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Migration and Settlement of African People in Australia

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Australia is a country that hosts millions of migrants from different countries and continents. This chapter presents the migration history of African Australians and the settlement challenges encountered by these families and individuals. In the last two decades, there has been a growing number of African communities in Australia. African people migrate to Australia for many reasons, including job-seeking and civil wars caused by race, religion, nationality, and membership in particular social or political groups. In the 2020 census, over 400,000 people living in Australia recorded they were of African origin. This represents 1.6% of the Australian population and 5.1% of Australia’s overseas-born population. Most (58%) are white South Africans, but 42% are black Africans from sub-Saharan countries. Some people within these African populations did not settle well or adjust effectively to Australian society due to Australia’s predominantly Anglo-Saxon culture. Therefore, this chapter discusses migration and settlement issues faced by African community groups in Australia.
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Chapter
Migration and Settlement of
African People in Australia
WilliamAbur
Abstract
Australia is a country that hosts millions of migrants from different countries and
continents. This chapter presents the migration history of African Australians and
the settlement challenges encountered by these families and individuals. In the last
two decades, there has been a growing number of African communities in Australia.
African people migrate to Australia for many reasons, including job-seeking and civil
wars caused by race, religion, nationality, and membership in particular social or
political groups. In the 2020 census, over 400,000 people living in Australia recorded
they were of African origin. This represents 1.6% of the Australian population and
5.1% of Australias overseas-born population. Most (58%) are white South Africans,
but 42% are black Africans from sub-Saharan countries. Some people within these
African populations did not settle well or adjust effectively to Australian society due
to Australias predominantly Anglo-Saxon culture. Therefore, this chapter discusses
migration and settlement issues faced by African community groups in Australia.
Keywords: migration, settlement, African community, Australia
1. Introduction
African people began migrating to Australia from America before 1976 as former
slaves, from Britain as convicts, and from Africa after the abolition of the White
Australia Policy. However, the decision to migrate and resettle is something that can
be exciting and daunting for families and individuals [1]. People choose to migrate to
second or even third countries for many reasons including fleeing conflict, seeking
jobs, reuniting with family members, and so on. Deciding to migrate often involves
consideration of where to settle and how to seek connection with local community
groups. In other words, “settlement” involves engagement or participation in local
communities. It is also about seeking to belong within the local community. This
chapter presents migration and settlement challenges faced by African people in
Australia. Ultimately, the Australian Government has a responsibility to engage new
migrants in the workforce as one of the pathways to help them settle more effectively
and integrate into mainstream Australian society. Assisting migrants and refugees
to participate in important social dimensions such as employment and sport has a
substantial impact and positive outcome on settlement. Engagement in employment
and sport brings benefits in well-being, health, social networks, and positive family
Human Migration in the Last Three Centuries
2
relationships/parenting which is good for society and people that are involved in such
activities. On the opposite side, a lack of engagement for people from refugee back-
grounds in positive activities can come with negative consequences such as mental
health problems, domestic violence, and dysfunctional families. However, supporting
people to obtain meaningful employment can improve their well-being and the well-
being of their families as they become autonomous from welfare which gives them
self-esteem and financial benefits [1, 2].
2. The migration and settlement of African people in Australia
African migrants first arrived in Australia as former slaves from America, as
convicts from Britain, and more recently as refugees. This sets the scene for the
current challenges African migrants face settling in Australia [2, 3]. However, before
1976, many of the migrants coming from Africa to Australia were white South
Africans and White Zimbabweans. This was because of the White Australian Policy
that allowed only white people to come to Australia during that time. The abandon-
ment of the White Australian Policy allowed many African people to migrate to
Australia through the humanitarian program because of civil war and ethnic cleans-
ing in Africa to seek protection and a better place to live [1–3]. However, settlement
was quite challenging for some individuals and families due to many reasons such as
unemployment, racism and discrimination, language barriers, and lack of workforce
skills required in Australia.
In recent years, young people from African community groups in Melbourne,
for example, have not been settling well in schools due to bullying and discrimina-
tion. This raises the question of belonging and integration of people from African
backgrounds. These concerns create anxiety among families and individuals as well
as generate debates in the community about the future of migration for people from
Africa, particularly those from refugee camps. This is because some politicians
expressed their resentment toward African groups, calling them failed community
groups that cannot integrate well into Australian society [2]. This kind of resentment
was also labeled as racist and discriminatory by the African community leaders and
community members, who argued many young people from different community
groups and walks of life engage in anti-social behaviors and criminal activities [1].
