Cymbopogon winterianus, Neurolaena lobata, and Ruta chalepensis—Recurring Herbal Remedies in Guatemalan Maya Q’eqchi’ Homegardens

Abstract

We report on the top three ethnopharmacological herbs growing among a lowland Guatemalan Q’eqchi’ community’s homegardens. In a gardening culture characterized by pragmatic species distribution and sharing, these few herbaceous species recur in multiple households’ dooryard gardens. Our aim in reporting on the most predominant ethnobotanical herbs gardened in a Maya Q’eqchi’ village’s dooryards is to valorize the capacities of local pharmacological traditions. Thirty-one walking homegarden interviews and participant-observation inform this research with village residents. Té de limón (Cymbopogon winterianus, for cough, fever), Qa’mank/Tres punta (Neurolaena lobata, for diabetes, fever, headache, gastrointestinal ills, evil eye), and Ruda (Ruta chalepensis, for children’s vomiting, weepiness, evil eye) are the prevalent non-woody Q’eqchi’ homegarden herbs here. Regional ethnomedical and extant pharmacology research mutually support the efficacy and continued practicality of these Q’eqchi’ plant uses. Ethnopharmacological research of Maya Q’eqchi’ medicinals documents local knowledge for conservation and calls for their cultural and biomedical respect as prominent, accessible, therapeutic species.

Full text

Thiel and Quinlan. 2022. Ethnobiology Leers 13(1):41–48 41
Research Communicaons
infrastructure (Vandebroek 2013, Weller et al. 1997).
Homegardens provide access to these resources
conveniently (Kumar and Nair 2006) and at lower or
no cost (Vogl et al. 2002). In Guatemala, herbal
Introduction
Home remedies with medicinal plants are often the
first healthcare choice in financially disadvantaged,
rural, areas that lack healthcare services and
Cymbopogon winterianus, Neurolaena lobata, and Ruta chalepensis—
Recurring Herbal Remedies in Guatemalan Maya Q’eqchi’
Homegardens
Amanda M. Thiel1, Marsha B. Quinlan1*
1Department of Anthropology, Washington State University, Pullman, WA, USA
*mquinlan@wsu.edu
Abstract We report on the top three ethnopharmacological herbs growing among a lowland Guatemalan Q’eqchi’
community’s homegardens. In a gardening culture characterized by pragmac species distribuon and sharing, these few
herbaceous species recur in mulple households’ dooryard gardens. Our aim in reporng on the most predominant
ethnobotanical herbs gardened in a Maya Q’eqchi’ village’s dooryards is to valorize the capacies of local pharmacological
tradions. Thirty-one walking homegarden interviews and parcipant-observaon inform this research with village
residents. Té de limón (Cymbopogon winterianus, for cough, fever), Qa’mank/Tres punta (Neurolaena lobata, for diabetes,
fever, headache, gastrointesnal ills, evil eye), and Ruda (Ruta chalepensis, for children’s voming, weepiness, evil eye) are
the prevalent non-woody Q’eqchi’ homegarden herbs here. Regional ethnomedical and extant pharmacology research
mutually support the ecacy and connued praccality of these Q’eqchi’ plant uses. Ethnopharmacological research of
Maya Q’eqchi’ medicinals documents local knowledge for conservaon and calls for their cultural and biomedical respect as
prominent, accessible, therapeuc species.
