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Contact with former adversaries through mass-media is linked to forgiveness after dyadic and multi-ethnic conflicts
Abstract
Four correlational studies (N Albanians = 232, N Serbs = 129, N Bosniaks = 147, N Croats = 367) and one experimental study (N Bosniaks = 682), investigated the link between mass-mediated contact (i.e., information about former adversaries from the mass media) and forgiveness towards former adversaries in post-conflict societies. Specifically, we tested the association between positive and negative mass-mediated contact with one former adversary and forgiveness towards this former adversary (i.e., a primary transfer effect, Studies 1-4) and another former adversary (i.e., a secondary transfer effect, Studies 2-4). Positive mass-mediated contact with one former adversary was linked to greater forgiveness towards that former adversary and another former adversary. Intergroup trust mediated the primary transfer effect of positive mass-mediated contact, whereas generalization of trust and forgiveness from one former adversary to another mediated the secondary transfer effect. Our results underline the important role of positive but not negative mass-mediated contact with former adversaries in reconciliation.
... As a strategy, two types of mediated contact have especially been shown to contribute to positive group relations-vicarious contact which entails observing positive interactions between ingroup and outgroup members, and parasocial contact which involves being exposed to positive portrayals of the outgroup in media (Mazziotta et al., 2011;Schiappa et al., 2005). Vicarious contact especially has demonstrated a capacity to also reduce social distance (Koc & Anderson, 2018) and even foster intergroup forgiveness (Rupar et al., 2022). ...
... Based on these results, we can conclude that the beneficial impact of positive mediated contact outweighs the detrimental impact of negative mediated contact. This conclusion aligns with a previous study (Rupar et al., 2022) that highlighted the greater importance of positive mediated contact compared to negative mediated contact in achieving reconciliation. The concept of scarcity suggested by Rupar et al. (2022), implying that scarcer contact is more influential, may also apply to our study. ...
... This conclusion aligns with a previous study (Rupar et al., 2022) that highlighted the greater importance of positive mediated contact compared to negative mediated contact in achieving reconciliation. The concept of scarcity suggested by Rupar et al. (2022), implying that scarcer contact is more influential, may also apply to our study. Table 1 reveals that positive mediated contact was less frequent than negative mediated contact at both time points. ...
To investigate the effectiveness of mediated contact in the context of the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, two studies were conducted. Both studies proposed a model in which outgroup attitudes acted as mediators between mediated contact and two outcome variables: intergroup forgiveness and social distance. The first study utilized a correlational design and gathered data from 223 Azerbaijani young individuals. The results confirmed a significant link between current positive mediated contact and intergroup forgiveness. Additionally, positive mediated contact before the conflict was associated with reduced social distance. However, for negative mediated contact, a significant association was observed only between negative mediated contact before the conflict and intergroup forgiveness. The mediation analysis provided support for the role of outgroup attitudes in influencing intergroup forgiveness. In the second study, an experimental design was employed, involving 226 participants (99 in the control group and 127 in the experimental group). The results replicated the positive effects of positive mediated contact, where participants in the experimental group watched a short video depicting the peaceful cohabitation of Azerbaijanis and Armenians. This positive mediated contact led to improved outgroup attitudes, increased levels of intergroup forgiveness, and reduced social distance. Surprisingly, the proposed model with outgroup attitudes as a mediator was not confirmed in the experimental design.
... Research considering the differential effects of positive and negative mass-mediated contact on attitudes revealed mixed findings (e.g., Schemer 2012, Visintin et al. 2017. While positive or negative mass-mediated contact can be more predictive of attitudes across different intergroup contexts ( Pagotto and Voci 2013, Rupar and Graf 2019, Rupar et al. 2022 ), a recent meta-analysis concluded both forms of contact to produce opposite, but equally strong effects on attitudes ( Banas et al., 2020 ). ...
... 6 Participants were randomly assigned to three different conditions. The procedure was similar to mass-mediated contact manipulations used in previous research (e.g., Rupar et al. 2022 ). The positive massmediated contact condition ( N = 65) included a bogus news report where participants read about the contributions of Afghan refugees to Turkey both culturally and economically, with a specific example of an Afghan refugee who won a scientific prize. ...
... We further found that the relative strength of positive versus negative mass-mediated contact effects varied across variables. For example, particularly in Study 1, positive mass-mediated contact (but not negative mass-mediated contact) was a direct predictor of all the outcome variables, which is in line with previous research conducted in more hostile intergroup contexts ( Rupar et al., 2022 ). Studies conducted in Turkey have also previously shown direct positive contact to have a stronger role in predicting attitudes compared to negative contact, potentially due to greater category salience of positive contact which might be more transformative in highly threatening contexts ( Bagci et al., 2022a ;Bagci and Turnuklu, 2019 ). ...
In two studies, we investigated how positive and negative mass-mediated contact shape attitudes towards refugees and support for their rights through dehumanization. Study 1 (correlational, N = 193, community sample) demonstrated both positive and negative mass-mediated contact to predict attitudes towards Afghan refugees, as well as support for their rights, through lower and higher levels of dehumanization, respectively. Study 2 (experimental, N = 214, student sample) showed that positive mass-mediated contact directly improved attitudes towards refugees, whereas negative (but not positive) mass-mediated contact increased the dehumanization (less human view) of refugees, which was in turn related to reduced support for their rights. Findings highlight the critical role of mass-mediated contact in the formation of pro-refugee attitudes in an increasingly hostile migration context.
... Research suggests that information about former adversaries may come from various sources, such as news, the internet, TV series, and movies (Rupar & Graf, 2019;Rupar et al., 2022). An especially important asset of the current increased availability of distinct mass media providers is the opportunity to learn distinct narratives -not only from the ingroup but also from the outgroup and thus not only those stemming from the dominating ideology but also those proposing an alternative understanding of relevant events. ...
... These findings support the results (Bouman et al., 2014(Bouman et al., , 2015. In line with the literature (Rupar et al., 2022), the findings of Study 2 revealed a carry-over effect of positive mass-mediated contact with asylum seekers in Europe on attitudes toward asylum seekers in Israel; that is, the more frequently Israeli Jews consumed positive stories about asylum seekers in Europe, the more positive their attitudes toward the local minority-asylum seekers in Israel-became. We may ...