Having worked with African-Australian community groups as a social worker,
there have been many success stories and contributions made by AfricanAustralians
that were not captured by the media. For instance, AfricanAustralians have made
contributions in different fields such as sports, community services, law firms,
academics, business, and many other fields. This is something that must be acknowl-
edged and recognized as part of successful migration and settlement.
3. Resettlement and protection of refugees
The concept of refugee protection emerged during World War II, resulting in the
Convention on Refugees and subsequently the establishment of the UNHCR [4–6].
Refugees are people who have fled their homeland, often due to political instability,
repression, and violent conflict. They leave to escape oppressive discrimination or
severe physical and mental harm [4]. Such sudden departures generally mean refu-
gees do not have the opportunity to pack their belongings or say farewell to loved ones
3
Migration and Settlement of African People in Australia
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.107083
[7–9]. It is fundamentally important to know that journey of refugees is always full of
uncertain feelings and danger with unforeseen issues. It is a secret journey with fear of
persecution, trauma, and hopelessness without knowing the future clearly and if they
will return or not ever return to their homeland [8].
We know that the term “refugee resettlement” is a positive concept to remove
people from difficult situations to a better place. It is a term commonly used to explain
the relocation of refugees from second country of asylum to a third country with the
idea that third country is for permanent resettlement and integration in host commu-
nity. The aim is that third country is responsible for providing settlement support ser-
vices for refugees and helping them to integrate with society and system of the host
society as a way of their needs. Refugee resettlement and integration is a very complex
process. However, it is generally considered a durable solution to refugee problems
[see [10–12]]. Refugees are assessed and accepted for resettlement when they meet
the criteria set out by the UN Convention [1, 3, 5]. The challenges that refugee people
experience are significant and multi-faceted [7, 13]. Large numbers of refugees who
are waiting to be assessed and resettled currently live in refugee and displacement
camps worldwide, such as the Kakuma refugee camp in Kenya, where many African-
Australians have lived before migrating to Australia. Some also come from other
refugee camps in Uganda, Ethiopia, and Egypt. These camps are characterized by
shortages of food, inadequate medical services, and lack of sanitation [14–16].
Furthermore, these refugees encountered some additional issues such as hardships
and physical deprivations, some of the vulnerable refugees experienced a high level of
traumatic events before their arrival in the refugee camps. Some had witnessed execu-
tion, death of loved ones, and busses such as rape, torture, psychological deprivation,
looting, and destruction. These challenges and lived experiences can have overwhelm-
ing psychological and emotional impacts on individuals and families. Some research-
ers have already recognized these difficulties and suffering of refugees from divergent
degrees of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) [4, 12, 15, 16]. The complexity of
refugees’ pre-settlement experiences and the impact of these experiences on individu-
als and families place pressure on countries to ensure that they can adequately support
arriving refugees at both a policy and service level [9, 15]. Host countries are provid-
ing resettlement and settlement programs as part of their contributions and global
commitment to humanity by taking a share in protection of refugees. They provided
resettlement and settlement support services voluntarily. Protection and resettlement
of refugees is a responsible idea to do in face of humanity and it is a durable solu-
tion for refugees who cannot return to their countries of origin [6]. The role of host
countries included, but was not limited to providing access to resources, facilitation
of integration, and provision of support services [1, 2, 6, 17] These issues critical for
the South Sudanese community in Australia and in the context of this study. Families
and individuals are struggling with resettlement and may need support services to
overcome settlement issues.
