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The histories we tell: historical consciousness and student protests in a Chilean public high school
Abstract
In the last fifteen years, high schoolers became key actors in the Chilean political landscape, as members of anti-neoliberal and feminist social movements. Although social researchers have paid increasing attention to them, few have analyzed how these young people relate to and make use of history in the context of their political struggles. Combining an ethnographic and a microhistorical approach, this article examines a Chilean public high school and a particular and widespread historical narrative about it. I argue that the different ways in which this narrative was invoked, transmitted and contested in a context of massive student protests – and the pedagogical devices and practices of cooperation and conflict used to do so – allowed the students of this school not only to use history in favor of their political agendas, but to participate in the continual production of a political field in which the borders of their historical community and who could be considered members of it were being disputed. In doing this, the article illuminates some of the complicated interactions between historical consciousness, political action and citizenship in modern societies, as well as illustrates the usefulness of combining an historical and an ethnographic lens to visualize the nuances and tensions existing when human beings make use of history. Further, it sheds light on the concept of historical consciousness itself, illustrating how historians and other social researchers can operationalize it to better comprehend how human beings relate with the past, but also the present and the future.
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This article explores the processes by which Chilean female feminist public high school students used political and historical narratives and symbols during the feminist movement of 2018. It analyzes how these particular usages were crossed by affective intensities that worked to produce students’ political subjectivities as collective and agentic. This affective work was produced with other members of the school community and sometimes was met with anger, policing practices, and desires to exclude students from particular historical narratives. The data for this article were produced within a yearlong critical ethnographic study on the processes of production of high school feminist students’ gender and political subjectivities in Chile, which included participant observation, testimonios interviews, art-based collective testimonios workshops, and analysis through affect theory. The findings show the types of historical and political narratives and symbols used by students, what affective intensities that crossed these symbols did to the students’ political subjectivities, and the conflicts these intensities produced within the school community. The article concludes by examining how these findings might open new questions within the field of social studies education research.
A wave of massive, at times violent, protests raged in Chile from October to December of 2019, opening new possibilities for the country's politics. This paper investigates to what extent these events affected the organization, identity, and strategies of a pivotal actor in the cycle and, for the past two decades, an important driver of domestic political change: the student movement. Based on a qualitative analysis of media coverage and in-depth interviews with key student movement figures, it argues that, although the events in question were a national turning point, they did not necessarily constitute a critical juncture for the student movement. In explaining this somewhat paradoxical outcome, the paper supports the established view that the transformative impact of protest events on social movements depends on the strength of the movement's organization and the character of its protest repertoires. In addition, it also highlights that some factors overlooked by the broader social movement literature ––including the eventfulness of antecedent mobilization and the locus of protest–– mediate the consequences of protest events on the movements involved.
This paper provides an overview of educational studies about historical consciousness. The route proposed is one among many possible and focuses specifically on the contributions to research in History Didactics in the last decades. This selection of European and American works (a view from South America) highlights the concern to clarify the factors influencing historical consciousness and the mechanisms for its construction. Also the role that the school may have in development of narratives that link past - present - future, without forgetting some problems and barriers in specific contexts. The latest research also implies that people itself should be assumed as actors who can change their reality, so that the relationship between the individual and the collective is one aspect to consider in the process of teaching and learning.RESUMENEn el presente artículo se ofrece un panorama de los estudios educativos que se ocupan de la conciencia histórica. El recorrido que se propone es uno entre varios posibles y se centra específicamente en los aportes a las investigaciones en Didáctica de la Historia de las últimas décadas. En esta selección de trabajos europeos y americanos (vista desde América del Sur) destaca la preocupación por clarificar los factores que influyen en la conciencia histórica y los mecanismos para su construcción. También el rol que todavía puede cumplir la escuela en la elaboración de narrativas que vinculen pasado – presente – futuro, sin olvidar algunos problemas y obstáculos en contextos concretos. Las últimas investigaciones suponen además que las personas deben asumirse como actores que pueden modificar su realidad, por lo que la relación entre lo individual y lo colectivo es un aspecto a tener en cuenta en los procesos de enseñanza y aprendizaje.
