Policy Problems and Progressive Solutions to Halt Increasing Social Harms on Disadvantaged Rural Communities from Current Neo-Colonial Land Grabbing Policy in Nepal : Insights and Opinions
Abstract
Many critical problems are intensified in rural Nepal despite the policy advice and financial support from international agencies to alleviate them. This study attempted to explain the causes and policy solutions to the problems based on secondary sources of data and the authors’ insights. It identified that international agencies involved actively in policymaking and guided the land resource management policy to result in the best benefits to the people in privileged regions and other countries. The policies ruined institutions, resource conditions, social-ecological systems, and social environments essential for sustaining mountain farming and the rural economy in the country. The destructions exacerbated emigration, farming land abandonment, indigenous farming practice loss, food insecurity, and cultural heritage degradation. Adverse impacts of the policy interventions are exposed higher in disadvantaged areas and especially in the regions of indigenous ethnic communities. Those policies have institutionally placed the communities suffering for generations and increased risks of out-breaking interethnic conflicts and national security threats on many dimensions. This study explained some pragmatic policy measures to manage the agriculture and forestry resources for community wellbeing and national security. It also demonstrated how the national expert-driven policies would be for addressing the current problems in rural areas and the holistic development of the nation.
Public lands including forests and community pastures are still crucial means of local livelihood, social security, and environmental conservation in many developing countries including Nepal. However, these resources are increasingly managed primarily to offset the greenhouse gas emissions of developed countries. The new management has exacerbated many local problems: livelihood con- striction, social crises, human casualties (deaths and serious injuries), biodiversity degradation, and water scarcity including cryosphere retreating. Drawing data from multiple sources, this study attempted to explain the international political objectives and processes that dispossessed developing societies of public land resources for the benefit of developed countries. It shows that representatives of the developed countries were proactively and strategically involved in agenda formation, solutions negotiations, and decision-making while developing international environmental policies, and succeeded to structure the policies for managing the resources of developing countries for the best benefit of their own countries. The developed countries provided funds and experts, as strategic tools, through international aid agencies to implement the policies of their interest in institutionally weak countries. In Nepal, the aid agencies influenced the thinking of the public and the decisions of the government and other stakeholders through a series of strategic measures. They propagandized false crises, worked with a coalition of powerful international agencies, offered free technical support, and changed national policies proactively to manage the land resources for achieving their missions. Active involvement in policy implementation also helped the agencies to monitor implementation hurdles and apply other tactics to resolve them. Lucrative flash incentives were provided to motivate and get the support of communities, powerful stakeholders, and politicians to implement the policies. Psychosocial pressures were also applied to persuade local communities and their leaders for getting local cooperation in making and practicing new legal institutions (government authority rules or orders, user group rules, and forest management plans) that bind and control local communities for forest protection. The institutions obliged local communities to contribute free labor or cash for developing, modifying, and protecting the forests. These two levels of interventions led to the further development of reinforcing institutions, resource conditions, and social-ecological systems that secured benefits for developed countries and deprived local communities of power to control, produce and access the public land resources in their own backyard for years. This study also showed that international environmental policies and aid agencies have respectively served as institutional weapons and vehicles for materially and institutionally ally powerful countries to colonize the land resources of weaker countries, without using of physical coercion or deployment of military forces.
Forest biomass may vary by species composition, location, management regimes,
and management interventions. To assess the variation in biomass production by
management regimes, we conducted a study in three physiographic regions (midhills, Siwaliks and Terai) of Nepal with four different management regimes (community
forest, collaborative forest, protected area, and protected forest). As community forest
is the dominant forest management regime in Nepal, it was studied in all physiographic
regions whereas the other two regimes were drawn only from the Terai. We interviewed
a total of 1,115 forest user households, which was supplemented by high-resolution
satellite image analysis and forest inventory to estimate the costs and benefits of forest
management and calculate the opportunity cost of conserving forest. Our estimates
suggest that the opportunity cost of conserving forest in Nepal ranged from USD 654/ha
in collaborative forest to USD 3,663/ha in protected forest in 2015. The associated
opportunity cost of carbon sequestration was between USD 1.11 and USD 3.56 per
tCO2. Of the forest management practices adopted, the silviculture-based intensive
forest management practice had a far lower cost of forest conservation compared to
the other forest management regimes. We found that such a practice is more beneficial
to the forest-dependent communities as it allows them to collect the non-timber forest
products that are necessary for their daily needs.