4. Policy and practice: refugee settlement in Australia
Australia has a history of resettling refugees and migrants via humanitarian
programs. Australia is a signatory to the United Nations 1951 Convention relating
to the Status of Refugees and to the subsequent 1967 Protocol [18, 19]. This means
that Australia agrees to protect refugees and is one of the countries that accepts
refugees for resettlement. The 1951 Convention clearly defined a refugee as a person
Human Migration in the Last Three Centuries
4
who “owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion,
nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside
the country of his nationality, and is unable to, or owing to such fear, is unwilling to
avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and
being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events,
is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it” [6]. The Humanitarian
Resettlement Program in Australia began in 1947, with the resettlement of European
Displaced Persons (DPs) who were displaced by World War II (31) and resettled
to Australia under the auspices and accommodation of the International Refugee
Organization (IRO), the immediate precursor of the UNHCR. Australia started
resettling refugees in 1947 and more than 800,000 refugees from different countries
and nationalities have been resettled. They rebuilt their lives in Australia and called
Australia home [4, 11, 20, 21] Between 1933 and 1939, for example, more than 7000
Jews fleeing Nazi Germany were settled [22]. In 1937, the Australian Jewish Welfare
Society pioneered the first refugee settlement support services, with financial
assistance from the Australian government [23]. However, Australia also has a his-
tory of discriminating against certain ethnicities. The Restriction Act 1901, which
became known as the White Australia Policy, limited immigration to Australia on
the basis of ethnicity [11, 20]. When this White Australia Policy ended in 1975, the
Racial Discrimination Act was introduced. The agenda of multicultural debate started
to grow strongly politically. However, it took time for the federal government to put
this multicultural agenda into the National Policy for Multicultural Australia. The
aim of multicultural policy is to achieve a harmonious and friendly society based on
Australian values by recognizing diversity as a positive contribution to the workforce
within Australian culture [23, 24]. This was the time when first Vietnamese refugees
came in 1975 by boat. As a result, many refugees started arriving from Asia, Middle
East, and Africa. In the recent decade, many refugees have come to countries such as
Afghanistan, Ethiopia, South Sudan, Bhutan, Somalia, Burma, Iraq, Sudan, Burundi,
Congo, and other countries [1, 2, 4, 11, 20].
The idea of multiculturalism embraced diversity and differences as a public policy
designed by the government in response to the expectation of society with nationali-
ties with different cultural practices. There are three main dimensions of multicul-
tural policy identified by the government. First dimension is a cultural identity as a
right of all Australians to express their cultural heritage including language and cel-
ebration of religion. The second dimension is social justice as a right of all Australians
to equal treatment, opportunity, and the elimination of barriers of race, ethnicity,
culture, religion, language, gender, or place of birth. The third dimension is economic
efficiency, the need to maintain, develop, and effectively utilize the skills and talents
of all Australians, regardless of background [1, 2, 25].
With this multicultural society in mind, refugee community groups are con-
sidered disadvantaged and thus deserving of special consideration under social
inclusion services [24]. Social inclusion has become an important policy initiative
for state governments, and it often generates debate about which groups are socially
excluded and why [23, 24]. Social exclusion is viewed as a significant social cost,
since it pushes new arrivals to the edge of society and prevents them from par-
ticipating fully in society due to their poverty, lack of basic competencies, limited
lifelong learning opportunities, and ongoing discrimination [1, 2, 4]. people from
refugee backgrounds often experienced poverty in displaced camps, refugee camps,
their home countries, and in their interim countries before their resettlement. The
poverty experienced is additional to war, conflict, disruption of life, and basic
5
Migration and Settlement of African People in Australia
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.107083
activities such as education, farming, and business. This is one of the reasons why
formal education is absent from some refugees. However, some refugees are well-
educated or literate in their own language and English. These are people who have
attended formal education in their countries before the war displaced them. Some
also attended education in refugee camps [1, 2]. Many refugees in Australia do face
problems in workforce due to lack of experience in workforce and institutional
discrimination. Australian workforce can be more complex compared to their previ-
ous work experiences in their countries. Also, life in refugee camps denied them to
get work experience in big institutions such as banks, hospitals, schools, and hotels
prior to their arrival in Australia [7]. The combination of unfamiliarity with systems
and lack of confidence and ability to communicate effectively in English created
a struggle to access meaningful employment opportunities. Lack of participation
or limited participation in society denied refugees the power and make relevant
decisions for their lives. They often feel powerless, confused, and unable to control
their lives, their families, and their children [1, 2, 4, 26]. On the other hand, young
people from African community want to be free citizens like other young people in
Australian mainstream community groups. They want to be viewed as young people
that want to participate in a multicultural society without many expectations of
them. They see the idea of inclusive society as something that not working some-
times for them when they are extremely judgmental by the media and politicians
who want to promote their politics in a negative way. Some of these politicians that
are promoting negative debates about minority community groups in Australia as
African Gang” are clearly violating the multicultural and social inclusion policy.