The objective of this article is the development of a proposal of periodization of the main possible cycles to observe in the drift of the Chilean youth-student movements, from the sixties of the last century to the present day. Developed from the perspective of Recent History, the hypothesis we propose is that these cycles are defined by the way in which these movements have assumed their link with politics and the political-institutional space.
The article provides a new interpretation of the most widely cited essay on historical consciousness, Friedrich Nietzsche’s ‘On the use and abuse of history for life’ from 1874, reconnecting it to current debates in educational science and the role of the historian and educator in a post-colonial situation. It reminds us how historical consciousness is an always contested and critical space, where our existential commitment to justice is also tested. The interpretation moves beyond the standard understanding of Nietzsche as only favouring a life-affirming use of history. It displays how his argument opens the door toward understanding historical consciousness as a transcultural ethical space of an encounter between the dead and the living. It addresses the contemporary debate in education science concerning the relation and preference between a broader and more limited notion of historical consciousness, questioning the possibility of a conclusive theory of historical consciousness for practical-pedagogical purposes. It exemplifies its conclusions in regard to the legacies of the Holocaust and to Apartheid, as also pedagogical challenges.
To make historical consciousness beneficial for history education research we need to disentangle its multidisciplinary backgrounds so that contradictory approaches and outcomes can be avoided. The aim of this article therefore is to clarify the enigma of its different paradigms. We will discuss two originally related paradigms: one interpreting historical consciousness as a collective phenomenon that is characteristic for modern Western society, and the other treating historical consciousness on an individual level as a cognitive-epistemological category. We will show that several misunderstandings in educational research about historical consciousness result from the conflation of both conceptualisations and its underlying paradigms. Yet, by highlighting Hans-Georg Gadamer’s notion of Wirkungsgeschichte (historical effect) we will argue that both conceptualisations are not entirely mutually exclusive. Including historically effected consciousness in the notion of historical consciousness does offer a wide range of opportunities, for history education scholars as well as history educators.
ABSTRACT
This article explores an underlying tension between two understandings of historical consciousness. On one hand, the concept is often perceived as a specific ability to historicize the world and thus appears as a modern cultural achievement. On the other hand, it is also conceptualized as an anthropological universal as the ability to make sense out of time seems to be a basic feature in all human societies. The basic aim here is to analyse both positions as theoretical constructs with implications for educational research and curriculum making. In order to frame how these ontological positions on historical consciousness have consequences at an operational level, the Goertz framework for complex concepts is used. This framework is applied to two previous studies that explored students’ historical consciousness. The methodical assumption is that both the studies serve as exemplary indicators for the two different positions. My analysis of the studies shows how their conceptualization of historical consciousness restricts how they define their research interests. In the concluding part of this article, the analysis is used as a stepping stone to a broad and normative discussion on how historical consciousness could influence history education.
This paper analyzes the convergence between the Chilean feminist and student movements through the use of public, feminist Facebook websites administrated by Chilean high school students. The article explores the ways in which these feminist students participate and interact with others on these websites while producing their gender/political subjectivities. Using narrative analysis, the paper presents their processes of subjectification as part of emerging social movement stories. I argue that these websites provide the necessary conditions for students to engage in political actions and produce their collective gender/political subjectivities as the protagonists in the feminist student social movement narratives. This process is co-constructed by the visitors to the sites, who sometimes police the students, using hegemonic discourses regarding female minors. The paper amplifies a body of research on online feminism by exploring gender and political subjectivity production through social media in a Latin American context, and calls attention to digital social movement actions as a form of political engagement in the present.