Resumen Reportamos sobre las tres principales hierbas etnofarmacológicas culvadas en los huertos familiares de una
comunidad Q'eqchi' guatemalteca de erras bajas. En una cultura de jardinería caracterizada por la distribución pragmáca
de especies y el intercambio, algunas especies herbáceas se repiten en los huertos familiares de múlples hogares. Nuestro
objevo al reportar sobre las hierbas etnobotánicas más predominantes culvadas en los paos de una aldea Maya Q'eqchi'
es el de valorizar las capacidades de las tradiciones farmacológicas. Treinta y una entrevistas en base a “caminatas
botánicas” y la observación parcipante informan esta invesgación con los residentes de la aldea. Cymbopogon
winterianus (para la tos, ebre), Neurolaena lobata (para la diabetes, ebre, dolor de cabeza, enfermedades
gastrointesnales, mal de ojo) y Ruta chalepensis (para el vómito, el llanto y el mal de ojo en niños) son las hierbas
medicinales predominantes. Las invesgaciones regionales etnomédicas y farmacológicas actuales apoyan mutuamente la
ecacia y la facbilidad de estas plantas y sus usos entre los Q’eqchi’. La invesgación etnofarmacológica de las medicinas
Maya Q'eqchi' documenta el conocimiento local como base para la conservación e invita al respeto cultural y biomédico de
estas como especies terapéucas destacadas y accesibles.
Received December 12, 2021 OPEN ACCESS
Accepted September 1, 2022 DOI 10.14237/ebl.13.1.2022.1805
Published October 17, 2022
Keywords Ethnobotany, Ethnopharmacology, Ethnomedicine, Medicinal plants, Cultural consensus
Copyright © 2021 by the author(s); licensee Society of Ethnobiology. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons
Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International Public License (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0), which permits non-commercial use, distribution,
and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

Thiel and Quinlan. 2022. Ethnobiology Leers 13(1):41–48 42
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remedies are common home healthcare (Adams and
Hawkins 2007, Cosminsky 2016), and many of these
plants show pharmacological efficacy (Caceres 1996,
Michel et al. 2007). Here, we report the three most
common herbaceous homegarden medicinals
(Cymbopogon winterianus, Neurolaena lobata, and Ruta
chalepensis) in a Maya Q’eqchi’ village and discuss them
in regional ethnomedical and pharmacological
context.
Indigenous and local knowledge (ILK) uniquely
supports local biocultural adaptation and vitality, and
yet suppression, misrepresentation, appropriation,
assimilation, disconnection, and destruction all
threaten ILK through continuing historical legacies of
colonization, globalization, and urbanization
(Fernández-Llamazares et al. 2021). Our Guatemalan
Q’eqchi’ research participants’ lifeways and knowledge
have suffered every one of these threats; in interviews,
many reported having fled their homes in other parts
of the country in 1980 amidst the Guatemalan civil
war, seeking a safe place to live self-sufficiently and in
community (see also Maass 2008:127). In the wake of
the consequences of relocation, racism, genocide, and
violence, villagers report erosion of environmental
ILK. Yet many villagers retain some ethnopharmaco-
logical knowledge and practice, as evidenced here.
Additionally, it is likely that by moving to a lowland
region from the highlands, founding villagers and
their descendants adapted previous ILK—adjusting
former practices and learning new ones—in their new
socioecological context. We document the Indigenous
ethnopharmacological knowledge herein as one step
towards valorizing Guatemalan Q’eqchi’ ILK and its
continuing transmission into the future.
Methods
Study location
This research assesses medical ethnobotany in a
lowland Guatemalan village in Alta Verapaz.
Abundant rain falls (2000–3000mm annually) and the
average temperature is 26°C. Evergreen rainforest
grows from limestone soil (Maass 2008:117,152)
containing native palms, orchids, and bromeliads
(Standley and Steyermark 1945).
The village, founded in 1980, is home to ~700
people. The village area is mostly flat with palm-
thatched, wooden plank homes in a rectangular grid—
a typical layout in post-war Guatemala (Wilson 1995).
Almost all villagers identify as Maya Q’eqchi’. A few
residents have other Maya ethnicities (Kaqchikel,
Pokomchi, Mam), and fewer identify as Ladino
(Mestizo). Q’eqchi’ is the predominant language, even
among the few non-Q’eqchi’, though Spanish is also
widely spoken.
Homegardens are the (30m by 60m) parcels of
land where people live. Villagers own or rent
additional plots for maize horticultural production.