This research investigated the effects of a single exposure to media content of a distinct valence and mass‐mediated contact with a distant minority outgroup on feelings/attitudes toward a local outgroup. Experimental Study 1 was conducted among 314 Israeli Jews. The findings of Study 1 showed the effects of a single exposure to positive and negative media items about asylum seekers in Europe on perceived threats posed by them. In this study we did not find a carry‐over effect of single‐exposure to a media item about asylum seekers in Europe on feelings toward the local outgroup—asylum seekers in Israel. Study 2 was conducted through an online survey among 1039 Israeli Jews. It showed the effect of recurring mass‐mediated contact with asylum seekers in Europe on perceived threats posed by them. Both Study 1 and Study 2 found carry‐over effects of realistic and symbolic threats from asylum seekers in Europe on feelings/attitudes toward asylum seekers in Israel. The findings of Study 2 also showed a carry‐over effect of positive mass‐mediated contact with a distant outgroup on attitudes toward a local outgroup. Based on the findings, we conclude that the positive media framing of distant outgroups may promote tolerance and acceptance of local outgroups.
... During the COVID-19 pandemic, interpersonal contact in general and intergroup contact in particular was reduced (Meleady et al., 2021), making massmedia a more relevant source of information about outgroups. Whereas previous research documented that direct positive contact is usually more frequent than direct negative contact (Graf et al., 2014), this ratio is mostly reversed in the case of mass mediated contact, with negative content prevailing over positive content especially in the case of the news (in postconflict societies: Rupar et al., 2022;with respect to immigrants: Visintin et al., 2017). ...
During a pandemic, it is vital to identify factors that motivate individuals to behave in ways that limit virus transmission (i.e., anti‐COVID‐19 behaviour). Fear has been suggested to motivate health‐oriented behaviour, yet fear of the virus (i.e., fear of COVID‐19) could have unintended consequences, such as an increase in anti‐immigrant prejudice. In a three‐wave longitudinal study (NT1 = 4275) in five European countries from April to October 2020, we investigated how social norms, the impact of the pandemic on individuals, and intergroup contact affected fear of COVID‐19 and—or in turn—anti‐COVID‐19 behaviour and prejudice towards immigrants. A latent change score model——distinguishing between intra‐ and inter‐individual changes in outcomes——indicated that fear of COVID‐19 influenced neither anti‐COVID‐19 behaviour nor prejudice. Anti‐COVID‐19 behaviour was increased by anti‐COVID‐19 norms (i.e., belief that others perform anti‐COVID‐19 behaviours), while prejudice was influenced by positive and negative direct and mass‐mediated intergroup contact.
In postconflict Kosovo and the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, we investigated the relationships of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), social dominance orientation (SDO), symbolic and realistic threat with attitudes toward peace and war. We also examined the mediating role of symbolic and realistic threat in the links between RWA, SDO, and attitudes toward peace and war. In Study 1, we focused on Kosovo Albanians (N = 415) and their relationship with Serbs, and in Study 2, we focused on the relationship between Russians (N = 132) and Ukrainians (N = 102). In both studies, we found that SDO was negatively associated with positive attitudes toward peace and positively with positive attitudes toward war. RWA was positively associated with positive attitudes toward war in Study 1. Symbolic threat was negatively related to positive attitudes toward peace, and realistic threat was positively related to positive attitudes toward war in both studies. The relationship between RWA and attitudes toward peace was mediated by symbolic threat, and the relationship between RWA and attitudes toward war was mediated by realistic threat. These findings attest to the negative role of RWA, SDO, symbolic and realistic threat on attitudes toward peace and war in conflict-related contexts. We discuss potential implications for interventions that challenge negative attitudes toward peace and positive attitudes toward war in (former) adversary groups.
The present research focuses on the secondary transfer effect of contact, a relatively less researched dimension of intergroup contact, on reconciliation in the context of one of the most intractable and longest surviving interethnic conflicts in Europe, the Cyprus conflict. Currently, Cyprus is home to three groups with differential social, economic and political statuses: (1) disadvantaged low‐status Turkish immigrants, (2) simultaneously advantaged (relative to Turkish immigrants) and disadvantaged (relative to Greek Cypriots) Turkish Cypriots and (3) historically advantaged high‐status Greek Cypriots. Across two studies (Study 1 N = 270 and Study 2 N = 501), we test whether and how Turkish immigrants’ contact with Turkish Cypriots shapes Turkish immigrants' support for reconciliation and willingness to live with Greek Cypriots via attitude generalisation. We also investigate whether Turkish immigrants’ perceived ingroup reputation qualifies this process. Controlling for the effects of direct contact with Greek Cypriots, our results show that both quantity and quality of contact with proximal Turkish Cypriots were indirectly associated with greater support for reconciliation with them and more willingness to live with Greek Cypriots via positive attitudes towards the primary (Turkish Cypriots) and positive attitudes towards the secondary (Greek Cypriots), sequentially. Moreover, we found that the perceived higher ingroup reputation across the island positively moderated the indirect effects of primary group contact on support for reconciliation and willingness to live with Greek Cypriots. That is, more contact with the primary outgroup was positively linked to greater support for reconciliation with the distal secondary outgroup Greek Cypriots when perceptions of ingroup reputation were higher.
We investigated the relationship between general inclusive victimhood (i.e., perceived similarity between the ingroups’ and other victim groups’ experiences of collective victimization) and willingness to engage in direct, intimate (e.g., intimate relationships) and distant (e.g., neighbors) contact with the adversary group in the aftermath of collective violence. We tested this link across two post‐conflict contexts: Bosnia‐Herzegovina (N = 147 students) and the Basque Country (N = 351 adults). We found that general inclusive victimhood was linked to greater willingness to engage in distant intergroup contact in two contexts (e.g., having an outgroup member as a neighbor), but only predicted more intimate forms of intergroup contact (e.g., having a former adversary member as a romantic partner) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The link between general inclusive victimhood and both types of contact was sequentially mediated by conflict‐specific inclusive victimhood and trust in Bosnia‐Herzegovina and Basque Country, and via conflict‐specific inclusive victimhood and empathy in the Basque Country. Theoretical and practical implications for reconciliation in the aftermath of ethnic conflict are discussed.