As a climate change mitigation strategy, emission reduction projects, such as those related to forest carbon, are being developed around the globe. Framed under a multiple-win narrative, such projects are praised by multi-lateral organisations as initiatives that simultaneously mitigate climate change and foster socio-economic development in project countries. A great deal of scholarly literature, however, has found that projects fail to deliver on the promised benefits and can even have security implications. This study contributes to an emerging body of literature on the undesired effects of climate change mitigation interventions in the Global South. Research into the security implications of climate change mitigation actions remains scarce and the current evidence is largely drawn from case-by-case analysis. Using a multi-level logistic regression model based on the geospatial information of 22 forest carbon projects in Sub-Saharan Africa, this study finds that community contestation drastically increases after project implementation and that violent conflict also increases in the wider project landscape. The qualitative findings from one sampled case, the Bukaleba forest reserve in Uganda, provides further support for this relationship by documenting not only conflict events but also multiple factors that can increase conflict risk. © 2022 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
Community forestry praxis has a long history in Nepal. The country is often considered an exemplar in promoting community forestry for environment and development. In this paper, we provide a critical review of Nepali community forestry scholarship to offer internationally relevant lessons and to identify areas of future research. Our review shows that community forestry outcomes have been mixed. Despite playing a role in improving social and environmental outcomes, its provision of economic benefits are modest, not always clear and unevenly distributed. The impacts of community forestry have been heavily influenced by government intervention, with the government controlling valuable forests. We conclude that: 1) more rigorous and consistent methodologies are needed to evaluate community forestry outcomes; 2) the notion of community needs to critically be questioned to understand the dynamics of internal migration patterns, and; 3) a deeper understanding of the politicization of community forestry needs to be developed.
Rapid growth of environmental problems, economic volatilities, and social changes have increased the scopes of adopting environmentally friendly and resilient production systems. Regenerative farming and forestry practices are such systems appropriate for mountain communities in Nepal. They had performed better with indigenous resources, institutions, and social-ecological systems. Unfortunately, the assets have been degraded to extinction, mainly commencing works of national and international development agencies. Consequently, regenerative practices are disappearing. Despite appeals and commitments, the degradations of the assets are not halted and reversed. This study used secondary sources of data and work experiences and explained the working faults of the external agencies involved in the agriculture, forest, and wildlife sectors. It elucidated that most regenerative practices had sustained well in forest and farm resource-integrated production systems and a modest degree of natural and human inputs and production environments. The production environments degraded when the government agencies provided foreign agencies opportunities to be involved actively in policy formulation and implementation of agriculture and forestry-related sectors. The foreign agencies meddled in the national policies and community practices and modified the production environments for their interests and benefits. They intervened in policies and local communities to practice a farming system based on extremely human-made and imported inputs and institutions and to manage forest-related resources in extremely intact natural systems. In the policy discourses and decisions, the farming inputs, practices, and institutions popularly practiced in developed countries are considered superior whereas the indigenous ones are considered inferior. Agricultural plans and policies have overvalued yield, profit, or other direct returns and undervalued environmental friendliness, indirect economic benefits, and social advantages to prioritize support of the government and other agencies. The introduced farming inputs and institutions displaced or hampered the indigenous ones. The foreign agencies also meddled in forest policies and practices of the country to address environmental and economic problems of developed countries which resulted in adverse impacts on the indigenous assets. They intervened in the resource management policies with financial and technical inputs to destroy some of the assets and make the forest-related resource management that results in better benefits (offsetting GHG emission, enhancing tranquility and serenity of recreational sites, and potentially expanding agricultural markets) to the people of developed countries. This study has explained how the officials and experts of both government and foreign agencies abused and misused some strategic tactics and overused, poorly used and disused, others in their work process to address their self-centered interests and problems. In essence, intentional destructive interventions of the policy and development agencies have resulted in degradation to the extinction of the indigenous assets in the communities.