One of the principles of social inclusion policy is a promotion of harmony that allows
all Australians to feel valued and welcome to participate freely without discrimina-
tion and exclusion. Social policy promotes the idea of diversity and celebration of
diversity regardless of status and cultural background. It is also about celebrating
the benefits of diversity in a multicultural society with the commitment to social
cohesion [4, 25].
The Australian Government’s concept of social policy and the principles of multi-
culturalism are particularly relevant to the African community groups that are faced
some barriers to participation in employment and sport as well as many other areas.
Benefits of participation are very clear and highly needed by the vulnerable commu-
nity groups and families that are struggling with isolation. This study demonstrates
general experiences of African community groups in Australia and these experiences
are contradicting the social inclusion policy and the principles of multiculturalism
in areas of employment, participation in sports, and other important decisions or
powers. People from African community groups are more likely to experience some
subtle and explicit forms of racism and discrimination in different fields including
workplace and sports [1, 2, 4].
5. Settlement of refugees: a challenging process
Settlement support services are provided by the Australia humanitarian program.
This program manages and provides settlement support services to newly arrived
families and individuals. However, these support services are delivered by non-
governmental originations that are funded to provide settlement support services.
While general resettlement issues for refugees have been discussed above, this
section discusses settlement issues that are of particular significance to the South
Human Migration in the Last Three Centuries
6
Sudanese community in Australia. “Refugee settlement” is a term used when refugees
arrive in Australia and require a range of support services to establish themselves and
become independent in a new cultural and social context [see [4, 27]]. Settlement is
a complex process that requires support from the host community, government, and
non-government agencies to address different challenges [4, 7, 28].
Refugees have sometimes been perceived as a burden on receiving countries. This
notion of burden has been central to both policy and research debates about displace-
ment and protection [29]. Such political and community concerns are indicative of
the global challenge of refugee resettlement amidst decreasing numbers of refugees
being able to return voluntarily to their countries [30]. The difficulty of settlement is
exaggerated by their connection to place and creation of a sense of belonging in local
place. Having a sense of belonging can assist in feeling safe and connected to local
community activities. This increases interest in participation in upcoming community
activities or events with confidence [2, 31]. Host community can assist in navigating
connections and access to community activities if refugees are not received as trouble-
some to host community groups. According to the 1951 Convention, protection of
refugees was a responsible action for countries to protect and resettle refugees in non-
discriminatory way. Countries are also responsible for ensuring that participation of
refugees in host society is fully participated by the government of the country hosting
refugees [1, 2, 4, 6]. Settlement of refugees in host communities is a two-way process
in relation in term of cultural understanding and expectations of integration. There is
a great need for partnership between organizations that are supporting refugees and
the host community. Settlement of refugees can be made better by the host commu-
nity by welcoming and engaging refugees in meaningful programs or activities that
make them feel welcome with the spirit of hospitality and not an environment where
they are viewed as “other” or people with problems [1, 2].
As already discussed above, refugee settlement is a final phase, and are meant to
be integrated into their host communities. It is time when individuals and families
required some support to be connected in community groups and activities to par-
ticipate in meaningful activities such as sports for young people. They also required
some support and connection to develop and build their social and economic
independence [1, 2, 32, 33]. However, we know that from the research, settlement
is an ongoing process for people from refugee backgrounds. It is not something
that can be achieved overnight as it is a process that involved many challenges such
as adapting to a new place and a new community with a new language cannot be
an easy task to overcome in short period of time [1, 2, 28]. Settlement challenges
include lack of social capital and language acquisition to assist in navigating systems
and integration processes. This can be daunting task for individuals and families if
they are not well supported regardless of the level of education they obtained in their
previous countries. These challenges can overshadow some benefits for refugees
during the settlement period [1, 2, 4, 7]. The impact of integrating into a new society
can cause high levels of stress and anxiety [11, 21]. Refugees often experience intense
homesickness and isolation which are aggravated by culture shock that further
hinders their ability to begin a new life in Australia [4]. To reduce these challenges,
there is a need to promote optimal well-being strategies to help people to manage
stress and adjustments to settlement issues. Settlement programs should be funded
to support emotional and personal well-being of people from refugee backgrounds.