Significance
We explore the key differences between the main social media platforms and how they are likely to influence information spreading and the formation of echo chambers. To assess the different dynamics, we perform a comparative analysis on more than 100 million pieces of content concerning controversial topics (e.g., gun control, vaccination, abortion) from Gab, Facebook, Reddit, and Twitter. The analysis focuses on two main dimensions: 1) homophily in the interaction networks and 2) bias in the information diffusion toward like-minded peers. Our results show that the aggregation in homophilic clusters of users dominates online dynamics. However, a direct comparison of news consumption on Facebook and Reddit shows higher segregation on Facebook.
Three studies investigated the effect of intergroup contact and social identification on social change among three advantaged groups in Cyprus, Romania, and Israel. In Study 1 ( n = 340, Turkish Cypriots), intergroup contact with disadvantaged immigrant Turks positively predicted endorsement of their social change motivations directly, and via intergroup trust and perspective-taking indirectly. In Study 2 ( n = 200, Romanians), contact with the ethnic minority Hungarians positively predicted endorsement of their social change motivations via intergroup trust, perspective-taking, and intergroup anxiety, while ingroup identification negatively predicted endorsement of Hungarian ethnic minority’s collective action tendencies via perspective-taking and anxiety. In Study 3 ( n = 240, Israeli Jews), intergroup contact positively predicted, while ingroup identification negatively predicted, endorsement of disadvantaged Israeli Palestinian citizens’ social change motivations via perspective-taking, anxiety, and trust. Across three studies, results show that intergroup contact led the advantaged groups to attitudinally support social change motivations of the disadvantaged outgroups through increased trust, perspective-taking, and reduced anxiety, whereas ingroup identification weakened their intention to support social change motivations via perspective-taking and intergroup anxiety in Study 2, and via intergroup trust, perspective-taking, and intergroup anxiety in Study 3.
Due to the significance of the “refugee crisis” for European residents, the present research examined the link between residents’ support for newly arriving migrants and different types of intergroup contact with migrants. We compared the associations between support for migrants, and both positive and negative direct and mass mediated contact. In the link between contact and support, we examined the mediating role of residents’ attitudes towards migrants and the moderating role of their political orientation. In a Swiss sample (N = 861), only direct but not mass mediated contact was associated with support for migrants. Both positive and negative direct contact was linked to (higher vs. lower) support for migrants through (more vs. less positive) attitudes towards migrants. Relevant for interventions aimed at improving relations of host society with migrants, both positive and negative contact influenced support for migrants through attitudes, especially in people with a right wing political orientation.
Hostility towards outgroups contributes to costly intergroup conflict. Here we test an intervention to reduce hostility towards Muslims, a frequently targeted outgroup. Our ‘collective blame hypocrisy’ intervention highlights the hypocrisy involved in the tendency for people to collectively blame outgroup but not ingroup members for blameworthy actions of individual group members. Using both within-subject and between-subject comparisons in a preregistered longitudinal study in Spain, we find that our intervention reduces collective blame of Muslims and downstream anti-Muslim sentiments relative to a matched control condition and that the effects of the intervention persist one month and also one year later. We replicate the benefits of the intervention in a second study. The effects are mediated by reductions in collective blame and moderated by individual differences in preference for consistency. Together, these data illustrate that the collective blame hypocrisy intervention enduringly reduces harmful intergroup attitudes associated with conflict escalation, particularly among those who value consistency in themselves and others.
The study examined factors associated with discrimination against gay people in a public referendum aimed at the restriction of gay rights. We tested whether positive and negative intergroup contact with gay people and intergroup contact with another stigmatized minority, the Roma, were associated with how the heterosexual majority voted in the referendum (i.e., discrimination). We tested two mechanisms underlying the link between intergroup contact and discrimination—the mediation by intergroup threat and the mediation by outgroup attitudes. We found that negative contact with both gay people and the Roma was associated with a higher probability of gay discrimination while positive contact was associated with a lower probability of gay discrimination. Intergroup threat, not intergroup attitudes, mediated the link between intergroup contact and discrimination. In the case of contact with gay people, intergroup contact was linked to discrimination through threat from gay people. In the case of contact with Roma, intergroup contact was linked to discrimination through the generalization of threats from the Roma to gay people but not via the generalization of outgroup attitudes. Our research brings novel evidence that contact with one minority can affect discrimination against another minority in both positive and negative way and that perceived threat, but not attitudes, plays a key role in majority's decision to discriminate against gay people.
One of the major challenges in divided societies is finding ways to overcome geographical partition by increasing readiness for cohabitation in mixed areas. Cyprus has faced a protracted situation of division (between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots) for the last 44 years. In this paper, we explore the role of intergroup contact (both quantity and quality of contact) in enhancing the willingness of members of these two communities to reestablish cohabitation, using representative survey samples from both communities. We hypothesize that such an effect is mediated by a decrease in the levels of prejudice between the two communities and an increase in the levels of trust. In addition, we hypothesize that the direct effect of intergroup contact and the indirect effect of intergroup contact through trust and prejudice are both moderated by age. To explore these hypotheses, we collected data from a representative sample of 502 Greek Cypriots and 504 Turkish Cypriots. The hypotheses are tested among the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot samples separately. In both samples, the results show that the positive effect of intergroup contact on willingness for renewed cohabitation is mediated by both trust and prejudice. There is also some support for the moderating effect of age for both the direct and indirect effects of intergroup contact.
Combating prejudice against social minorities is a challenging task in current multicultural societies. Mass media can decisively shape prejudice, because it often represents the main source of information about social minorities. In 3 studies in the Czech Republic (N = 445) and Switzerland (N = 362; N = 220), we investigated how prejudice against negatively and positively perceived minorities (the Roma in Study 1, Kosovo Albanians in Study 2, Italians in Study 3) is influenced by a single exposure to a print news report, by manipulating the valence of reports about minority members (positive vs. negative vs. mixed) and linguistic forms for minorities’ ethnicity (nouns vs. adjectives). Positive and negative reports shaped prejudice in the respective directions; the effect of mixed reports mostly did not differ from positive reports. Labeling ethnicity with nouns (e.g., a male Roma) resulted in more prejudice than adjectives (e.g., a Roma man), independent of report valence. Report valence influenced the affective part of prejudice (i.e., feelings toward a minority), whereas language consistently shaped the behavioral part of prejudice (i.e., preferred social distance from a minority).