Keywords: mountain communities; influencing tactics; prosumer; resilient; regenerative forestry; agriculture; strategy theory; colonization; climate-smart farming
Over the past decade, widespread concern has emerged over how environmental governance can be transformed to avoid impending catastrophes such as climate change, biodiversity loss, and livelihood insecurity. A variety of approaches have emerged, focusing on either politics, technological breakthrough, social movements, or macro-economic processes as the main drivers of change. In contrast, this paper presents theoretical insights about how systemic change in environmental governance can be triggered by critical and intellectually grounded social actors in specific contexts of environment and development. Conceptualising such actors as critical action intellectuals (CAI), we analyze how CAI emerge in specific socio-environmental contexts and contribute to systemic change in governance. CAI trigger transformative change by shifting policy discourse, generating alternative evidence, and challenging dominant policy assumptions, whilst aiming to empower marginalized groups. While CAI do not work in a vacuum, nor are the sole force in transformation, we nevertheless show that the praxis of CAI within fields of environmental governance has the potential to trigger transformation. We illustrate this through three cases of natural resource governance in Nepal, Nicaragua and Guatemala, and Kenya, where the authors themselves have engaged as CAI. We contribute to theorising the ‘how’ of transformation by showing the ways CAI praxis reshape fields of governance and catalyze transformation, distinct from, and at times complementary to, other dominant drivers such as social movements, macroeconomic processes or technological breakthroughs.
Speedy economic growth is at the heart of Nepal’s post-conflict periodic plans. Agriculture, hydroelectricity, tourism and the labour force have been identified as the key drivers of economic growth. However, despite efforts by both the governments and the private sector to exploit these pillars over the years, the overall progress has not matched aspirations and expectations. The failure to mobilise resources for export-oriented projects is said to be the main reason behind this lacklustre economic performance.
For several years, Nepal has planned to attract Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in big infrastructures and large-scale production. The Fifteenth Plan of the country envisions building a competitive and dynamic national economy through the enhancement of products, productivity and competitiveness. To that end, it aims to attract and increase the volume of foreign investment, including FDI.
Driven by the quest for bringing in foreign investment, the Government of Nepal (GoN) amended – on 4 January 2021 – the Foreign Investment and Transfer of Technology Act (FITTA) opening the previously banned primary sector of agricultural production – poultry farming, fisheries, bee-keeping, fruits, vegetables, oilseeds, pulse seeds and dairy products – to FDI. However, the move met angry remarks from farmers, their associations and small-scale agro-investors.
The study was conducted on this background, with the overall objective to unpack why the decision to open the primary sector of agricultural production has become debatable. The study has engaged the combination of primary and secondary data that includes a national policy dialogue with primary stakeholders and books, reports and newspaper commentaries.
Macroeconomic data consulted for the study suggests that FDI has both positive and negative experiences. It has brought benefits to some countries and has created harmful consequences on some others. However, in the absence of a specific monitoring mechanism on the impact of FDI, there is no sector-wise data on which to build a definitive assessment as to which sectors are good and cost-effective and where caution is warranted.
The views and concerns of agricultural stakeholders align with the macroeconomic data. While FDI is necessary for economic growth, most of the stakeholders argue, opening agriculture to FDI before putting in place necessary infrastructure – transport systems, technology, skilled human resources, managerial efficiency, and so on – will only harm small farmers and the subsistence economy they have been nurturing.