It is important to assist people with prevention of mental health issues are they are
more likely to be developed by individuals and families. Refugee people need sup-
port to rebuild their lives from what they lost or missed in their lives. This should be
7
Migration and Settlement of African People in Australia
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.107083
seen as part of the settlement package for refugees [1, 2, 34]. The studies in this area
of refugee settlement have generated enough evidence globally. Some of the critical
themes are discussed in the context of this chapter in terms of understanding forced
migration, displacement, and settlement of migrants in Australia. Prominent themes
of relevance include drivers of displacement and forced migration, legal and moral
frameworks, and experiences in refugee camps and countries of resettlement [see,
for example [3–5]]. Some positive factors identified in this research that are useful
in helping refugee people overcome settlement issues and contribute better include
feeling safe from discrimination and racism, getting secure and well-paid employ-
ment, participation in local community meetings without encountering prejudices
or negative judgments, feeling supported at school and in community, buying home
raise family and many others [1, 2, 4, 11, 14]. These studies have discussed general
challenges faced by refugees in Australia but have not critiqued policies and ways
forward to address issues on a broader level as African people are still experiencing
unemployment issues and discrimination in Australia. In some cases, the treatment
of refugees and their access to meaningful resources is something that is influenced
by the politics in Australia. When some politicians choose to use negative language
calling young people from Africa asAfrican gang” level of racism and discrimina-
tion increases in community against people of African heritage [1, 2, 35]. This was
because of some politicians and media promoting fearmongering and exposing
African Australians as a desirable group in Australia. Levels of abuse and racial
attacks were noticed in community and at schools by children. In Australia, there is
interesting culture and attitude toward newly arrived groups. Newly arrived groups
often generated debates in public about who is responsible when there is something
wrong. There is often a blame game about why they are in first place or why they are
not deported back to where they came from. This was a case with African commu-
nity orAfrican gang” debates with some blaming that they are not able to integrate
in Australia according to the Australian values. This happened with the group that
came by boat to asylum in Australia. They were managed by the federal government
in detention centers, but public debate increased with some calling for deportation
[1, 2, 4, 36, 37]. Many of these recent debates in the media have attempted to distin-
guish between “good” and “bad” refugees. “Bad” refugees are those who “jump the
queue, meaning they arrive by boat and not through the formal UNHCR channels
[4, 37]. The majority of African people in Australia who arrived via UNHCR work
in refugee camps. Despite this, they are often still labeled as “undesirable” refugees
in political and media discourse because of their settlement-related challenges in
Australia, which have been both exaggerated and widely misreported by the main-
stream media [4, 36, 37]. Therefore, understanding this history and these challenges
facing people from refugee and migrant backgrounds in Australia, including people
from African community groups, is vital in policy and practice contexts.
6. Conclusion
This chapter discussed migration and settlement challenges faced by families and
individuals from African backgrounds during migration and settlement. The majority
of African migrants in Australia came because of war and other challenges including
political prosecution. However, people from minority community groups appear to
find settlement challenging due to a lack of support services available to community
groups or families/individuals. Families and young people from African community
Human Migration in the Last Three Centuries
8
Author details
WilliamAbur
Department of Social Work – Faculty of Medicine, Dentistry and Health Sciences,
University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia
*Address all correspondence to: william.abur@unimelb.edu.au
groups often find themselves in trouble with many settlement issues in Australia. The
settlement of African community groups has been negatively publicized in the media
and African community groups are thus often viewed negatively.
Acknowledgements
The author would like to acknowledge that this chapter was written as part of
a PhD research project conducted between 2014 and 2018 at Victoria University,
Melbourne, Australia.
© 2022 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of
the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0),
which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided
the original work is properly cited.
Migration and Settlement of African People in Australia
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.107083
9
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Migration and Settlement of African People in Australia
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.107083
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... Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) are defined as the exposure to potentially traumatic events, such as physical, sexual or emotional abuse, neglect, and household challenges before the age of 18 (Felitti et al., 1998;Larkin et al., 2014). These experiences are Africans from sub-Saharan countries such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan, Kenya, Nigeria and others (Abur, 2022). However, from this statistic alone, it is difficult to ascertain the proportion of refugees from African countries arriving in Australia through a humanitarian visa or asylum-seeking process (ABS, 2021). ...