For extensive ethnographic description and local
definitions and perceptions of homegardens, see Thiel
and Quinlan (2022).
Data collection
Research occurred between June and August 2016,
and in July 2018. We conducted participant
observation (Musante and DeWalt 2010) throughout
this time, inquiring about ethnobotanical and
ethnomedical activities from key informants and
interested villagers.
Thirty-two adult residents (nine men, 23 women),
between the ages of 19 and 70, residing in 26
households, participated in interviews. Availability
skewed the sample’s sex ratio; men spend daylight
hours working outside the home, while women
remain near home. We selected participants via
stratified convenience sampling according to distance
on either side of the main road for a representative
spatial distribution of gardens. Our semi-structured
interviews were two-part: a life-history questionnaire
and walking homegarden tours (Martin 2010). In the
homegarden tours, we asked questions to elicit
individuals’ knowledge of plants’ names and uses, and
probing for details regarding medicinal applications,
plant parts, amounts, and preparations. Most
interviews were in Spanish; two were in Q’eqchi’
using with the assistance of a local translator.
Voucher specimens
The Guatemalan National Council for Protected
Areas (CONAP) granted permission for botanical
voucher collection. We collected vouchers with key
informants during our 2018 field visit and deposited
vouchers in the University of San Carlos Herbarium,
Guatemala City.
Analyses
We omit one interview for reliability, as one
interviewee was not answering independently. We
include 31 interviews (8 men, 23 women) in our
analysis.
We analyzed interview responses to assess
participants’ frequency of mention of cultivation of
homegarden medicinal species and the overall

Thiel and Quinlan. 2022. Ethnobiology Leers 13(1):41–48 43
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agreement on plant uses and preparation methods.
We compared local plant uses with the uses reported
in regional ethnomedical and global pharmacological
literature.
Results
This Q’eqchi’ community’s most frequently grown
herbaceous medicinal plants are Cymbopogon winterianus,
Neurolaena lobata, and Ruta chalepensis (Table 1; see
Thiel and Quinlan [2020] for common homegarden
medicinal trees). Inter-household variation in
homegarden medicinal content and plant-sharing is
the norm in this village (Thiel and Quinlan 2022). Yet,
these three species recur in 12–19% (3–5/26) of
sampled homegardens. Here, we present their
frequency of cultivation and medicinal uses, and
review related regional ethnomedical and global
pharmacological literature.
Cymbopogon winterianus
Three informants (11.5%) identify Cymbopogon
winterianus in their homegardens. All report the tea for
treating coughs, and one recommends it for fever.
While only these three informants grow C. winterianus,
24% of households reported using it, calling it by its
Spanish name té de limón, for coughs and fever in
combination with other plants they grow (see Thiel
and Quinlan 2022).
A pan-tropical medicinal genera, Cymbopogon’s
various species, including C. winterianus and C. citratus,
show antibacterial, antifungal, antiamoebic,
antidiarrheal, antifilarial, and anti-inflammatory
properties interchangeably due to similar chemical
compositions (Dutta et al. 2016). Guatemalans drink
C. citratus infusions for digestive ailments, respiratory
illnesses, fever, malaria, menstrual problems, high
blood pressure, nervousness, and susto (fright)
(Caceres 1996; Orellana Ayala 1997). For rheumatism
and soreness, they use a poultice (Orellana Ayala
1997), and drink or wash with an infusion (Caceres
1996). Mexicans drink the infusion for gastrointestinal
problems (Sharma et al. 2017), as do Belizeans, who
also drink it for respiratory congestion, and children’s
fever; adding the root for adults’ fevers (Balick and
Arvigo 2015).