In another key message of the study, FDI cannot be flatly rejected or accepted in agriculture. It has to be approached with caution and awareness of Nepal’s social, economic, political, ecological and developmental reality. Nepal can adopt a hybrid approach to FDI in agriculture, an approach in which small farmers, domestic investors and foreign investors work in unison to complement and reinforce each other’s interests and comparative advantages.
Based on the analysis of the data, both primary and secondary, the study makes the following recommendations about FDI in general as well as FDI in agriculture.
a. Integrate and align all FDI regulatory mechanisms to avoid legal and administrative overlaps and disconnect, and assure potential investors of the ease of investment and its protection in Nepal.
b. Maintain a balance between the pursuit of foreign investment and the development of domestic capital by mobilizing the private sector to establish national industries based on local resources and skills and, at the same time, to create an enabling environment for FDIs to operate in the area of their comparative advantage.
c. Consult relevant stakeholders before making any policy decisions that affect their lives as consultations make the process inclusive and transparent and the product (decision or policy) evidence-based.
d. Commission a comprehensive study on the gap between FDI promises and delivery to explore why Nepal has not been able to mobilise FDIs as expected despite significant progress vis-à-vis ease-of-doing-business over the years.
e. To ensure the smooth flow of FDIs and transfer of technology, engage in economic diplomacy by reconfiguring foreign policy priorities and strengthening the capacity of Nepali diplomatic missions abroad.
f. Open agricultural research, innovation and high-tech industries to FDI, as Nepal has no capacity or comparative advantage over these areas.
g. Allay the fear of small farmers and entrepreneurs that FDI does not harm their interests and prepare them for agricultural modernization and commercialization through FDIs.
h. Conduct an expert study to explore ways to build the capacity of small farmers so that they are, at the very least, technology-literate, skilled at crop diversification and adaptable to modern farming technologies.
Human wildlife conflict (HWC) impacts the livelihood of many rural communities worldwide. This study investigated the impact of HWC on people living near community forests (CF) in Nepal. Using databases provided by the Division of Forest Offices and data obtained from surveys between October 2019–March 2020, we quantified the financial loss of HWC to the local people. Between 2015 and 2019, 3315, or 27%, of the livestock owned by the survey respondents were killed by wild predators in the Kaski and Tanahun Districts. Chicken (Gallus spp.) was the most common prey taken (80%), followed by sheep (Ovis spp.) and goats (Capra spp.) (15%), cows (Bos spp.) (2%), pigs (Sus spp.) (2%), and buffalo (Bubalus spp.) (1%). Leopards (Panthera pardus) were the primary predators, followed by golden jackals (Canis aureus), jungle cats (Felis chaus), yellow-throated martens (Martes flavigula), and Himalayan black bears (Ursus thibetanus). The financial loss of livestock during this period was USD 142.61 per household. Crops were also damaged and eaten by wildlife, and 2165 crop-raiding events were recorded between 2015 and 2019. Rice (Oryza sativa), followed by maize (Zea mays), millet (Panicum miliaceum), and potatoes (Solanum tuberosum) were the main crops lost. Rhesus monkeys (Macaca mulatta) were the most common crop raiders, causing 74% of the damage, followed by Indian field mice (Mus booduga) (12%). From 2015 to 2019, crop losses equated to USD $83,424.00. Forest regeneration on abandoned agricultural land expanded wildlife habitats, enabling wild animals to come within reach of human settlements, which increased the likelihood of HWC events. Although the success of the community forest restoration program resulted in increased forest-cover, marginally increasing biodiversity, the reduced distance between human settlements and wildlife habitat, compounded by a lack of natural prey, may have unwittingly exacerbated HWC in this region. We recommend surveying predator and prey populations in the forest habitat, and implementing a habitat management program to improve prey populations within the community forests. Meantime, we propose establishing a financial relief and insurance program for crop and livestock losses at the local community level to alleviate any financial difficulties to the local communities caused by HWC.