Article
Full-text available
Background: Refugee-background children face increased risks of Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs). However, their access to support services continues to pose significant challenges. A need exists to understand how families and child welfare services respond to ACEs to inform the design of culturally responsive interventions. Purpose: Based on a broader qualitative study with parents and practitioners, this article shares the findings on the tensions and challenges of addressing ACEs in African-background refugee families in New South Wales (NSW), Australia. Methodology: The research employed a qualitative micro-ethnographic approach. The first author interviewed 12 parents and 12 clinical practitioners and conducted two focus group discussions with African community leaders: the first with six and the second with five participants. Transcripts were analysed using reflexive thematic analysis. Results: Three central themes reflected the tensions and challenges associated with responding to ACEs: reliance on informal support, the "messy" child protection services, and gaps in the child protection system. Parents responded to ACEs through various cultural and spiritual practices and by allocating most family resources to the needs of the children directly affected by ACEs. This came at the expense of resources available for the victim's siblings, who were also experiencing ACEs directly or vicariously. Professional responses were reactive, and the experiences taking place before resettlement were overlooked. Interactions between parents and child welfare services were particularly adversarial in the case of child removal from the family. Conclusion: Refugee-background families face unique challenges in accessing services, but they also have capacities that can be harnessed in collaborative interventions addressing ACEs. Culturally responsive and trauma-informed support models may assist in improving interventions addressing ACEs.
... In Australia, research consistently indicates that refugee-background children are often treated in clinical settings and other social services as if their experiences were similar to those of mainstream counterparts, thereby overlooking how their conditions are compounded by refugee trauma and resettlement challenges (Baker et al. 2019;Sawrikar & Katz 2017). Previous research suggests that African-background children and families are more likely to experience racism, bullying, and discrimination as they navigate support services in Australia (Abur 2022). While several studies have listed multiple barriers to accessing mental health and other health services among refugee communities (Colucci et al. 2015;McCann et al. 2016), little is known about the strategies employed by refugee families, communities, and service systems to overcome the barriers to service utilisation in Australia. ...
Chapter
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Refugee children face increased risks of Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs). During conflicts in countries of origin, children experience traumatic events ranging from mass killings, abductions, maiming, and sexual violence. As they forcibly migrate in search of safety, children may experience unsafe transportation, immigration detention, extended periods of living in refugee camps, and deprivation of food, water, and other essentials. In resettlement countries, they also face racism, while parental pre-migration and post-resettlement stress often increase the risks of intrafamilial child maltreatment. However, little is known about refugee-background ACEs survivors' help-seeking processes and support patterns. This chapter is based on the findings from a qualitative research project exploring the help-seeking processes and support patterns of ACEs survivors from African-background refugee families in New South Wales (NSW), Australia. The project explored the core research question, what are the help-seeking processes and support patterns of ACEs survivors from African communities with refugee backgrounds? This qualitative research was underpinned by an intersectional approach. The lead author interviewed 12 non-offending parents or caregivers of African background and 12 clinical practitioners, and two focus group discussions with African community leaders. Reflexive thematic analysis was used to analyse the interviews and FGDs transcripts. While there were several key findings, this chapter focuses on the barriers to help-seeking and the strategies service systems used to address these barriers. Findings indicate three broad categories of barriers to help-seeking: personal, cultural, and structural barriers. Strategies for addressing these barriers were largely ineffective due to the interventions’ reactive and crisis-driven nature. These strategies addressed the effects, not the root causes, of service non-utilisation. The barriers to help-seeking are pervasive and embedded within complex systemic factors. The findings suggest that ACEs and the barriers to help-seeking must be regarded as crucial social determinants of health and well-being and addressed in a whole-of-system approach.
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African-born women in Australia are more likely to experience poorer perinatal outcomes than their Australian-born counterparts. This disparity may be attributed to difficulties in accessing maternity care services. With a rapidly growing African-born population in Australia, understanding African-born women’s experiences with maternity care is crucial for ensuring equitable access. This study aimed to explore the access to and experiences of maternity care among African-born women living in Melbourne, Australia. A qualitative descriptive study was conducted from September to December 2023, involving 15 purposively selected African-born women. An apriori analytic approach was applied to present the findings using the World Health Organization’s Availability, Accessibility, Acceptability, and Quality framework. Data management and analysis were undertaken using NVivo 14. Participants from nine different African countries shared their experiences regarding their most recent encounters with maternity care in Australia. Key challenges identified included difficulties navigating the healthcare system, lack of social support, discomfort with male clinicians, experiences of discrimination, inadequate information, transportation issues, perceived lack of empowerment, financial constraints, and clinician cultural insensitivity. These factors negatively impacted their maternity care experiences. This study provides empirical evidence to inform policies, practices, and strategies aimed at improving maternity care experiences for African-born women in Australia. There is a need for clinicians to be more aware of and sensitive to these women’s cultural needs. Developing and implementing a culturally responsive service model could mitigate negative experiences and enhance access to adequate maternity care, ultimately improving perinatal health outcomes for these women.