Cymbopogon winterianus essential oil is antifungal
against Candida albicans (Oliveira et al. 2011) and
highly antimicrobial against Staphylococcus aureus,
Staphylococcus epidermidis, Salmonella typhimurium, Bacillus
subtilis, Escherichia coli, Klebsiella pneumoniae, and
Pseudomonas aeruginosa (Munda and Lal 2020). C.
winterianus has anticonvulsant, anti-inflammatory, and
pain killing (antinociceptive) properties, and induces
vaso-relaxation and hypotension (i.e., lowers
hypertension) (Munda and Lal 2020). Additionally,
most Cymbopogon species have insecticidal, anti-cancer,
and anti-HIV properties (Avoseh et al. 2015). Among
abundant pharmacological Cymbopogon species
research, we found none targeted toward pulmonary
or respiratory actions indicated in Q’eqchi’ and other
global ethnomedicines.
Neurolaena lobata
Three village subjects (11.5%) grow
qa’mank
, or
Neurolaena lobata (tres punta, boneset/jackass bitters),
and consider it a weed (they do not plant it
purposefully). Villagers decoct the bitter, three-
pronged leaf to treat stomachache, gastritis, and
diabetes. One informant also uses it for evil eye, fever,
and headache. The tea requires gathering a handful of
leaves, boiling them in ≈1L water, and drinking this
three times daily.
Alta Verapaz Q’eqchi’ use N. lobata leaves for
malaria (paludismo), gastrointestinal problems, and
diabetes (Maass 2008:165). The Q’eqchi’ of Izabal use
N. lobata leaf for dysmenorrhea and vaginal infections
(Michel et al. 2007). Other Guatemalans drink N.
lobata leaf tea for gonorrhea (Caceres 1996), malaria,
fever, diarrhea, stomachache, and diabetes (Caceres
1996; Orellana Ayala 1997). Externally, they apply the
leaf juice to repel ticks, a leaf infusion to clean
wounds, lesions, and ulcers, and a leaf poultice for
bites (Caceres 1996), including snake bites, the most
dangerous kind being from the venomous terciopelo
viper (Bothrops asper, fer-de-lance) (Hay 2002), for
which Guatemalans also drink N. lobata leaf infusions
and decoctions (Saravia-Otten et al. 2022). Belizeans
use N. lobata leaf tea or poultice for fever, pain,
muscle soreness, swelling, skin ailments, digestive
issues, diabetes, colds, influenza, malaria, and
women’s reproductive system issues (Balick and
Arvigo 2015). West Indian islanders use N. lobata
leaves and stems to make fish poison and insecticides
(Lewis and Elvin-Lewis 1977).
Pharmacology finds N. lobata efficacy against
inflammation, microbial, and protozoal activity
(Berger et al. 2001, Caceres et al. 1998, Walshe-
Roussel et al. 2013). It is antiglycemic (blood-sugar
levelling) in mice (Gupta et al. 1984). An ethanol
extract of N. lobata worked against the epimastogote
(intestine-occupying form) and trypomastigote (blood
-occupying, infective) stages of the Chagas

Thiel and Quinlan. 2022. Ethnobiology Leers 13(1):41–48 44
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Lan name and family
Cymbopogon winterianus,
Poaceae
Neurolaena lobata, Asterace-
ae Ruta chalepensis, Rutaceae
Spanish name té de limón tres punta ruda
Q’eqchi’ name (none reported) qa’mank ruda
English common gloss lemon-grass bonset, jackass biers rue
Culvaon status Introduced, culvated Nave, weedy/not culvated Introduced, culvated
Plant part used medicinally aerial parts leaves aerial parts
Illnesses treated locally cough, fever
evil eye, fever, headache,
stomachache, diabetes, gastri-
s
evil eye, voming, weepi-
ness, for children’s com-
plaints
Households that reported
as medicinal 3 (11.5%) 3 (11.5%) 5 (19%)
Homegardens where pre-
sent (out of 26) 3 (11.5%) 4 (15.4%) 5 (19%)
Voucher ID AT044/80934 AT109/81406 AT105/81606
Table 1 The three most frequently menoned herbaceous medicinal homegarden plants and their uses.