Collectively blaming groups for the actions of individuals can license vicarious retribution. Acts of terrorism by Muslim extremists against innocents, and the spikes in anti-Muslim hate crimes against innocent Muslims that follow, suggest that reciprocal bouts of collective blame can spark cycles of violence. How can this cycle be short-circuited? After establishing a link between collective blame of Muslims and anti-Muslim attitudes and behavior, we used an ‘interventions tournament’ to identify a successful intervention (among many that failed). The ‘winning’ intervention reduced collective blame of Muslims by highlighting hypocrisy in the ways individuals collectively blame Muslims – but not other groups (White Americans, Christians) – for individual group members’ actions. After replicating the effect in an independent sample, we demonstrate that a novel interactive activity that isolates the psychological mechanism amplifies the effectiveness of the collective blame hypocrisy intervention and results in downstream reductions in anti-Muslim attitudes and anti-Muslim behavior.
Significance
Social media heavily changed the way we get informed and shape our opinions. Users’ polarization seems to dominate news consumption on Facebook. Through a massive analysis on 920 news outlets and 376 million users, we explore the anatomy of news consumption on Facebook on a global scale. We show that users tend to confine their attention on a limited set of pages, thus determining a sharp community structure among news outlets. Furthermore, our findings suggest that users have a more cosmopolitan perspective of the information space than news providers. We conclude with a simple model of selective exposure that well reproduces the observed connectivity patterns.
Damaged intergroup relations in postconflict contexts marked by histories of war and human rights violations constitute a major obstacle to peace-building and reconciliation. In addition, intergroup relations tend to be affected by polarized narratives about the past that inhibit the positive consequences of ingroup contact. In this article, we examined the effects of a contact intervention containing narratives of moral exemplars on reconciliation processes in the postgenocide setting of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Results from our 2 studies showed significant positive changes after the contact interventions that highlighted and focused on documented stories of individuals (moral exemplars) saving the lives of their adversaries. We found that focusing on moral exemplars increased reconciliatory beliefs due to enhanced forgiveness. The second study confirmed the positive effects of such interventions on more specific affective, cognitive and behavioral aspects of reconciliation among both former victims and perpetrators. We discuss the importance of the historical narratives used in intervention programs in postconflict settings and draw practical implications from our results.
Using a sample of Bosnian adults (N � 381) we investigated the association between intergroup contact,
measures of intergroup relations, and mental health. Structural equation models with latent variables
showed that postwar contact had beneficial effects, being positively related to outgroup trust and
intergroup forgiveness, and negatively associated with social distance. Moreover, postwar contact had
indirect effects on reduced morbidity and posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms via increased intergroup
forgiveness and reduced social distance. We also analyzed the role of potential inhibitors and
facilitators of the beneficial effects of postwar contact, and found that experience of violence played a
detrimental role, while prewar contact was related to positive outcomes. Moderation analyses revealed
the interactive effects of prewar and postwar contact, as positive effects of present-day contact on
intergroup relations (promoting trust and reducing social distance) were strongest when prewar contact
was high. Conversely, postwar contact was positively associated with outgroup trust only for respondents
with low levels of experience of violence. Findings underline the value of promoting intergroup contact
in postconflict settings.
Prejudice and ways to challenge it are a prominent topic in social psychology. There has been a long discussion about whether contact with members of groups that are prejudiced against is likely to ameliorate or deteriorate intergroup relations (e.g., Amir, 1976; Jackson, 1993). In the seminal work, The Nature of Prejudice, Allport (1954) defined conditions under which contact with outgroup members was likely to decrease prejudice. Fifty years later, a large meta-analysis by Pettigrew and Tropp (2006) brought convincing evidence that intergroup contact typically reduces prejudice, to some extent independently of the conditions present in the contact situation. Pettigrew and Tropp’s meta-analysis not only summarized key findings from past research but also identified gaps in the existing literature (see also Hewstone & Swart, 2011). The most serious limitation of all is the predominant focus on the effects of positive contact—at the expense of negative intergroup contact. This means that contemporary understanding of the role of intergroup contact in intergroup relations has long been biased toward its positive factors and its positive consequences.
This chapter invites fuller investigations on the effects of positive and negative intergroup contact. We will start with an analysis of the reasons for an omission of negative intergroup contact in past research and the reasons to rectify this literature bias. An outline of research on the effects of positivity and negativity in psychology will follow and provide a larger context to very recent investigations on the valence of contact experiences with the outgroup. The central section of the chapter will discuss a model of intergroup valence asymmetry and then summarize research that has tested key components of this model, employing a variety of methodologies in several intergroup contexts. Lastly, we will suggest avenues for future research on the effects of positive and negative intergroup contact that extends its reach to novel intergroup processes such as collective action and has the potential to challenge current views on contact positivity and negativity (e.g., through a more detailed focus on attributional processes).
The current experimental study (N = 546) compares the effect of exposure to a television news story with a positive and negative tone on anti-immigrant attitudes and carry-over effects to uninvolved immigrant groups. Results reveal that exposure to a negatively valenced news story about North African immigrants increased negative attitudes toward that same group. Importantly, however, we find carry-over effects of exposure to a positively valenced news story about North African immigrants to attitudes toward uninvolved immigrant groups. Together these findings show that the effect of exposure to television news tone has more ramifications than previously thought, and that the impact of exposure to a positive or negative news story differs for direct effects vis-à-vis carry-over effects.
The concept of intergroup forgiveness has gained a research momentum. Here, I examine its utility as a viable conflict resolution strategy. After advancing a more refined definition of intergroup forgiveness than had been previously proposed by researchers, I review research testing the efficacy of social psychological interventions aimed at fostering forgiveness between historical as well as ongoing adversarial groups. While several interventions based on social identity processes and the re-categorization of the victimhood category seem to offer potential promise for increasing forgiveness, some research also highlights that forgiveness may come at the cost of suppressing motivation to seek justice and demand restitution. The conclusion reminds that while forgiveness is not a panacea for resolving intergroup conflict, it may offer one of the rare strategies for curtailing the impulse for revenge and thus reducing conflict escalation.