El artículo aborda las características y significados del proceso de politización experimentado por estudiantes activistas de base en el marco de las movilizaciones estudiantiles de 2011 en Chile, específicamente en cuanto a sus experiencias como participantes en tomas de establecimientos. Se analiza material cualitativo generado mediante ocho grupos de discusión con estudiantes hombres y mujeres, participantes activos del movimiento pero que no ocupan un cargo de representación estudiantil (dirigencia o vocería), pertenecientes a las principales universidades y liceos emblemáticos. Se observa la apropiación de una política resignificada, proceso al cual contribuyen las tomas, constituidas en espacio de autonomía y aprendizaje, de cuestionamiento del orden cotidiano y de puesta en práctica de reglas y funciones autodefinidas colectivamente. Los estudiantes han perdido el miedo al debate y al reclamo, al cuestionamiento y a la disconformidad, al tiempo que han aprendido a proponer y a trabajar por la construcción de una realidad diferente. La internalización de una visión crítica frente a la realidad y la comprensión de sí mismos como actores relevantes para que los cambios puedan tener lugar, representa un aprendizaje que cimenta una base de acción futura y una conciencia propiamente política.
El objetivo de este artículo consiste en discutir la relación entre los conceptos de representación política y democracia. En este sentido, analizamos primero, el proceso de convergencia entre ambos conceptos en el contexto de la consagración de la narrativa del consentimiento y en segundo término, identificamos tensiones críticas en el concepto de representación como resultado de cambios trascendentales en la cultura y el régimen político. Se concluye que la convergencia de la representación y la democracia es posible en base a significados procedimentales y sustantivos, dejando a otros significados (descriptivos y simbólicos) como categorías residuales de representación. Asimismo, se sostiene que el paso de la “democracia de partidos” a la “democracia de audiencias” incide decisivamente, sobre las oportunidades y amenazas del gobierno representativo.
Las últimas décadas han visto un creciente interés por la conceptualización de la memoria colectiva y la conciencia histórica, nociones útiles a la hora de analizar los procesos de historización del presente, y su relación tanto con el pasado como con el futuro. Marcos teóricos como el elaborado por Jörn Rüsen se han convertido en especialmente relevantes para la educación histórica. Estas propuestas, revisadas en la presente reflexión teórica, tienen el potencial de relacionarse con los conceptos de segundo orden, claves para el desarrollo del pensamiento histórico, favoreciendo una metarreflexión basada en el análisis de narrativas sobre el proceso historizador, tanto desde el punto de vista disciplinar como desde los usos y las funciones sociales de la Historia.
The last few decades have shown an increased interest in the conceptualisation of such terms as the collective memory and historical consciousness, which are useful notions when it comes to analysing the process of historicizing the present, and its relation with both the past and the future. Theoretical frameworks like the one developed by Jörn Rüsen have become especially important for the teaching of history. The proposals reviewed in this article have a potential to be linked with second-order concepts, which are crucial for the development of historical thinking and allow for a meta-reflection based on the analysis of narratives about the process of historization, from the standpoint of both the discipline itself and the uses and social functions of History.
This article analyzes two distinctive dimensions of the Chilean student movement (2006-2016): 1) the reconfiguration of technologically supported youth action repertoires, and 2) the creation of new communicative interaction repertoires in social networks. First, we propose a multidisciplinary approach to give us insight on the way students change the structure of media opportunities by means of positioning their struggles into the public space. Later, we bring a theoretical analytical model that allows us to embrace these changes, dealing with the processes of construction of meaning and discursive practices developed in the Social Web. We conclude that the convergence of both repertoires have a simultaneous impact on the socio-cognitive, socio-semiotic and political-historical levels, with material and symbolic yields still unattended enough up to date.
This article centers on a theoretical discussion of how use of history can be
addressed as a distinct concept, analytically and pedagogically. The point of departure
is the field of history education research in the Nordic countries where the concept has
become a term to denote the space of action between historical consciousness and historical
culture. The concept is introduced and the relationship between “history” and “use”
is investigated further from a phenomenological perspective. Use of history is conceptualized
as how people actively use the historical culture available to them. Through
communication, they explain, build, and transform identities and societies. It is also
suggested that use of history is a 3rd aim for history education. In addition to supporting
students’ content knowledge and abilities to think historically, this article advocates
the need to identify and analyze the role and function of history in contemporary life as
an aspect of learning history.