Thiel and Quinlan. 2022. Ethnobiology Leers 13(1):41–48 45
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Trypanosoma cruzi protozoa, in vivo and in vitro
(Berger et al. 2001, Caceres et al. 1998), and against
the Leishmania spp. and Trichomonas vaginalis parasites,
in vitro (Berger et al. 2001).
Ruta chalepensis
Five informants (19%) showed
ruda
, Ruta chalepensis
(ruda, rue) in their homegardens and agreed
completely on medicinal uses and preparation. All
indicated its usefulness against children’s and babies’
evil eye, specifying an infusion with the plant’s aerial
parts as a bath or external wash. They also drink R.
chalepensis for vomiting and excessive weepiness, both
symptoms of evil eye, itself.
Guatemalans use R. chalepensis leaf for menstrual
problems (Caceres 1996; Michel et al. 2007; Orellana
Ayala 1997), respiratory, digestive, and nervous
system problems (Caceres 1996; Orellana Ayala 1997),
hemorrhaging (Caceres 1996), and to treat
hemorrhoids, varicose veins, rheumatism, animal
bites, wounds, worms, colic, pain, and aire (air)
(Orellana Ayala 1997). Eastern Ladinos and Ch’orti’
Maya use R. chalepensis for fever, pain, respiratory
issues, and illnesses with a “psychological or spiritual
component” (Kufer et al. 2015:1130).
Belizians use R. chalepensis for indications
paralleling evil eye: heat exhaustion, headache, fainting
spells, infections, swelling, stomach pain, convulsions,
nightmares, and to ward off evil (Balick and Arvigo
2015). Yucatec Maya (Mexico), grow R. chalepensis in
most gardens and consider it a cure-all, making a tea
for stomachache and diarrhea (whether from evil eye
or other causes), and use it around the house to
prevent “evil winds” [i.e., aire] (Anderson 2003:206).
Pharmacologically, Ruta chalepensis extract
depresses the central nervous system (Gonzalez-
Trujano et al. 2006), and shows anti-inflammatory,
antipyretic (fever-reducing), and analgesic properties
in mice (Al-Said et al. 1990). The extract is active
against T. cruzi, the Chagas disease parasite (Molina-
Garza et al. 2014). Essential oils from the leaves
inhibit yeasts and fungi (Candida albicans and
Trichophyton rubrum), but not Staphylococcus aureus and
Escherichia coli bacteria (Khoury et al. 2014). But
phenolic compounds in R. chalepensis inhibit
Pseudomonas aeruginosa, S. aureus and E. coli bacteria, and
have strong antioxidant properties (Ouerghemmi et al.
2017).
Discussion
The most frequently mentioned herbaceous medicinal
plants grown in homegardens in this Alta Verapaz
Q’eqchi’ village are C. winterianus, N. lobata, and R.
chalepensis. The frequency with which informants
cultivate and report them as medicinal indicates
cultural agreement about their value and specific
indications. Because consensus appears to develop
over time (Stepp 2016), informant’s agreement on the
uses of these three herbs likely indicates long-standing
Q’eqchi’ and regional traditions of medicinal plant use
(traditional ethnobotanical [or ecological] knowledge
[TEK]). For example, the complete agreement on the
uses and preparation methods of Ruta chalepensis as an
external wash for symptoms of evil eye mirrors its
regional uses (Anderson 2003, Balick and Arvigo
2015, Kufer et al. 2015, Orellana Ayala 1997).
Villagers often report cultivates growing in their
homegardens and common wild plants or weeds
growing close to home, as cross-culturally people
often use the latter medicinally (Stepp and Moerman
2001). In this study, villagers report growing N. lobata
because it volunteered in their gardens, not because
they planted it purposefully. It appears that, once
established in their gardens, villagers cultivate N.
lobata for its medicinal uses, as they do not report any
other uses for the plant. “Weedy” plants growing in
disturbed areas—like N. lobata in Q’eqchi’
homegardens—frequently provide Maya household
remedies (Stepp 2018), as tends to occur cross-
culturally (Stepp and Moerman 2001).