The unfolding crises of mass extinction and climate change call for urgent action in response. To limit biodiversity losses and avert the worst effects of climate disruption, we must greatly expand nature protection while simultaneously downsizing and transforming human systems. The conservation initiative Nature Needs Half (or Half Earth), calling for the conservation of half the Earth's land and seas, is commensurate with the enormous challenges we face. Critics have objected to this initiative as harboring hardship for people near protected areas and for failing to confront the growth economy as the main engine of global ecological destruction. In response to the first criticism, we affirm that conservation policies must be designed and implemented in collaboration with Indigenous and local communities. In response to the second criticism, we argue that protecting half the Earth needs to be complemented by downscaling and reforming economic life, humanely and gradually reducing the global population, and changing food production and consumption. By protecting nature generously, and simultaneously contracting and transforming the human enterprise, we can create the conditions for achieving justice and well-being for both people and other species. If we fail to do so, we instead accept a chaotic and impoverished world that will be dangerous for us all.
Nepal is a landlocked developing nation in a fragile mountain landscape vulnerable to seismic activity. The 2015 Gorkha earthquake highlighted how systemic social issues, such as poverty, rural-to-urban migration, and weak governance, exacerbate devastating impacts of natural disasters. Building wood-based infrastructure (WBI) can increase rural livelihoods through sustainable forest management and reduce rural-to-urban migration, while improving resilience of building and other infrastructure through use of wood. WBI can help Nepal achieve disaster risk reduction (DRR) goals while also reducing greenhouse gas emission and increasing carbon sequestration. We reviewed Nepal's policy landscape to identify the opportunities and barriers for building WBI and increasing urban resilience. Nepal's major policies across wood supply chain from sources to end-products related to WBI were reviewed and analyzed. We found that policies aimed to address sustainable development, disaster risk reduction, and climate change support establishment of WBI while policies for forest conservation limiting forest harvesting, as well as lack of clarity in policies and their implementation, creates barriers. We argue that Nepal's policies for forest conservation should be revised to allow sustainable forest harvesting and create more employment opportunities and income for rural communities to take advantage of expanded opportunities made available through WBI.
Despite the looming scarcity of agricultural land and rapidly growing demand for food and biofuel globally, more agricultural lands are being abandoned from farming than are being converted to agriculture. Therefore, there is increasing interest in reutilising abandoned croplands to mitigate the undesirable impacts of abandonment and address global challenges such as food insecurity, arable land scarcity and agrobiodiversity loss. Although a number of studies have examined the extent, drivers and impacts of abandonment at various temporal and spatial scales, few studies have investigated the dynamics and potential pathways for reutilising abandoned cropland. This study addressed this knowledge gap by analysing potential reutilisation options of abandoned croplands, considering the influence of socio-economic factors on farmer preferences for reutilisation options, and assessing the conditions that would create an enabling environment for productive reutilisation. Using a mixed methods approach, quantitative data was collected through a survey of 374 households and qualitative data from six focus group discussions in three districts of the Hill agroecological region of Nepal. The majority of farmers, regardless of abandoned cropland holdings, considered that abandoned croplands should be reutilised. The farmers identified seven options (Cash cropping, Fruit crop farming, Spice and medicinal crop farming, Fodder tree plantation, Cereal cropping, Woodlot plantation and Mixed subsistence farming) for reutilising of abandoned croplands. Farmers’ preference was comparatively higher for high value and cash-generating options for the reutilisation. Despite the dominance of traditional mixed subsistence farming in the area, the majority of farmers did not consider this system as a viable option for reutilisation. Structural and institutional factors, as well as labour constraints, were found important to create an enabling environment that motivates farmers for the reutilisation. Farmers’ greater preference for cash-generating options implies that the promotion of market-oriented farming on abandoned croplands could help to minimise abandonment and revitalise the Nepalese agricultural sector. The findings are relevant to other regions of the globe that have experienced cropland abandonment.