Torres, R. (2014). "Juventud y participación: el movimiento de estudiantes secundarios como un “actor político” en la sociedad chilena post-Pinochet (1986-2006)". In J.C. Sánchez y R. Torres (Eds.), Juventud, memoria y movilización en América Latina contemporánea. Santiago: Ril Editores, pp. 45-71.
The thesis that historical consciousness is an anthropological competence and category is called into question. A concept of modern historical consciousness is outlined which from then on serves as a working concept. This kind of historical consciousness, it is argued, is not a universal anthropological fact, but a result of the development of occidental cultures and societies. Long since a great number of groups and individuals have been deeply affected by this development in which the establishment of a scientific world view and methodical thinking played a major role. Their historical consciousness is modern since it refers to a radically temporalized and dynamic world and since it ties partial representations of this world to (implicit) criteria of validity. Moreover it is closely connected with the possibility of self-critical reflections which are grounded in the historically mediated encounter with strangers. After a concise overview of the important questions and the state of the art in different disciplines, selected results of a broader qualitative-empirical study are presented. In the group discussions which were carried out with young people—only results from a discussion with thirteen to fourteen year old grammar-school pupils (Gymnasiasten) are presented here—the analysis revealed clear indicators of a specifically modern historical consciousness. Looked at closely this consciousness is committed in a surprisingly high degree to scientific-methodical standards of rationality. One may welcome this as a successful implementation of a life form oriented towards rationality into young people's everyday life or deplore it as a symptom of the distortion of pragmatic orientations for activity and living by scientific standards: first of all it is a fact that the commitment to tie the reconstruction of past realities, historical events and contexts to an operation of knowledge which is intersubjectively transparent and rationally justified and to reflect this is strongly developed in the young persons we analysed. Their thinking proves to be specifically "modern" also in other respects. In addition to the description of the historical knowledge in content and the historical interests of the young people, this finding is described in detail. Finally it is discussed to which degree the central finding can be applied against the widespread lamentation of an alleged poor historical consciousness of pupils. URN: urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs010397
Durante la última década, hemos sido testigos de la expansión del acceso a Internet en Chile, transformando las prácticas sociales de diversos grupos de la población. Esencialmente, los jóvenes son el grupo etario que lidera este proceso. Según el INJUV (2009), el 67% de los jóvenes entre 15 y 19 años utiliza Internet casi todos los días, y el principal uso dado a esta herramienta es la comunicación con sus pares mediante las redes sociales. En este contexto, pensamos que estas redes sociales de Internet también podrían ser un nuevo instrumento de socialización y organización sociopolítica para el desarrollo movilizaciones juveniles. En la primera parte de este capítulo, presentaremos una serie de perspectivas sociológicas en torno a las nuevas formas de socialización juvenil producidas por el uso de Internet. Estos elementos de discusión nos permitirán interpretar la relación de los jóvenes chilenos con la política bajo el contexto de una sociedad marcada por la Internet como medio de interacción. En la segunda parte de este capítulo, analizaremos el uso del fotolog durante el movimiento de estudiantes secundarios del año 2006. Particularmente, deseamos mostrar de qué manera los fotologs fueron usados como una herramienta de organización y acción durante el período movilizaciones.
During the last decade, Chilean society was shaken by sharply critical and
powerful student movements: secondary students led the 2006 “Penguin
Revolution” and university students led the 2011 “Chilean Winter.” This article
describes and analyzes these student movements to illustrate how students can be
highly relevant political actors in the educational debate. First, we explain the
main features of the Chilean educational system, including its extreme degree of
marketization, which provided the institutional context of the movements. Next,
we analyze the key components and characteristics of the 2006 and 2011 student
movements to describe basic features of the two movements and identify common
elements of these movements, especially from an education policy perspective. We
mainly focus on the link between students’ demands and discourses and the
market-oriented institutions that prevail in Chilean education. Finally, we identify
students’ impact on educational debates in Chile and examine general
implications for policy-making processes in the educational arena.