Of the three remedies, N. lobata is the only native
plant to this area, whereas C. winterianus and R.
chalepensis are introduced. Relatedly, N. lobata is the
only plant of the three with a unique Q’eqchi’ name.
Villagers report the Spanish name of R. chalepensis,
ruda, as the Q’eqchi’ name. They use the borrowed
term té de limón and do not report a Q’eqchi’ name for
C. winterianus. The status of these plants as native or
introduced and their corresponding Spanish or
Q’eqchi’ local names indicate and affirm the
dynamism of ILK in this village. Villagers incorporate
new plants and knowledge of their uses into ILK,
likely because of their increasing integration into local
market economies and globally interconnected
agriculture (Maass 2008, Wilson 1995). We found a
similar pattern among native and introduced
medicinal trees in this village (Thiel and Quinlan
2020). That R. chalepensis has a Q’eqchi’ name may
indicate that villagers have incorporated its use into
local ethnomedicine longer or more completely than
C. winterianus, which lacks a name of Q’eqchi’ origin.

Thiel and Quinlan. 2022. Ethnobiology Leers 13(1):41–48 46
Research Communicaons
This would support the assertion that ethnobotanical
consensus (including nomenclature) develops over
time (Stepp 2016).
Home remedies remain the first treatment choice
in health care practice in Guatemala (pers. obs.;
Weller et al. 1997) and local medicinal plants are one
of the most common home remedies (Adams and
Hawkins 2007, Cosminsky 2016). Of the three plants
discussed herein, comparable regional ethnomedical
uses and extant pharmacological research indicate the
herbs’ efficacy for similar ailments. Traditional
medicinal plant uses warrant further pharmacological
inquiry of these therapeutic resources, particularly
respiratory uses of C. winterianus, salient here and cross
-culturally, yet lacking pharmacological investigation
(which we suggest happen in collaboration with local
people to ensure equitable benefit sharing). How
rural, Indigenous Guatemalans care for their health
with accessible local resources (e.g., homegarden
medicinals) that they value as pharmacologically active
may influence public health in Guatemala and
elsewhere (Caceres 1996; Michel et al. 2007).
Understanding the context of Guatemalan Maya
cultivation and medicinal plant uses is necessary for
cultural revitalization and successful integration of
diverse regional health care models as Western
biomedicine expands (Adams and Hawkins 2007;
Caceres 1996) and local fears of ethnobotanical
knowledge erosion increase (Cosminsky 2016). The
threats to Indigenous and local knowledge (ILK)
require active dismantling so this resilient biocultural
knowledge may contribute to local and global
flourishing (Fernández-Llamazares et al. 2021). We
hope that our documentation of these three recurring
remedies helps valorize and preserve this practical
knowledge for local and global benefit.
Acknowledgments
Bantiox
(thank you) to our Guatemalan collaborators
for generously sharing their knowledge; especially the
Tox family and don Ricardo Yaat. Thanks to Lic. Julio
Morales for facilitating connections in the field and
Dr. Armando Medinaceli for field support and
collaboration.
Declarations
Permissions: Washington State University’s Institutional
Review Board approved this research. We followed
the International Society of Ethnobiology (2006) and
the Latin American Society of Ethnobiology (Cano
Contreras et al. 2016) Codes of Ethics. We followed
local customs (see Medinaceli 2018 for our detailed
protocol) for conducting research and returning
results to the community. We obtained free, prior, and
informed consent for each interview and complied
with Guatemalan biodiversity conventions per our
agreement with the Guatemalan National Council for
Protected Areas.
Sources of funding: Grants from the Society of
Economic Botany, the Society of Ethnobiology, and
the Garden Club of America/Missouri Botanical
Garden (to Thiel).
Conflicts of Interest: None declared.
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