We address intergroup relations in a post-conflict context, Kosovo—where the 2008 declaration of independence led to the creation of a new national Kosovar identity. However, Kosovars still identify primarily with the ethnic identity, central to historical tensions between two main ethnic groups: the Albanian majority (over 90 % of the population) and the Serb minority (5 %). Drawing upon social identity complexity and the common ingroup identity model, we show that the new superordinate Kosovar identity does not yet function as a conflict reducing mechanism as it is conflated with ethnic identity for Albanians, while being a non-identity for Serbs. Improving intergroup relations depends on different strategies: for Albanians a more complex and inclusive identity relates to more positive intergroup outcomes, whereas for Serbs, identification with the Kosovar national identity predicts more positive perceptions of Albanians. Findings are discussed in light of current inter-ethnic challenges and future prospects.
The present study (N = 1074) examined the impact of a theory-driven media intervention aimed at violence prevention and intergroup reconciliation in Burundi. We used a novel methodology utilizing audio-based surveys to assess attitudes related to intergroup conflict and reconciliation among community members. We conducted a propensity score analysis to estimate the causal effects of the intervention by examining differences between listeners and non-listeners of the radio dramas. The results indicated a positive effect of the intervention on several social psychological outcomes (tolerance, in-group superiority, social distance, intergroup trust, responsibility attributions, trauma disclosure and competitive victimhood). However, listeners and non-listeners did not differ in obedience toward leaders or historical perspective taking; and the results for active bystandership, one of the main foci of the intervention, were mixed. Furthermore, the results show that the impact of the intervention sometimes depends on listeners' personal experiences of victimization.
The relation between children’s trust beliefs and trusting behavior in peer interaction was examined. One hundred and 5 Italian children (54 boys; mean age = 10 years-7 months) completed standardized scales of reliability (i.e., promise keeping) trust beliefs in parents and peers. The children participated in mixed-motive interactions with classmates which assessed behavior-dependent reliability trust on peers. The children’s reliability trustworthiness towards peers/classmates was assessed by peer reports. The SEM analyses supported the hypothesized model by showing: (1) a path between trust beliefs in parents and trust beliefs in peers; (2) paths between both types of trust beliefs and behavior-dependent trust on peers; (3) a path between behavior-dependent trust in peers and trustworthiness towards peers. Trust beliefs in peers were found to mediate the relation between trust beliefs in parents and behavior-dependent trust in peers. The findings yielded support for the basis, domain, and target trust framework and attachment theory.
In an experiment, participants exposed to depictions of an intergroup interaction between a border patrolling U.S. citizen and an illegal immigrant demonstrated changed attitudes toward illegal immigrants depending on the valence of the portrayal. Negative effects were enhanced among people who identified more strongly with the U.S. citizen character, and positive effects were moderately, although nonsignificantly enhanced among those who viewed the illegal immigrant character as more typical of illegal immigrants in general. Liking of the illegal immigrant character was a significant mediator of the effects. The positive effects on attitudes toward illegal immigrants transferred to more positive attitudes toward other social groups as well. The study is framed in terms of a social cognitive theory approach to vicarious intergroup contact.
Most people are unable to accurately estimate the number of immigrants in their country. Nonetheless, it has been argued that
the size of the immigrant population would affect people’s immigration attitudes. Part of the effect of immigration on attitudes
occurs not so much because of real immigration figures, but rather because of media reporting about immigration. In this study,
negative attitudes towards immigration are explained by investigating the impact of the salience and the tone of immigration
topics in the news media vis-à-vis the impact of immigration statistics. The cases of Denmark and the Netherlands are analysed
for a period from 2003 to 2010, using a multilevel design. Overall, real-world immigration numbers have little impact. The
tone of news coverage has an effect in the Netherlands: a positive tone reduces negativity towards immigration, while a negative tone does not increase negativity. We cautiously conclude that the longevity
of the issue’s salience has a moderating effect.
The present research tested the idea that the ecological impact of intergroup contact on outgroup attitudes can be fully understood only when relative frequency and relative influence of positive and negative contact are considered simultaneously. Participants from five European countries (Austria, the Czech Republic, Germany, Poland and Slovakia; N = 1276) freely described their contact experiences with people of neighboring nationalities and then reported on their outgroup attitudes. Contact descriptions were coded for positive versus negative valence and for person versus situation framing. Consistently across the five participant groups, positive intergroup contact was reported to occur three times more frequently than negative intergroup contact; however, positive contact was found to be only weakly related to outgroup attitudes. On the contrary, the less frequent negative (vs. positive) contact was comparatively more influential in shaping outgroup attitudes, especially when negativity was reported around the contact person, rather than the contact situation. This research's findings reconcile contrasting lines of past research on intergroup contact and suggest that the greater prevalence of positive contact may compensate for the greater prominence of negative contact, thus leading to modest net improvements in outgroup attitudes after intergroup contact. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Recent research shows that extended contact via story reading is a powerful strategy to improve out-group attitudes. We conducted three studies to test whether extended contact through reading the popular best-selling books of Harry Potter improves attitudes toward stigmatized groups (immigrants, homosexuals, refugees). Results from one experimental intervention with elementary school children and from two cross-sectional studies with high school and university students (in Italy and United Kingdom) supported our main hypothesis. Identification with the main character (i.e., Harry Potter) and disidentification from the negative character (i.e., Voldemort) moderated the effect. Perspective taking emerged as the process allowing attitude improvement. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed in the context of extended intergroup contact and social cognitive theory.
In the past decade, interest has flourished in the empirical study of forgiveness in the wake of intergroup conflicts. In the current paper, we sought to empirically integrate the diverse predictors of intergroup forgiveness building on a tripartite model that incorporates affective, cognitive, and constraining features. Using a random effects approach, we meta-analyzed (N=13,371; k=43) correlates of intergroup forgiveness across diverse conflicts (e.g. 65% intrastate, 35% interstate) and populations (20 different nationalities; 60% female). We tested the effect of nine distinct predictors and investigated study characteristics as moderators of these effects (i.e. sex of victim and conflict type). Collective guilt [r=0.49] and trust [r=0.42] emerged as the strongest facilitators, whereas negative emotions [r=-0.33] and in-group identity [r=-0.32] emerged as the strongest barriers to intergroup forgiveness. We discuss practical applications of these findings.