This paper presents a theoretical analysis of the concept of historical consciousness. It argues that a focus on the epistemological problems concerning historical consciousness can be a way of constructing a theory of the concept that both incorporates the diverse perspectives that exist in research about the concept and specifies how a historical consciousness can be developed in an individual.
One of the most relevant strategies that shapes the education of the citizenry can be found in the formation of a historical consciousness. Yet the very idea of historical consciousness as a skill to be taught cannot be taken for granted. In order to disrupt the educational common sense, I will analyze the ways in which historical consciousness has been translated from the philosophical-historical field into pedagogical discourses since the 1970s. My analysis will reveal the relations between historical consciousness and the constitution of a normative citizenship. This process binds ‘responsible’ action and thought to the inclusion of the self within a consensualized teachable historical narrative.
This article serves as the general introduction by the guest editors to the first of two thematic issues ofArchival Science that will explore the theme, “archives, records, and power.” Archives as institutions and records as documents are generally
seen by academic and other users, and by society generally, as passive resources to be exploited for various historical and
cultural purposes. Historians since the mid-nineteenth century, in pursuing the new scientific history, needed an archive
that was a neutral repositories of facts. Until very recently, archivists obliged by extolling their own professional myth
of impartiality, neutrality, and objectivity. Yet archives are established by the powerful to protect or enhance their position
in society. Through archives, the past is controlled. Certain stories are privileged and others marginalized. And archivists
are an integral part of this story-telling. In the design of record-keeping systems, in the appraisal and selection of a tiny
fragment of all possible records to enter the archive, in approaches to subsequent and ever-changing description and preservation
of the archive, and in its patterns of communication and use, archivists continually reshape, reinterpret, and reinvent the
archive. This represents enormous power over memory and identity, over the fundamental ways in which society seeks evidence
of what its core values are and have been, where it has come from, and where it is going. Archives, then, are not passive
storehouses of old stuff, but active sites where social power is negotiated, contested, confirmed. The power of archives,
records, and archivists should no longer remain naturalized or denied, but opened to vital debate and transparent accountability.
Anthropologists engaged inpost-colonial studies are increasingly adoptingan historical perspective and using archives. Yet their archival activity tends to remain morean extractive than an ethnographic one.Documents are thus still invokedpiecemeal to confirm the colonial invention ofcertain practices or to underscore culturalclaims, silent. Yet such mining of the content of government commissions,reports, and other archival sources rarely paysattention to their peculiar placement and form .Scholars need to move fromarchive-as-source to archive-as-subject. Thisarticle, using document production in the DutchEast Indies as an illustration, argues thatscholars should view archives not as sites ofknowledge retrieval, but of knowledgeproduction, as monuments of states as well assites of state ethnography. This requires asustained engagement with archives as culturalagents of ``fact'' production, of taxonomies inthe making, and of state authority. What constitutes thearchive, what form it takes, and what systemsof classification and epistemology signal atspecific times are (and reflect) critical featuresof colonial politics and state power. The archive was the supreme technology of thelate nineteenth-century imperial state, arepository of codified beliefs that clustered(and bore witness to) connections betweensecrecy, the law, and power. Peer Reviewed http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/41825/1/10502_2004_Article_5096461.pdf
The last several decades have witnessed an explosion of new empirical research into representations of the past and the conditions of their production, prompting claims that we have entered a new era in which the past has become more “present” than ever before. Contemplating Historical Consciousness brings together leading historians, ethnographers, and other scholars who give illuminating reflections on the aims, methods, and conceptualization of their own research as well as the successes and failures they have encountered. This rich collective account provides valuable perspectives for current scholars while charting new avenues for future research.