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Belonging is political. While it is a felt‐and‐embodied experience, it is also heavily mediated by power. For racially and culturally minoritised people, belonging is expressed in hidden, often racialised codes articulated through an “us and them” framework. Within this systematic scoping review, critical issues of belonging are made visible, indicating that belonging for Black Africans in Australia is a highly racialised and complex cultural experience and significantly impacts their sense of self, identity, agency, citizenship and participation, social integration and inclusion. This study found the core themes on experiences of belonging for this cohort, are: (1) Racialised (non)belonging, (2) Belonging as access, (3) Belonging as a civic process, (4) Belonging as an active process and (5) Re‐claiming belonging. In summary, Black African migrants experienced significant challenges with access to decent employment, housing, education, health services and relationships (including potential dating partners), which affected their sense of felt belonging. The literature showed that belonging for this group was a constant negotiation. It included constructing and reconstructing dual identities to accommodate their experiences of Australianness and Africanness while resisting labels that homogenised them. There was also an active process of building belonging through reclaiming places of community and dignity.
Book
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Migration and settlement of refugees is something challenging many countries at different levels in term of services delivering to families and young people. Migration of refugees is very complex and often happens because of many reasons such as civil wars, regional wars, liberation struggles, uprising against oppressive regime. Resettlement is one of the better options for refugees to save their lives from hardships and conflicts. This book is for policy makers, researchers, community services organisations/ practitioners such as youth workers and social workers that works with families and young people from South Sudanese/ refugee backgrounds. The book covered some critical challenges and opportunities available for families and young people such as participation in sport, employment and education, connection with right people and right services. "This is a timely book. Dr William Abur has meticulously documented challenges and opportunities of South Sudanese refugees in Australia. In doing so, Abur has successfully interweaved his personal accounts as a refugee, social worker and scholar with experiences and stories of his community. The analysis sheds some lights on experiences of African refugees in the areas of settlement, integration, employment, education, sport and racial relations. The book is an excellent read for anyone who is interested in the history, culture and contributions of South Sudanese Australians." Dr Tebeje Molla (PhD), Research Fellow, Deakin University "William Abur's book is an important contribution to the growing literature on the settlement of the South Sudanese community in Australia. A South Sudanese man from a refugee background, a qualified and experienced social worker in the field of refugee settlement, and an academic teaching critical social theories, Abur is uniquely placed in linking the experiences of his community with the academic literature. This unique perspective resonates throughout the book in the personal voice of the author as he carefully immerses his readers in the complexities of starting a new life in Australia at a time when multiculturalism is under threat and racism and discrimination are, once again, on the rise". Dr Ibolya (Ibi) Losoncz - School of Regulation and Global Governance (RegNet), The Australian National University. William Abur, PhD, is a lecturer in social work at Deakin University in Melbourne, Australia. His research focuses on critical social work, migration and settlement of refugees, racism and discrimination, benefits of participation in sport and employment, mental health and wellbeing.
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This paper tells the ‘back story’ to the development of a local soccer hub, which focuses on the experiences of a predominantly South Sudanese team called the Western Tigers. We use a counter-story telling approach anchored in critical race theory, to develop a composite story that brings together biographical and autobiographical accounts gathered during an ethnographic study. These accounts are narrated from the vantage point of David, a player/coach, whose experiences expose everyday racism and its effects, while also illuminating responses to racism in the context of sport. This composite story challenges dominant narratives about sport in Australian society particularly those that position sport as the great equaliser and a pathway to ‘integration’ and belonging. Our analysis sheds light onto how the dynamics of racialisation and exclusion take the form of a slow violence for young people of refugee background, shaping their experiences and trajectories on and off the field. We discuss the paradoxical role of settings such as the Western Tigers and the Community Soccer Hub as important ‘public homeplaces’, that can also be understood as marginalised and marginalising for young people of refugee background.
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