhë 165 254 159 182 10 697 11 945 -1248 7.2 6.7 - 0.1
Shkodër 285 258 256 473 3815 19 408 - 15 593 6.8 1.5 - 0.7
Tiranë 449 228 597 899 136 576 6351 130 225 1.4 22.8 0.9
Vlorë 264 556 192 982 13 137 6057 7080 2.3 6.8 0.4
Source: 1989 and 2001 censuses
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