This special issue contributes to a growing international dialogue on historical consciousness and its manifold implications for research and pedagogy in the area of history education. It questions general mind-sets that exert influence in the field and seeks to expand the boundaries of what scholars are currently doing. Holding the promise to build on historical consciousness’ general appeal, the aim is to find ways to tap into its full potential and to capture its workings as a social phenomenon that is basic to everyday human needs. Most scholars would agree that people’s understandings of the past, or rather of history’s workings, strongly impact individuals’ ability to navigate the world and to orient themselves temporally. Yet when it comes to being more precise in defining and operationalising historical consciousness, its elusive nature becomes apparent, making the whole process all the more challenging. Sometimes, a reliance on standard interpretations for conceptualizing historical consciousness contributes to such difficulties. Other times, it is a conflation of historical consciousness’ relevance and workings with other important concepts, such as historical thinking, without recognizing and questioning differences and tensions between them, that does so. Add to this the complexity of translating all that emerges into something pedagogically workable and of relevance to learners’ overall interests, then you have an entanglement that is hard to redress and that risks taking historical consciousness’ workings for granted.
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00220272.2019.1652940
Since the appearance of Hayden White’s seminal work Metahistory in 1973, constructivist thought has been a key force within theory of history and has at times even provided inspiration for historians more generally. Despite the radical theoretical shift marked by constructivism and elaborated in detail by its proponents, confusion regarding many of its practical and ethical consequences persists, however, and its position on truth and meaning is routinely misconstrued. To remedy this situation, The Work of History seeks to mediate between constructivist theory and history practitioners’ intuitions about the nature of their work, especially as these relate to the so-called fact-fiction debate and to the literary challenges involved in the production of historical accounts. In doing so, the book also offers much-needed insight into debates about our experiential relations with the past, the political use of history and the role of facts in the contestation of power.
In the aftermath of armed conflict, how do new generations of young people learn about peace, justice, and democracy? Michelle J. Bellino describes how, following Guatemala’s civil war, adolescents at four schools in urban and rural communities learn about their country’s history of authoritarianism and develop civic identities within a fragile postwar democracy. Through rich ethnographic accounts, Youth in Postwar Guatemala, traces youth experiences in schools, homes, and communities, to examine how knowledge and attitudes toward historical injustice traverse public and private spaces, as well as generations. Bellino documents the ways that young people critically examine injustice while shaping an evolving sense of themselves as civic actors. In a country still marked by the legacies of war and division, young people navigate between the perilous work of critiquing the flawed democracy they inherited, and safely waiting for the one they were promised.
Introducción: Ciudadanía en los jóvenes y nuevas formas de participación La ciudadanía o el desarrollo ciudadano en los jóvenes en el sentido común ha sido representado en las aptitudes y/o actitudes para vivir en lo que se concibe es un espacio democrático que garantiza nuestros derechos, basado en supuestos de igualdad y libertad como individuos. Una muy usada interpretación de la realidad social que constantemente choca con la experiencia de vivir cotidiano en sociedad. 1 En este sentido es necesario incorporar nuevas categorías para avanzar en la comprensión de la ciudadanía juvenil, distinguiendo los movimientos en el proceso de constitución del ciudadano; tanto en dirección de instalar el ejercicio de la ciudadanía en los marcos de las relaciones sociales mínimas para operar en el mercado, con un sentido de mantención de las condiciones de operatoria del mismo; como, en un marco político (no necesariamente subordinado a lo económico), en donde la ciudadanía es una categoría en constante redefinición en sus valores y fines; su carácter, las relaciones sociales que la ciudadanía representa, la subjetividad que esta implica, se fundan en las producciones resultantes de la acción de las personas o conglomerados que son capaces de invadir el espacio público con sus demandas de transformación de los marcos en que se desenvuelve lo social. En este sentido la ciudadanía es una categoría dinámica, socio-histórica y dependiente de los procesos subjetivación de lo social. 