The present research investigates the effectiveness of direct and mass-mediated contact for reduc- ing prejudice toward immigrants among Italian nationals. We considered separately the impact of posi- tive and negative experiences of contact, and tested the mediating role of intergroup emotions, that is, anxiety, empathy and trust. Results show that both direct and mass-mediated contact contributed to predict intergroup emotions and prejudice, yielding independent effects that varied upon the valence of the contact experience. Specifically, our findings indicate that the beneficial effects of positive interper- sonal contact were counteracted by negative contact through mass media and in particular through TV news. Contact effects were mediated by intergroup anxiety, empathy, and especially trust, which emerged as the most powerful mediator.
Three studies examined the effect of nouns and adjectives for designations of nationality on intergroup bias. In Study 1, participants (N = 237) evaluated group artifacts whose authors’ nationality was labeled with nouns or adjectives. Use of nouns enhanced in-group favoritism, manifested as a preference of the in-group artifact. Study 2 (N = 431) tested the effect of nouns and adjectives on attitudes toward the in-group and out-group focusing on the moderating role of in-group identification. Use of nouns led to a stronger relative preference of the in-group, pronounced especially in low identified group members. Study 3 (N = 979) examined the effect of nouns and adjectives in a more applied survey setting. Intergroup bias concerning material restitution for confiscated property was stronger when the ethnicity of the former owners was labeled with nouns. The article emphasizes that subtle variation in language use has a consistent impact on intergroup evaluation.
After intergroup conflicts end, beliefs about past suffering of the ingroup compared to an outgroup influence relations between former adversaries. In Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina, we simultaneously examined the effects of inclusive victimhood (i.e., a belief that both the ingroup and a former adversary suffered similarly) and competitive victimhood (i.e., a belief that the ingroup suffered more than a former adversary) on willingness to engage in contact with a former adversary, a precursor of positive changes in postconflict societies. In one correlational (nAlbanians = 159; nCroats = 227) and two experimental studies (NAlbanians = 161; NCroats = 341, preregistered), inclusive victimhood was linked to higher willingness to engage in contact with former adversaries through higher empathy (Studies 1 to 3) and trust (Studies 1 and 2). In contrast, competitive victimhood was associated with lower willingness to engage in contact through lower empathy (Study 1) and trust (Studies 1 and 3). We discuss the practical implications of our findings for interventions in postconflict societies.
On February 17, 2008, Kosovo declared its independence, becoming the seventh state to emerge from the break-up of the former Yugoslavia. A tiny country of just two million people, 90% of whom are ethnic Albanians, Kosovo is central - geographically, historically, and politically - to the future of the Western Balkans and, in turn, its potential future within the European Union. But the fate of both Kosovo, condemned by Serbian leaders as a “fake state” and the region as a whole, remains uncertain. In Kosovo: What Everyone Needs to Know, Tim Judah provides a straight-forward guide to the complicated place that is Kosovo. Judah, who has spent years covering the region, offers succinct, penetrating answers to a wide range of questions: Why is Kosovo important? Who are the Albanians? Who are the Serbs? Why is Kosovo so important to Serbs? What role does Kosovo play in the region and in the world? Judah reveals how things stand now and presents the history and geopolitical dynamics that have led to it. The most important of these is the question of the right to self-determination, invoked by the Kosovo Albanians, as opposed to right of territorial integrity invoked by the Serbs. For many Serbs, Kosovo's declaration of independence and subsequent recognition has been traumatic, a savage blow to national pride. Albanians, on the other hand, believe their independence rights an historical wrong: the Serbian conquest (Serbs say “liberation”) of Kosovo in 1912. For anyone wishing to understand both the history and possible future of Kosovo at this pivotal moment in its history, this book offers a wealth of insight and information in a uniquely accessible format.
The role of mass media in inciting and exacerbating intergroup conflicts is well documented.
However, there is still lack of evidence how mass media affects intergroup relations in the
aftermath of an intergroup conflict. We focused on Croats (N = 278) and Bosniaks (N = 267)
who engaged in mutual violence during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 90s. We
examined the relationship between exposure to ingroup media (media in national language) and
outgroup media (media in other languages) and two reconciliatory acts – forgiveness to the
outgroup and support for ingroup apology to the outgroup. Media exposure was not directly
associated with either of the two reconciliatory acts. Notwithstanding, media exposure was
indirectly linked to both outgroup forgiveness and support for ingroup apology through the
perception of ingroup victimhood. Greater exposure to ingroup media was associated with higher
perception of ingroup victimhood that was related to lower support for outgroup forgiveness and
ingroup apology. Reversely, greater exposure to outgroup media was associated with lower
perception of ingroup victimhood that was linked to higher support for outgroup forgiveness and
ingroup apology. Our findings extend the traditional view of media as deteriorating intergroup
relations and contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the role of mass media as a tool for
intergroup reconciliation in post-conflict societies.
In a society burdened with the most severe type of intergroup conflict, we examined the association between willingness to reconcile with former adversary, intergroup contact with, and perceived threat from former adversary. We focused on three reconciliatory acts—forgiveness to the outgroup, support for ingroup apology and support for financial compensation to the outgroup. We included different forms of positive and negative intergroup contact—direct and indirect (extended and mass‐mediated). In the link between contact and reconciliation, we tested the mediating role of two types of intergroup threat—realistic and symbolic. The sample comprised Bosniaks (N = 267) and Croats (N = 278) from Bosnia and Herzegovina. In both samples, reconciliation associated with indirect forms of intergroup contact even when controlling for its link with direct contact. This indicates the potential of indirect contact to promote reconciliation in the lack of direct contact, characteristic for segregated post‐conflict societies. Symbolic threat mediated the relationship between intergroup contact and symbolic forms of reconciliation—forgiveness and support for ingroup apology. Realistic threat mediated the link between intergroup contact and a more tangible form of reconciliation—support for financial compensation. This highlights the importance of considering different types intergroup threat when targeting distinct reconciliatory acts. Our results suggest that practitioners promoting reconciliation in post‐conflict societies need to implement different means when tailoring interventions that should enhance different sides of peace‐making process.
This study explored the relationship between exposure to television programs featuring gay male characters and homonegativity in a diverse adult sample. Specifically, this relationship was examined at both the program and character level. Participants (N = 120) responded to an online survey that asked about exposure to television shows known to feature gay male characters that aired between 2000 and 2015. Next, participants recalled specific characters from these programs before reporting their homonegative attitudes and beliefs. Results revealed that both viewing programs featuring gay male characters and recall of specific gay male characters decreased their negative attitudes toward gay men in society, irrespective of individual difference factors (e.g., religiosity, gender, close interpersonal contact with gay men). Results are discussed in terms of mediated intergroup contact theory.
There are a large number of language-related regulations (both prescriptive and proscriptive) that affect the shape of the broadcasting media and therefore have an impact on the life of persons belonging to minorities. Of course, language has been and remains an important instrument in State-building and maintenance. In this context, requirements have also been put in place to accommodate national minorities. In some settings, there is legislation to assure availability of programming in minority languages.1 Language rules have also been manipulated for restrictive, sometimes punitive ends. A language can become or be made a focus of loyalty for a minority community that thinks itself suppressed, persecuted, or subjected to discrimination. Regulations relating to broadcasting may make language a target for attack or suppression if the authorities associate it with what they consider a disaffected or secessionist group or even just a culturally inferior one. In light of such concerns, a crosscountry study was necessary to establish and analyse the existing practice of language regulations used by States to advance or restrict certain groups, as well as for the identification and possible development of best practices in language regulation in the broadcast media. This study reports on the basic regulations of minority-language related broadcasting of the 55 participating States of the OSCE. Specifically, the study surveys State practice with regard to: (1) whether there are any stipulated quotas on the use of language as a vehicle of broadcasting (both for publicly- and privately-owned and run broadcasters); and (2) whether there is any accommodation (such as, specifically allotted time, bands, financial support) for minority-language broadcasting. The OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM) commissioned this study because of his realisation that a) a key marker of identity is language and b) how States affect or regulate the use of language or languages has significant implications for the exercise of rights. States, through regulation, can strengthen or weaken languages and thereby, at times, strengthen or weaken the position of national minorities. In the information age, a major theatre where this takes place is in the structure of media in various societies and that is the focus of this study. Thus, the present exercise seeks to identify broad trends and indicate the different approaches for each of these.
This study extends the boundary conditions of mediated contact theory by (a) differentiating between mediated contact quantity and quality, (b) examining whether mediated contact exerts effects above and beyond direct contact, and (c) offering causal and generalizable evidence on the effects of exposure to numerous individual outgroup members in news media. We match individual-level data from a representative panel survey with data on the amount of coverage about members from two outgroups and with the results from validated sentiment analysis. Mediated contact, and especially its quantity, improved outgroup attitudes independently of direct contact. These findings emerged for both outgroups and across two outcome measures.
Two correlational studies investigated the associations between different forms of intergroup contact, on the one hand, and Italians’ prejudice and humanity attributions toward immigrants in Italy, on the other. Study 1 examined the effects of direct contact, extended contact and parasocial contact through mass-media, assessing separately contact through TV news and newspapers and contact through entertainment programs. Study 2 analyzed the distinct effects of positive and negative episodes of the contact forms considered in Study 1. Across the studies, we tested the mediational role of intergroup anxiety, empathy, and trust. Overall, results showed the importance of taking into account different forms of contact and considering the emotional processes during contact experiences to understand intergroup attitudes.
Emotion can result from interpreting group actions as reflecting on the self due to an association between the two. This volume considers the nature of collective guilt, the antecedent conditions necessary for it to be experienced, how it can be measured, as well as how collective guilt differs from other group based emotions. Research from Australia, Canada, Germany, Israel, the Netherlands, Northern Ireland, and the USA addresses critical questions concerning the who, when, and why of the experience of collective guilt. The political implications of collective guilt and forgiveness for the past are considered, and how those might depend on the national context. How collective guilt can be harnessed and used to create a more peaceful future for groups with a history of violence between then is emphasized.
In this chapter we focus on the media portrayal content of a specific traumatic event and journalists’ discourse about it in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BIH). Despite the growing role and authority of journalists in shaping our understanding of collective pasts, the possible role of journalists as active agents in contributing to heightening tensions has been marginalized. Analyzing media texts can demonstrate how a “specific, limited truth” about the start of war in BIH is being selected, instrumentalized, and legitimized in the public awareness. Focus on journalists’ perceptions of war and positive post-violence offers an understanding of different views about the start of the war, and guilt. This is why the basic research questions here deal with how journalists in BIH represent the violent past. Specifically, how do they cover a specific traumatic event and what are their perceptions about possibilities of realizing positive post-violence? Research on post-conflict processes looks at the ways in which people attempt to recreate their social fabric in ways appropriated to the changes in their social environment. Thus, the larger question that we are interested in here is whether journalists, like storytellers, frame their stories according to their ethnical belonging and the cultural environment? Furthermore, what media conditions might make possible positive post-violence after violent conflict?
This chapter will explore the impact of collective violence on victims and, to some degree, on perpetrators as well. It will consider the role of healing, forgiveness, and reconciliation in building a better future in societies in which such violence had taken place. As a primary example, the chapter will focus on Rwanda, where the authors have been conducting a project on healing, forgiveness, and reconciliation. Healing, reconciliation, and forgiveness are deeply interrelated. Healing and reconciliation help break cycles of violence and enhance the capacity of traumatized people for psychological well-being. Forgiving is essential for reconciliation to take place and both arise from and contribute to healing. overview: the need to heal, forgive, and reconcile Victimization of one group by another that leads to great suffering by a group has intense and long-lasting impact. Members of the victim group feel diminished, vulnerable. They see the world as a dangerous place. They tend to see other people, especially outside groups and their members, as hostile. Their capacity to live life well, to be happy, is diminished. When the group is in conflict with another group, when it is threatened, its members are less able to see the other's point of view, to consider the other's needs. The group is more likely to strike out, in the belief that it is defending itself. However, it may actually become a perpetrator of violence against others. © Cambridge University Press 2003 and Cambridge University Press, 2010.
Among minority members, positive contact with the majority was previously found to improve not only the attitudes toward the majority but also the attitudes toward minority outgroups (the secondary transfer effect; STE). However, the roles of negative intergroup contact and minority groups’ social status in the STE have not been yet examined. Therefore, in the present study, we investigated the association between both positive and negative contact with the national majority group (Finns) and mutual attitudes among high-status Estonian (n = 171) and low-status Russian (n = 180) immigrants in Finland. Two mediators of the STE were tested: attitudes toward the majority (attitude generalization) and public collective self-esteem (diagonal hostility). While positive and negative STEs emerging via attitude generalization were expected to occur among both immigrant groups, the mediating effect of public collective self-esteem was assumed only for members of the low-status group. In both immigrant groups, the relationship between positive contact with the majority group and attitudes toward the other immigrant group was positive and indirect through more favorable attitudes toward majority group members. The same mechanism characterized negative contact, where the indirect effect was mediated by less positive attitudes toward Finns. As predicted, public collective self-esteem mediated the effects of positive and negative contact with majority group members on attitudes toward the other minority only among low-status Russian immigrants. The results call for the acknowledgement of different mechanisms explaining the STE among minority groups enjoying different social statuses in host society.