2 El año 2006 fue una ocasión en que esta situación se hizo inteligible producto de las movilizaciones de los estudiantes secundarios, sin embargo este proceso tiene antecedentes en las diversas formas que ha tomado la organización de los jóvenes en el Chile post-dictadura. Una de estas formas son las organizaciones de autoeducación popular. Ambas experiencias será analizadas en este artículo con el objetivo mostrar algunas aportes que ambos movimientos han hecho y hacen a la construcción de una forma de acción ciudadana hoy muy descompuesta por las características que ha tomado el sistema político y económico del país, luego de las transformaciones neoliberales en Dictadura y la actual administración de los Gobiernos de la Concertación. Para esto abordaremos antes la forma en como han afectado a la práctica ciudadana el contexto mencionado. Así este trabajo constará de tres partes: La primera abordará la problemática del contexto neoliberal en el Chile post-dictadura y lo efectos específicos 1 El informe Latinobarómetro muestra en su versión 2005, que ante la pregunta sobre el significado de la democracia, la gran mayoría responde Libertades civiles e individuales (38% aprox.), mientras en un segundo lugar aparecen la Igualdad y la Justicia (12 %aprox.). Otros significados son muy minoritarios frente a los ya señalados.De acuerdo a la misma encuesta el año 2004, el 71% de los habitantes de A.L. cree que "la democracia tiene problemas, pero es el mejor sistema de gobierno", mientras que el 72% dice que es el mejor sistema para que su país llegue a ser un país desarrollado. Chile está levemente superior a la media con un 75%. Estas cifras son alentadoras para quiénes luchamos contra la dictadura, pero es necesario hilar un poco más fino: Frente a las alternativas: "La democracia es preferible a cualquier forma de gobierno", o, "En algunas circunstancias un gobierno autoritario puede ser preferible a uno democrático", ó, "nos da lo mismo un régimen democrático o no democrático". La adhesión a la democracia baja a un 53% y quiénes apoyan el autoritarismo un 15% y un 21% los indiferentes. Chile está levemente superior a la media con un 57% de apoyo a un régimen democrático, ante esta cifra el informe señala: "Chile llama la atención porque se mantiene en niveles relativamente bajos de apoyo, en circunstancias que en sus indicadores de crecimiento económicos, reformas, etc. es uno de los países mejor evaluados de la región. Su cultura política y cívica sin embargo no ha mejorado en los 14 años de Democracia." (Informe Latinobarómetro año 2004).
A timely exploration of the nature of memory and its political uses. Hearing the news from South America at the turn of the millennium can be like traveling in time: here are the trials of Pinochet, the searches for ââ¬Åthe disappearedââ¬? in Argentina, the investigation of the death of former president Goulart in Brazil, the Peace Commission in Uruguay, the Archive of Terror in Paraguay, a Truth Commission in Peru. As societies struggle to come to terms with the past and with the vexing questions posed by ineradicable memories, this wise book offers guidance. Combining a concrete sense of present urgency and a theoretical understanding of social, political, and historical realities, State Repression and the Labors of Memory fashions tools for thinking about and analyzing the presences, silences, and meanings of the past. With unflappable good judgment and fairness, Elizabeth Jelin clarifies the often muddled debates about the nature of memory, the politics of struggles over memories of historical injustice, the relation of historiography to memory, the issue of truth in testimony and traumatic remembrance, the role of women in Latin American attempts to cope with the legacies of military dictatorships, and problems of second-generation memory and its transmission and appropriation. Jelinââ¬â¢s work engages European and North American theory in its exploration of the various ways in which conflicts over memory shape individual and collective identities, as well as social and political cleavages. In doing so, her book exposes the enduring consequences of repression for social processes in Latin America, and at the same time enriches our general understanding of the fundamentally conflicted and contingent nature of memory. Elizabeth Jelin is professor at the University of Buenos Aires and research director at the Institute of Social and Economic Development. $17.95 paper ISBN 0-8166-4284-2
Por el derecho de Ir a clases
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Ser Joven católico en Chile. Educación católica y formación de elites en el Chile del Centenario
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Historia de la Educación en Chile
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Movimiento Secundario en Chile: demandas políticas y lógicas organizacionales
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La Independencia de Chile. Tradición, modernización y Mito. Santiago: DeBolsillo
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La rebelión de las y los estudiantes secundarios en Chile. Protesta Social y política en una sociedad neoliberal triunfante
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Knowing History in Mexico
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