This book describes the origins or influences leading to genocide, violent conflict, and terrorism. It identifies principles and practices of prevention, and of reconciliation between groups after violence, or before violence thereby to prevent violence. It uses both past cases such as the Holocaust, and contemporary ones such as Rwanda, the Congo, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, contemporary terrorism, and the relations between the Dutch and Muslim minorities, which also has relevance to other European countries, as examples. The book draws on work on all these issues, as well as on research in genocide studies, the study of conflict and of terrorism, and psychological research on group relations. It also describes the work conducted in real world settings, such as with promoting reconciliation in Rwanda, Burundi, and the Congo. The book considers what needs to be done to prevent impending or stop ongoing violence. It emphasizes early prevention, when violence generating conditions are present and a psychological and social evolution toward violence has begun, but not yet immediate danger of intense violence. The book considers the role of difficult social or life conditions, repression, culture, the institutions or structure of society, the psychology of individuals and groups, and the behavior of witnesses or bystanders within and outside societies. It emphasizes psychological processes, such as differentiation between us and them and devaluation of the "other", past victimization and psychological woundedness, the power of ideas, and people's commitment to destructive ideologies. It considers humanizing the other, healing from past victimization, the creation of constructive ideologies and groups, and how these help people develop cultures and institutions that make violence less likely. The book asks what needs to be accomplished to prevent violence, how it can be done, and who can do it. It aims to promote knowledge, understanding, and "active bystandership" by leaders and government officials, members of the media and citizens to prevent violence and create harmonious societies.
This chapter highlights three stepping stones for success in interventions for violent intergroup conflicts: investigating when and how intergroup contact results in reduced prejudice and improved intergroup relations; promoting intergroup forgiveness to replace bitterness and vengeance; and building trust across the sectarian divide. It highlights some of the contributions of social psychology to building the postconflict society envisaged by the Belfast Agreement. The chapter begins by reviewing the historical and social background to the political violence in Northern Ireland. It considers the segregated nature of society in Northern Ireland, and highlights intergroup contact as a means to overcome the problems of segregation. It then considers the neglected topic of forgiveness, arguing that a distinct form of intergroup forgiveness is relevant in cases of intergroup conflict.
Although typically conceptualized as a reconciliation outcome, we propose that intergroup forgiveness can also be construed as a decision or course of action that advances justice and positive intergroup sentiments among members of the victimized group. However, the process through which this occurs depends on the perceived differentiation between the groups. Following intergroup transgressions staged in the laboratory (Study 1) or reported in news article scenarios (Study 2), participants whose victimized ingroup expressed forgiveness perceived less injustice than those whose group did not forgive, which indirectly improved intergroup sentiments. Among high ingroup identifiers and in victim groups with low relative status (i.e., more salient intergroup boundaries), forgiveness diminished feelings of injustice by reducing the perceived threat to the ingroup’s status/power. In contrast, among low ingroup identifiers and in groups with high relative status, forgiveness diminished feelings of injustice by reducing the perceived threat to collectively shared values.
Recovery from the profound negative psychological and spiritual effects of genocide is essential for individuals to live fulfilling lives, engage in reconciliation, and prevent future violence. This article discusses community approaches to trauma recovery that focus on individuals within their social context. It briefly identifies common psychological problems that follow genocide. It then presents constructivist self development theory (CSDT) as a foundation for understanding these effects and the RICH (Respect, Information, Connection, and Hope) framework, based in CSDT, for designing and assessing the effects of post-genocide psychosocial interventions. The article reviews three approaches to collective recovery: a multifamily group approach, a psychoeducational program focused on youth, and a public education program aimed to promote trauma recovery and prevent future violence. The RICH framework is applied to each approach.
Postwar Polish−Jewish relations are heavily affected by divergent narratives about the Holocaust. Debates about the role of Poles as passive bystanders or perpetrators during the Holocaust have deeply influenced mutual perceptions of Poles and Jews. Previous research has shown that historical issues raised during Polish−Jewish encounters inhibit positive consequences of intergroup contact, mostly due to frustrated emotional needs related to past genocide. The aim of the present intervention was to reconcile young Poles and Israelis by presenting narratives that could change stereotypical thinking about the past. Our results indicate that the narratives of historical rescuers of Jews during WWII allowed overcoming the negative impact of the past on intergroup contact by fulfilling frustrated needs for acceptance among Polish participants. The article discusses the potential role of the heroic helpers’ narrative for reconciliation after mass violence, as it may prevent entitative categorizations of groups as victims, perpetrators, and bystanders.
This study aims to test whether exposure to certain newspapers leads people to perceive ethnic minorities as more threatening. Building on cultivation theory as developed by Gerbner, this study extends his theory by looking at the possible effects of exposure to newspapers. Results indicate that exposure to a newspaper characterized by negative reporting about ethnic crime leads people to perceive ethnic minorities as more of a threat than exposure to other newspapers does.
In this chapter, we will provide an extensive review of the sparse literature on the secondary transfer effect. We start our discussion with a brief exposition of Allport’s (1954) contact hypothesis, after which we discuss early research on secondary transfer effects and then review more recent research on this topic. Next, we will turn our
attention to the two main purported mediating processes, attitude generalization and deprovincialization, after which we will discuss a third, less tested mediator, intergroup empathy. We then review possible moderators of the link between primary outgroup contact and secondary outgroup attitude as well as the link between primary and secondary outgroup attitudes. Lastly, we turn our attention to some limitations of extant research on the secondary transfer effect, and then suggest some issues for future research in this domain.
We show that the frequency of bilateral militarized conflicts between independent states has indeed been rising steadily over the last century. We show that this finding is not driven by any selection bias in our data but a fact that needs to be explained. Finally we highlight our main contribution, namely that state formation and the capacity to fight are at the heart of the observed upward trend in conflicts.